Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. The Development of the Auckland Primary Principals' Association 1901-1998 Forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit (The day may dawn when this plight shall be sweet to remember) A Study of a Voluntary, Professional Organisation in the New Zealand Education System A Thesis presented in pactial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Education At Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand Nigel Llewellyn Langston 1999 ii ABSTRACT This study investigates how, and why, over a period of approximately 97 years, primary principals developed the Auckland Primary Principals' Association (APPA) along particular lines. Hereafter, this discussion will refer to it as the Association or the APP A. The two central questions addressed are how the organisation served the needs of particular groups and how it served the needs of primary education in New Zealand. Supporting these two questions are four areas of focus - the extent of change, the external and/or internal catalysts, the political role of the Association and the Association's adaptation to the times. The Auckland Headmasters' Association (AHMA), now called the APPA, as an education organisation, was, and remains, a middle level organisation. It operated as a conduit between grass-roots concerns of classroom teachers and more embracing organisations such as the Department of Education and the Auckland Education Board (AEB). It provided a special forum, initially for Auckland headmasters and later for Auckland primary principals. It has been shown that the commonly held dual membership of the AHMA and New Zealand Educational Institute (NZEI) was usually a happy relationship. The AHMA acted as a male pressure group supporting policies that were beneficial to male principals and male senior teachers. By creating a separate organisation, the APP A, in its political role, had the choice of direct access to the Minister of Education, and proposals could also be made through the NZEI or, to a lesser extent, the Education Boards, Association. This is an organisation not touched on directly by other New Zealand educational histories. Of central importance to the thesis is an account of how the AHMA/ APP A acted as a pressure group, funnelling grievances, modifying them, negotiating with the education administration above it and also accommodating itself to the demands of those below it. Also, when describing the activities of the Association, a clear picture emerges of a non-controversial negotiating style. Both traditional literary, historical techniques and oral history methods were used in gathering data and in interpreting them. Ill PREFACE The author attributes much of his personal and professional development to those education organisations of which he has been an active member. The APPA, the subject of this thesis, exposed him to new challenges and facilitated a gaining of insights which helped him to seek explanations for the events and structures of New Zealand society. This led to a desire to document the development of the APPA and record the experiences of some people involved. For most of the period being studied, the APPA was a male, mono-cultural organisation. Women were not admitted as members until 1972. The first woman to become president took office in 1982 and neither a Maori nor a person from a minority culture has yet been elected to that position. This study documents and analyses the history and present roles of the APP A and, at the same time, examines its activities in relation to other educational organisations and Government policies. Interest in this topic stems from the author's own experiences as a primary school principal and as a Past President of the Association. For over 24 years he was a member of this Association and in that time he designed and conducted surveys for the members to develop policy. His knowledge of the inner-workings of the Association led to him being invited to write a commemorative history. The ongoing research for this history uncovered material which merits presentation in an academic forum. This is not a commemorative document however, but a critical evaluation of the organisation. Obviously the particular questions asked, data selected and conclusions reached are the result of the author's experience and perceptions. Breaking new ground is a solitary process which is heightened by the immensity of the task. Much data was collected and not used in this thesis, but could prove to be fertile ground for further research. The main object is to bring together historical data about the development of the APPA, so that past, present and future members of the Association can be exposed to knowledge and some insights which attempt to clarify its existence. The author will not follow an: articulated political agenda (Gitlin et al. 1992: 21) IV but recogmses that educational historical research, cannot be value free. Another important aim was to record personal histories, not only in the researcher's quest for truth, but also to articulate the value of the experience and contribution that individuals involved in the story have made. An important outcome of this project was to record and make visible the beliefs and activities of principals who would probably remain invisible and unacknowledged. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis owes a great deal to the encouragement given to me by a number of friends but in particular John Boyens, Roy Sanders, Ross Whimp and Brian Annan of the APPA; Anne-Marie O'Neill, Massey University and Suzanne Tyndel , formerly University of Auckland. Special thanks go to Dr Jens Hansen (of UNITEC), a friend who first sighted the near final draft. He enthusiastically discussed its merits and voluntarily carried out editing and gave his personal support. I am grateful for the help I have received from Robin Griffen, the Archivist of the Auckland College of Education and for staff of the National Archives, Mt Wellington. Much of the content of this thesis was made possible by the kind permission (initially in 1988) of the Executive of APP A who gave me access to the Association's records and some financial support. Special thanks go to all those people who so willingly allowed themselves to be interviewed and gave permission to be quoted in the thesis. Those, who are still working principals, endured the interruptions to their busy schedules and were kind and trusting. I acknowledge the critical oversight of this work by my supervisors Dr Roger Openshaw and Mrs Teresa Ball. The collecting of information from individuals, by means of recording the interviews used in this thesis, was spread over nine years and as a consequence, far too much data was originally obtained. The Supervisors, therefore, had to contend with the challenge of prompting and helping the candidate turn a mass of rich data into a disciplined research thesis. Finally, I am very appreciative of the assistance, transcribing and word processmg completed over these last six years by Cathy Newman. The 57 interviews generated 897 pages of verbatim transcriptions and with 80 pages of supplied biography, there are 977 pages in total (Appendix 1 and 2). TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract Preface Acknowledgments Table of Contents List of Tables and Figures Diagrammatic Plan of Thesis Abbreviations Chapter 1 Introduction The Focus of This Study Background Structure of the Thesis Chapter 2 Reviewing the Literature and Theoretical Considerations Conclusion Chapter 3 Method and Design Method Primary Sources Oral History The Questionnaire and/or Interview Schedule The Interview Process Research Ethics Conclusion Chapter 4 The Development of the Association Origins of the Association Membership of the Association Meetings of the Association Functions of the Association : Overview Sources of Data Welfare, Social and Fellowship Activities Political Other Political Relationships The AEB and the AHMA Educational and Professional Support Educational Research Chapter 5 Gendering the Association Conclusion Chapter 6 Voices of the Members Education of Girls Corporal Punishment Religion in Schools Peace Studies Education of Maori Conclusion VI Page No II lll v vi viii ix x 1 I 1 9 12 19 20 20 21 23 25 26 28 29 30 30 38 43 47 47 47 48 54 62 63 65 67 72 81 82 88 90 93 96 98 100 Chapter 7 Serving the Needs of Primary Education Seeking a National Voice External Influences The Association and Restructuring Educating Members to Serve Primary Education Identifying Members' Needs to Serve Primary Education Adaptation to Changing Needs Conclusion Chapter 8 A Concluding Discussion References Bibliography Appendices I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Conclusion and Final Words Primary Sources 1 Unpublished 2 Interviews - Oral 3 Published Government Publications Secondary Sources 1 Unpublished Theses 2 Newspapers 3 Published List of Interviewees - Alphabetical List of Interviewees and Supplied Biographies - Numerical Order List of AHMNAPPA Presidents List of AHMN APP A Secretaries Copies of Constitutions: a 1969 b 1992 c 1998 APPNASB Travelling Fellowship Award Example of AHMA 's Political Action -- New Zealand Herald, December, 1922 a Questionnaire b Consent Form c Letter to Interviewees Topics of AHMA/APPA Conferences Summary of Items of Business Comparing AHMA 1926-31 and APPA 1990-95 a Shroff and Sons Fellowship b Certificates of Merit/Service With Distinction Awards AHMA Child Welfare Report AHMA, Voices of the Members Supplement to the New Zealand Gazette, 27 June, 190 I 104 105 107 110 112 115 120 123 124 131 133 133 134 136 136 137 137 138 138 143 156 156 157 158 159 160 160 163 167 171 173 174 176 178 179 182 185 186 187 193 195 Vll LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Table No. I.I 3.1 4.1 Decile Ranking of Some Schools with Asian Immigrants The Sample of Interviewees Salary Differences of Head Teachers with an Average Role of Under 100 in Full-time Schools 4.2 Group Grading Men and Women, 1936 4.3 Pupil Rolls of Some Auckland City Schools, 1919 4.4 Average Age for Primary Children for Each Class Level 4.5 Comparing the Growth of the Association, 1919-1999 4.6 The Number ofltems of Business, 1927-1930 and 1951-1952 4. 7 Changes Affecting Principals, 1989-1990 4 .8 An Example of an Annual Dinner Guest List, 1927-1930 4.9 List of Questions Asked Parliamentarians, 1968 4.10 Auckland Teachers' College Principals 5.1 New Zealand Women in Teaching, 1985 5.2 Women in Primary Schools, 1985 6.1 Study/Teaching Overseas: Interviewees 6.2 Opinions on the Education of Girls 6.3 Opinions on Corporal Punishment 6.4 Extract from Results of Survey, AHMA, 1980 6.5 Opinions on Religion in Schools 6.6 Opinions on Peace Studies 7.1 Roles of the Principal, 1998 7.2 The Roles of the Principal and APPA 7.3 SummaryofAPPAFinances 1981-1982 7.4 Committees and Representatives, 1983 - 1989 7.5 APPA Executive Role, 1990's 8.1 Changed 'Objects' in the Constitution of AHMA/APPA Appendix 10 IO.I A Summary of Items of Business Comparing Appendix 13 Figure No. 10.2 13 .1 13 .2 13.3 13.4 13.5 13.6 AHMA 1926-3 I and APPA 1990-9 5 Top Ten Most Frequent Items of Business Age Distribution of Interviewees Place of Birth of Interviewees and Parents Education Level of Parents of Interviewees Farming/Small Town Background Went to Teachers' College Because ... Influenced to go Teaching I . I The Auckland Education Board District 1978-195 l 1.2 The Auckland Education Board District 1952-1987 1.3 Decile Ranking of Auckland Primary Schools 1.4 Decile Distribution of Auckland: North West and South 1.5 Decile Distribution of Auckland: North Shore and North 4.1 New Zealand Adnlt Primary Teachers: Females per 100 males 1890-1915 6.1 The Two Step Flow of Communication Page No. 7 23 34 36 38 38 39 44 46 50 55 66 78 79 87 88 90 92 93 96 115 116 119 120 121 129 182 184 193 193 193 194 194 194 4 4 6 7 8 32 87 V111 Diagrammatic Plan of Thesis Two Overarching Questions Focus of the Study Literature and Research Procedures Method Origins and Membership Functions and Themes Social/Welfare Education Research Political Educational Gendering the Association The Voice of the Members Serving the Needs Concluding Discussion Conclusions Chapter I Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5 Chapter 6 Chapter 7 Chapter 8 Scheme Showing Inter-Relations ix x ABBREVIATIONS AAMA ACE AEB AGM AHMA AJHR AMA AMTG ANZAC APA APPA APTA ASB ASTA ATC A.T.Dip. ATTC B.A. B.Ed. BOT Br DHMA Dip.Ed. Dip.Drama Dip.T. ERO ESOL F.R.G.S. HON. HONS. M.B.E. M.Com. M.Ed. MOE MTG NZCER NZEI NZFKT NZ HM A NZPF NZPPTA NZPTF NZQA NZTCA NZWTA OECD PTA PPTA RSA TFEA TIC T.T.Cert. USA WAG WAPA WEA WTA Auckland Assistant Masters' Association Auckland College of Education Auckland Education Board Annual General Meeting Auckland Headmasters Association (now called APPA) Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives Auckland Masters' Association Auckland Men Teachers' Guild Australia, New Zealand Army Corps Auckland Principals' Association Auckland Primary Principles' Association Auckland Parent Teacher Association Auckland Savings Bank Auckland Schools Trustees Association Auckland Teachers' College Advanced Teachers ' Diploma Auckland Teachers' Training College Bachelor of Arts Bachelor of Education Board of Trustees Brother Dominion Headmasters' Association (also called NZHMA) Diploma of Education Diploma in Drama Diploma in Teaching Education Review Office English as a Second Language Fellow of the Royal Geographic Society Honorable Honours Member of the British Empire Master of Commerce Master of Education Ministry of Education Men Teachers' Guild New Zealand Council for Educational Research New Zealand Educational Institute New Zealand Federation of Kindergarten Teachers New Zealand Headmasters' Association New Zealand Principals' Federation New Zealand Post Primary Teachers Association New Zealand Parent Teachers Federation New Zealand Qualification Authority (was National Educational Qualifications Authority) (NEQA) New Zealand Teachers' Colleges Association New Zealand Women Teachers' Association The Organisation for European Co-operation and Development Parent Teacher Association Post Primary Teachers' Association - Also NZPPTA Returned Services' Association Targeted Funding for Educational Achievement Teachers' Training College Trained Teacher Certificate United States of America Working Action Group Waitakere Area Principals' Association (Previously West Auckland Principals' Association) Workers' Educational Association Women Teachers' Association CHAPTER ONE Introduction The Focus of This Study The focus of this study involves two overarching questions. They are: How has the APPA served the needs of its members, who are principals of Auckland metropolitan primary schools? How has the Association served the needs of primary education in New Zealand? Justification for this study and its focus can be summarized as follows; first, the Association has been active for a considerable number of years and historically warrants investigation; second, the focus on its effectiveness investigates what it did for its members; third, to record and evaluate the Association's role in primary education in New Zealand. The third reason is an extension of the second one. The introduction draws attention to : the focus of the thesis and why the topic was chosen; the background to the Association with some preliminary comments of its functions; a brief note on the AEB and the socio-economic distribution of decile ratings of Auckland city schools. This chapter concludes by outlining the structure of this thesis, with an indication of the main content of each chapter. Background The subject of this study is a professional , voluntary, primary principals' association, drawing its membership from metropolitan Auckland. According to a note in the back of the 1923-25 AHMA Minute Book, the first meeting was held on 15 December, 1900. This has been taken as a signal of intention, as the first official meeting was held early in 1901. It was established in 1901, and called the AHMA, a name it retained until women were admitted in 1972. The name was then changed to APP A on 18 September, 1975, after a brief period of being known as the Auckland Principals' Association (APA). 2 To help understand, at this stage of the thesis, the purpose of the Association, a random selection of relevant opinions expressed by interviewees and recorded by the author are presented. The major functions of the Association have been described in different ways by the following ex-presidents: .. . the sharing of ideas from one headmaster to another and from school to school. There was the professional contact. Then the consensus of opinion that furthered action (Dudley, 1989, President, 1961): . .. a body to co-ordinate the professional concerns of its members and to negotiate the solution of those concerns with the relevant authorities. It was important to maintain the involvement of a!l schools , so that we could truly be seen to represent all schools (Gerrard, 1989, President, 1977) . . . . with each of us coming from our schools, we had information and background that either individually or collectively, nobody else had (Holland, 1990, President, 1979). The role was to allow principals together to look at current problems and common needs, by using one another's strengths .. . the people who know most about running schools are principals, and that while no individual principal has all the answers, the combined knowledge of a very large number of principals is a powerful tool for learning about running schools (McDonald, 1992, President, 1981 ). The Association has a vital role to play in education. I feel that it ' s really a voice to be contended with. You have a group of principals working together for education .. . it gives people great support and a feeling of security to know that there is an association like the APP A, where principals are working together for the good of teachers and children (Rawlinson, 1989, President, 1982). These functions will be discussed further in Chapter Four, but at this point they are summarised as follows: fellowship, collegial friendliness and support, social inclusiveness, the continuing professional education of members, sponsorship of school children performing in arts, music, sport and speech, political action, maintenance of the status of principals, belief in the collective knowledge of principals. Finally, and most importantly, the promotion of quality education is a key function. 3 Consistent with the functions were the objectives of the Association. The objectives of the Association, when set up in 1901 , were to advance the cause of education generally; to advocate and maintain the just claims of its members individually and collectively; to provide opportunities for social intercourse among members and also kindred societies; and to aid, foster and encourage any movement or societies whose objects promoted educational progress. Membership was open to headmasters of primary and post­ primary schools (Appendix 5). From the I 960's, the objectives and the conditions for membership changed and this is also discussed in Chapter Four. The Association started as a small organisation with members holding monthly general meetings in their own time. It had an initial attendance of no more than 24, but this grew rapidly after World War II to over 300 members attending meetings. An executive of nine, who were elected at an Annual General Meeting (AGM), initially managed the Association. Then, in the I 980's, an enlarged executive of over 20 members was elected, some at the AGM and the rest by the local principals' groups, which had developed to meet the local needs, for example, on the North Shore and in West Auckland. The growth of local principal groups will be discussed in more detail in the section of this thesis dealing with serving the needs of the Association members, (Chapter Seven) . The Auckland Headmasters have sought, from their beginning as an organisation, to work closely with the AEB. From 1878-I 95 l the Board covered a large area of the North Island as Figure I. I shows and it would seem that the headmasters of schools close to the Board's main office in Auckland, had the better opportunity of a working relationship. Figure 1.2 shows the reduction in total area from 1952 when the South AEB district was created. The Minister of Education, The Hon. Ronald M. Algie, persuaded the AEB to accept the change and at the same time gave the secondary schools under AEB control, provision for their own school boards. These changes were confirmed by act of parliament, the Education Amendment Act of 1952. There followed a difficult period of adjustment for the AEB that had to contend with a reduced budget, a reduction of staff from 120 to 65 officers and in the same time, population growth. This resulted in the need for a massive building programme of new schools and the consequential difficulties in staffing them continued for the following 30 years. In this period, membership of the AHMA/APPA soared to over 300 financial members. 4 Figurel.1: The Auckland Education Board District of 1878-1951 Figure 1.2: The Auckland Education Board District of 1952-1987 Source: Cummings 1959: 112 Key: !:;\{I AEB Area It can be argued that the APP A attained its dominant place in pnmary educational circles in Auckland through its practice of seeking dialogue with AEB, the Department of Education and in particular, the Minister of Education. Both the ritual of organisation and the conservative middle class image that were generally maintained through the years could also have contributed to their access to decision makers. Certainly, there was no statutory requirement for the above-mentioned authorities to consult with the APP A. Equally, there was the continuously held belief that if Principals are captains of their ship then the principals' organisation had a distinct point of view that should be heard. The revision of Common By-laws for School Committees - Duties, Functions and Powers 1968, illustrate this. When the AHMA heard about a draft, it was most concerned and commented: Any by-laws adopted must eventually be operated, in the first place, by headmasters. We feel that it is quite likely that we could have some useful comment to make on the Draft by­ laws and we would certainly welcome the opportunity to peruse them (Dynes, 1968). Openshaw draws on other New Zealand research to show that: .. . a contradictory and ambiguous reaction to a whole set of problems including other than educational, is created by competing single interest groups (Openshaw, 1995: 121) 5 The APPA is but one of these contending regional professional groups. Its importance, however, lies in the number of members and the fact that its members operate within the largest metropolitan area in New Zealand where many New Zealand educational issues first appear to surface earlier than they do in other parts of New Zealand. A recent example was the pressure the APP A applied on the Government concerning the making of better provision for Asian immigrant children: That came out of the frustration of years of talking to the Ministry about the fact that five year old children are not funded in any way what-so-ever for English nor was there any account made for when they arrived and didn't speak English (Hanna, 1997:11 Interview, Secretary, 1993-97). The Association believed: . .. we got an increase across the board. for English as a second language (ESOL) children, and five-year-olds were included (Hanna, 1997, Interview). The process of applying political pressure consists of criticism being mounted by contesting groups such as employer organisations, teacher organisations, politicians, moralist groups and the education administrators. The media then fan the discontent and the previously fragile consensus reaches meltdown and a settlement is obtained. However, the settlement retains seeds of discontent and, therefore, Openshaw's title Unresolved Struggle is appropriate. However, the example given above about English second language children, does not quite fit the Moral Panic Theory. Cohen, states in Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers that a key factor for the existence of moral panic is when: A condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylized and stereotypical fashion by the mass media .. . (Cohen, 1980:9). 6 Certainly, there was a teachers' organisation contesting the lack of provision by the Ministry of Education (MOE) to meet the needs accompanying the influx of Chinese primary school-age children. (Hereafter, this discussion will refer to it as the Ministry or MOE). Furthennore, newspaper and television reports helped heighten public concern, even though the number of metropolitan primary schools involved were limited to Mt Eden, Remuera, Epsom and Howick; all of which could be labelled as upper middle class areas. Ironically, the primary schools involved in areas mentioned above, are also parliamentary seats held by the National Government, at the time of writing. Hansen (1981) wrote on the politics of education resourcing and this could also be an example. This graph (Figure 1.3) shows the decile ranking of Auckland metropolitan city schools and Figure 1.4 and Figure 1.5 illustrate which areas in the city have the highest and the lowest decile ranking. There is clearly a close relationship between income and ranking. It is clear therefore, that this action by the Association was an example of political lobbying even though the success of the lobbyists may have been due to other additional political pressures existing at the time, such as National Members of Parliament representing the electorates in which the schools are found . Figure 1.3: Decile Ranking of Auckland Primary Schools Decile Ranking of Auckland Primary Schools i i: ~?\~/~ Dec lies .. --combined, Contributing, Full Primary and Intermediate State Schools - :-contributing State Schools Source: Targeted Funding for Educational Achievement (TFEA), 1998. Decile graphs, Langston, 1999. 7 Figure 1.4: Decile Distribution of Auckland: North West and South ,, T1f1f'""';9~ ~Auckland 11-, ,J North West Q lJ and ( South Source: TFEA, 1998. Decile map, Langston, 1999. Table 1.1: Decile Ranking of Some Schools with Asian Immigrants Decile Ranking Area Decile Ranking Mean Mt Eden 8 8 Remuera IO, 9 9.5 Eosom IO, IO IO Howick 9,10 9.5 N=7 X=9.25 Source: 1998 TFEA. Figure 1.5: Decile Distribution of Auckland: North Shore and North Ji-;., Ff.£ . >0 JJ.l;ru,..c , 't >•cc ,..,~,:· {l e 3 c-..o.; .Jl. <­ ; o Source: TFEA, 1998. Decile map, Langston, 1999. Auckland North Shore 8 The action of the Association in dealing with this challenging situation contrasts remarkably with the complete absence of public action when schools in working class areas in the l 960's and l 970's were struggling with a rapid Polynesian intake. The two examples, however, are not similar and need explanation. It could be argued that there are two problems and two distinct areas being compared. The two problems are immigration and provision for teaching ESOL pupils to the Polynesians in the l 960's and 1970's and more recently to Asians. The two different socio-economic districts are 9 the low decile schools considered the most needy, mainly found in South and West Auckland, being compared with high decile schools (Figure 1.5) as for example Mt Eden, Epsom, Remuera, Howick. This system of grading schools is used by the MOE to determine need for extra finance for educational achievement. Racial discrimination was used as an explanation for the lack of provisions but class discrimination could be equally used for this apparent lack of even-handedness on the pai"t of the APPA. It also could be argued that the APPA, because of its changed role following changes brought about by Tomorrow 's Schools, was more overtly political. Another view could be that the Association, Principals of the schools in the areas mentioned, their Boards of Trustees and the middle class immigrant parents represented middle New Zealand and had relative ease in reaching agreement with a conservative Minister of Education. This is an example of political responsiveness to an electorate of voters . This early discussion on the enrolment of Asian pupils and the ranking of schools in the introduction is intended to alert the reader to themes such as race, gender and class which will be identified in more detail in other chapters. These themes, arising from the data, provide the basis for answering the two central questions, which are the focal points of this study. Structure of the Thesis The thesis consist of eight chapters. It sets out to investigate the two central and overarching questions, as stated in the focus of this study. These questions however, concern two different issues. The first, concerning the needs of APP A members, is explored by using a framework of four functions that the Association has. These are: welfare, social and fellowship activities; political and educational and professional support. The second question explores the role the Association played in primary education in New Zealand. Three related additional sub-topics are also developed. The first concerns the extent to which the Association changed its function to serve the needs of its members, and evidence for this was gathered by completing an analysis of items of business gained from AHMA/ APP A minute books and reports. As well, data from transcriptions of 10 interviews were analysed. The second and third topics concern the external and internal catalysts that have helped to shape the Association's policy and action. From the minute books and interviews, the external influences are explained with reference to the context of national events and Government decisions - particularly those that affect education. Changes that arose within the Association and considered important enough for special sub-sections in this thesis include gender issues and the admission of integrated schools. These will be discussed in more detail in Chapter Five. To these ends the rest of the thesis is organised as follows: Chapter Two reviews and critiques theoretical perspectives that have influenced this study or have relevance to it. In particular, the Radical Revisionist Perspectives and the theory of ideological hegemony are explained as they provide insight into the Association's place in the New Zealand educational scene. Chapter Three sets out the research procedures used in this study and describes the methodology and its rationale. The search for histories of organisations similar to the APPA reveal a gap in our knowledge of these middle, professional organisations. Therefore, this is virgin territory and worthy of investigation. This chapter also details the procedures applied when searching for primary sources in Auckland and Wellington. It further details the need for, and the preparation of, procedures in interviewing people who had been, or were still involved in the Association. While these recorded interviews form an important part of the data gathered for this study, the reservations about the reliability of this method are also discussed. Chapter Four is the major section of this study where the origins and development of the Association are described. An analysis of the 57 recorded interviews and minute books from 1919-1998 yielded understandings on the various functions that the APP A performs, the roles it adopted and it further illustrates how it met members' needs. The discussion of evidence that addresses the two major questions, unfold under the four functions as previously mentioned. Chapter Five records the history of the admission of women principals to the AHMN APP A. The effects of the dominant male culture in delaying their appointment 11 as principals oflarge city schools and their membership of the Association is considered important enough to devote a separate chapter to the subject. Chapter Six focuses on the range of perceptions that principals had of a range of contemporary education issues, including gender education, corporal punishment, religious education, peace studies and Maori education. The approach used was to collate responses and create tables to show the categories of them. The findings tend to indicate that there are diverse views on the selected issues. Also in this chapter, data were presented about the age of interviewees, place of birth, education level of parents of interviewees and why the interviewees went to teachers' colleges. These last questions were designed to explore whether or not the socio-economic background of respondents was significant. It also provides interesting information and personalises the organisation. Chapter Seven discusses three matters. First, the Association's management structure, the changing themes of their conferences and the recurring items of business are considered. The second and third matters discussed are, respectively, the internal and external catalysts that appear to have shaped policy. Here, attention is paid to the effect of the rapid population growth of Auckland, the effect of the new market ideology, the admission of women principals and the inclusion of integrated school principals. This chapter draws on data presented in the previous chapter. The effect of major changes in Government policy is developed. Related to this is the political role the Association has played locally and nationally. Chapter Eight summarizes relevant findings and, on the evidence presented, comes to a conclusion that it successfully met the needs of members and the needs of primary education. It did this by playing an active role in national and international educational affairs. In concluding, the operation and role of this voluntary group of primary principals is recorded as a contribution to the history of the New Zealand education system. CHAPTER TWO Reviewing the Literature and Theoretical Considerations The purpose of reviewing research literature in a historical study is to: [discover] new sources or combine old sources in new ways (Anderson, l 995 :97). 12 The review process is important for establishing a background to original research; including analysis, interpretations and conclusions. It should avoid unknowingly replicating previous research and yet be part of the process of increasing human knowledge, building on or relating to previous work (Bell, 1987). There is, however, a paucity of literature directly commenting on the APPA and there is little critical analysis of the role of similar non-union educational organisations for primary teachers. It is contended, therefore, that this study is breaking new ground. The history of New Zealand education can be viewed from vanous ideological perspectives including Liberal/Progressive and Radical Revisionist approaches. The first claims neutrality, that it is non-political, is commemorative and believes there is gradual progressive improvement in a centralized state system, provision and equal opportunity for an evolving process. The second, wide ranging perception, influenced by United States of America revisionist historians such as Bowles and Gintis ( 1976) and Katz (1971), found fault with the state system and claimed it was part of the state's ideological apparatus for social control. The school, instead of being an agent for compliance, was a site of contention and struggle. It failed in its aim of preparing youth for the work-place 0r adult roles in society. Another theory, influenced by Marxist thinking and promoted by Gramsci ( 1971) also has wide influence. It is the theory of ideological hegemony, which shows how a ruling class retains its dominance through organised consent working through institutions such as schools, media, law, religion and popular culture. Each of these overseas theories have influenced New Zealand education historians. Indeed, it can be shown that theories used in New Zealand range from the progressive liberal to those of the classical Marxist, the latter being viewed as in opposition to empirical research and as taking a historical materialist model. 13 Roy Shuker ( 1987) wrote a revisionist history of aspects of the New Zealand state education system in which he was critical of the inadequacies of the liberal perspective. The study of the educational problems showed where the rhetoric was different from the outcomes. A feature of modem societies is that they have a plurality of views but solutions to the identification and resolution of shortcomings are scarce. Shuker's important interpretation of the hi story of education in New Zealand has not only contributed a great deal to our understanding of educational change in New Zealand, but helps to draw attention to major contributions which radical revisionists have made to American educational history. In New Zealand, prior to the l 980's, education historians could be described as liberal. For example, the works of Butchers (1930) and Cumming and Cumming (1978) reflect the views of official policy-makers and little about the people implementing the system. Even Ewing ( 1970), writing about the history of New Zealand school curriculum development, neglects to name innovators in subject areas, and neither does he mention the various voluntary teacher committees that were developing curricula. It will be seen in Chapter Four, that the members of the Association seconded to various educational committees became swallowed into the new culture as anonymous entities (e.g. Brian Annan, Chapter Four). Eric Archer and Roger Openshaw (1986) put teachers into the centre of their account of the development of new mathematics, secondary school social studies and reading. Oral hi story was used as a data gathering procedure and was found to be particularly useful when studied in conjunction with other evidence. This style of creating history clearly identified, among other things, which people were the real movers of change. In a similar vein, this study, in Chapter Six, has attempted to look at individual principals, who were or remain, very much involved in the Association. Moreover, this study seeks to locate them in the context of their family history and the culture of their times. In that regard, Chapter Six uses interview extracts in the context of the subject being discussed. Ravitch ( 1977) claims that there is a false polarity between liberal progressives and the radicals and that the personalities of educators cross political and ideological boundaries. He claims that other factors, such as ethnicity and gender issues, are also important and force the addressing and even acceptance of conflicting views, precisely 14 because of the differing perspectives they provide. In this study, it is apparent that progressives and radicals emerged as presidents of the Association but at the same time, such individuals had no great power base, and the tenure of office was for only one year. In a period when the difference between conservative and progressive liberal was thought to be more easily identified, two most progressive liberals, as presidents, were Amyas Ringer and Roy Sanders who had university and/or teacher college lecturing experience. Although they had different styles, they came to the presidency by sheer ability and well-articulated opinion on the professional development of a principal, rather than as a result of giving their sole attention to the mechanics of running the Association. However, in making this comment, it should be noted that more often than not, it is seldom useful to put people in categories as has been done here. Most people do not fit neatly into pigeonholes; they may be progressive liberals about corporal punishment, for instance, but insensitive about the role of women and the education of girls. However, the two presidents mentioned above, were identified because of their humanistic views 011 a wide range of educational topics, and, as their personalities transcend stereotypical boundaries, therefore, they tend to support Ravitch's claims. The international literature on teacher organisations is a relatively recent development (e.g., Bessant and Spaull, 1972; Ozga and Lawn, 1981; Cooper, 1992). Much of the material available is about the unionism of teacher organisations or about the task of principals as leaders and managers; very little refers specifically to principals' organisations. The views of Auckland principals were divided mainly between those who believed the NZEI should handle all industrial matters and those who believed a separate principals' organisation would be the better advocate of the needs and interests of principals. The latter group could be accused of usurping the role of the NZEI in spite of principals dominating that Executive. Some presidents of the Association, (e.g., John Nesbitt, Joseph O'Rourke and Patricia O'Riley) have been on the National Executive of the NZEI. According to Kenny (1989) that dual role of members was not always viewed as beneficial to the Association because of the close relationships they had with the Department of Education and the AEB: ... while John Nesbitt was here, you see, that was clouded a bit at times because he had been head of the Institute in direct relationship with politicians (Kenny, 1989). 15 Yet probably it could be argued that a more pro-active leadership style was needed in tandem with the NZEI. As to the other question concerning material about the task of principals, a perusal of the list of the topics of AHMN APP A conferences (Appendix 9) shows that from 1982 the emphasis was on leadership and management reflecting the influence of a new marketing ideology. This question is developed in more detail in Chapter Four when describing the effects of the restructuring of the New Zealand Welfare State. Literature about Australian teacher organisations such as John O'Brien's A Divided Unity: Politics of NSW Teacher Militancy Since 1945 ( 1987) provides an interesting comparison and alerts the researcher to relevant questions to be asked about the New Zealand situation. Questions emerge such as the struggle for equal rights for female teachers, but more particularly the role in the educational and political life of state primary education. Certainly there are similarities for women in gaining promotion and acceptance as principals between the two countries. In Australia in 1975, for instance, the Teachers' Federation trod: . . . a wary path between the advocacy of the preservation of parliamentary democracy and the gains made by public schools under a Labor Government and the usual Federation practice ofnot directly supporting particular parties (O'Brien, 1987: 125). Yet it spent $18,500 on the parliamentary election and because of the diversity of political allegiance among members, did not resolve the dilemma of state aid to private schools. This contrasts with the low key and informal approach, the APP A adopted when lobbying. Also, the Australians were better organised and better united in protecting or providing conditions of service such as when the principal of Minera Street School for handicapped children refused to enrol children in excess of sixteen per class. Only once, in the mid l 990's, and at no other time, did the APPAflex its muscles in a similar fashion over admission of non-English speaking Asian children. This development will be discussed further under the sub-heading Political, Chapter Four. Jocelyn lesson's The PPTA and the State: From Militant Professionals to Bargaining Agent. A Study of Rational Opportunism (1995) is a useful text when investigating the political forces in New Zealand Education, because, even though this is a secondary school teachers' union perspective, it does highlight areas of contention and negotiation. 16 In spite of the Employment Contracts Act of 1991 which sought to restructure all labour relations (both private and state) into the limiting of individual relationships with the employer, Jesson expresses the optimistic belief that the New Zealand Post Primary Teachers' Association (NZPPT A, also known as Post Primary Teachers' Association, PPTA) would maintain its membership support and public status by voicing teachers' concerns and continuing to show the complexities of their roles and that of teaching. She describes too, the politics in education involving Treasury, reports , the Business Round Table and its front organisation, the Education Forum. These views are also pertinent when discussing the politicisation of the APPA. Roger Openshaw's scholarly work is, therefore, a useful example of a historical research of education in a politico­ social context. Two examples are cited by Openshaw: New Zealand State Primary Schools and the Growth of Internationalism and the Anti-war Feeling (1980) and A Spirit Of Bolshevism. The Weitzel Case of 1921 and its Impact on the New Zealand Education System ( 198 I). This study reveals individual teachers and principals promoting anti-war sentiments, such as the case of Mr J. B. Murray (see p.31). However, the Association has traditionally followed a no-comment policy over contentious issues. A more recent example is the Springbok Tour of 1981 , which was deliberately not mentioned in the minutes of the APP A. The reason given was: ... the issue was too divisive (McDonald 1992, informal conversation) but his Annual Report in 1982 commenced with concern that: During the past year our nation has faced unprecedented upheavals - we have seen confrontation scenes, violence on our streets and a lack of tolerance shown by opposing groups within the community that have saddened and disturbed us. Values we hold, and endeavour to impart to our pupils, have been cast aside and we have been forced to re­ examine the effectiveness of our school system in fostering respect and concern for others. And those that hoped the winter madness would pass, have come to realise that our dream ofNew Zealand as a multiracial society where people of varied cultural backgrounds live in mutual respect and harmony, is far from reality (McDonald 1982). As noted before, this area for research on the APPA is only incidentally touched on in secondary sources. 17 Ian Cumming 's Glorious Enterprise. The Hist01y of the Auckland Education Board 1857-1957 (1959) is an exception to the literature because it makes 22 separate references to the AHMA. Cummings also uses many names of senior headmasters who played a role in the AHMA. A picture emerges from these references that the AHMA made strong representations of its views to the AEB on a variety of issues until the Education Boards were abolished in the late 1980's. The prime sources of data for this study were AHMA minute books and correspondence that were made available to the author. The transcriptions of the interviewees were also a primary data source and these will be analysed and discussed in Chapter Six. Chapter Four to Chapter Seven present the author with two challenges. One is that of dealing with a mass of reference material and creating shape out of chaos; a process that is selective and, therefore, liable to be contentious. The other is that events are seldom simple, as often there are contending forces. These are not usually revealed in minute books but often come to light in interviews. Therefore, in this study, accounts of more recent activities have the benefit of additional data being provided by living observers, who were, in effect, participants giving reality checks. The data were collected before any conclusions or hypotheses emerged. Even the questionnaire, used as a guide, was expanded after the first interviews had been conducted. Only after the data were inspected and patterns observed, were conclusions drawn. The process used is similar to the Grounded Theory where: Pieces of data are collected before the patterns are fully analyzed and conclusions drawn (Glaser and Straus as cited in C. N. Anderson, 1990: 150). Therefore, the analysis of data, some coming from quite different sources and about different topics, build and coalesce to form a synthesis. The process is dependent on the researcher identifying that which could be important and, therefore, the results may be problematic. Alternative conclusions are sometimes reached because of the different set of data selected or because a different interpretive slant is adopted. The author likens this study to the works of Openshaw, McKenzie and Shuker for two reasons. In the first place, this thesis is a sincere attempt to enquire in an open-minded way, into the roles of the Association. In the second place, it should be emphasized that 18 the author does not wish to subscribe to any one scholastic ideology, because this is an account of a pluralistic group of professionals. In this study, therefore, an eclectic approach is used to provide a critical reflection on a small group of people working in the New Zealand education system. It is a major contention that there are gaps in our knowledge about middle groups, such as the APP A. The historical process has been captured by politicians, particularly what the Ministers of Education have said and what the curriculum framework has allowed. Not enough has been written about what happens in the level below the Education Department (now the MOE) and the union. This deficit is, of itself, a singularly strong reason for looking at the history of a middle level organisation such as the APP A and until now, this area has not been investigated by New Zealand historians. Consequently, it is not possible to cite similar research. Because of this deficit, various ways of organising the data were tried. A chronological method was rejected because a number of themes emerged that cut across the grouping of years. In the end, it was decided that the most appropriate way to proceed was to address the two major questions identified at the outset. It was reasoned that such a procedure would limit the focus while enabling the data to be organised around a number of themes. It was contended that the end result will increase understanding of how policy moves from top decision making through to middle level organisations such as schools. Another assumption explored concerns about whether or not the APP A has been, or is, one of the groups that contest the policy of the government of the time and, therefore, becomes involved in the governing machinery of the education system. Or, alternatively, Gramsci 's theory of Hegemony, where the elite group in society is supported in retaining its dominance, could be applied to this study. However, what becomes clear in this study of a middle-level pressure group is that a small group at the top of the education hierarchy is not the only group of people involved in creating a constituency and in the shaping of policy. The principals, collectively on occasions, and both covertly and overtly, clearly contested policies from the top and also relayed to those at the top, albeit in a modified form, the concerns of those operating at the chalk face. 19 Conclusion In summarizing this chapter, it has been useful to view the data through a variety ideological lenses, particularly the theories of Gramsci; the New Zealand feminists such as Middleton, Coney and the views of Shuker, Openshaw and McKenzie. The contributions to the literature and theory these people and others have helped the writer to appreciate understand and critique the Association. The review of literature included primary sources, such as official documents and records, laws and regulations, AEB archives and records and, Education Department records held in the New Zealand National Archives. There are also published collections of selected documents . The researcher was also on the alert for any unpublished manuscripts. The Auckland College of Education (ACE), (previously, known as Auckland Teachers' College (A TC), and Auckland Teachers' Training College (A ITC) originally) has an archive that held useful data and interview transcripts which played an important part in the total review process. Secondary sources such as papers, theses, books, periodicals, booklets, school histories, professional journals in education and history, photographs, audio and visual tape and film were searched for information. The Auckland Museum library and the 'New Zealand Herald ' archives were searched for relevant photographs and newspaper reports. CHAPTER THREE Method and Design Method Historians of education: .. . impose order upon the multitude of past events. Bringing order out of chaos. (McKenzie, 1984:2). 20 The framework the historian uses for developing a reconstruction 1s crucial to the understanding of what is written. History then, is a selective interpretation of evidence of recorded or recalled happenings presented to the historian. These data include the opinions, ideas, social class expectations and comments about power or perceived lack of it. Wake (1969) states: .. . history is a study of evidence and McCrindle and Rowbotham ( 1977 : I) confirm that: A series of oral testimonies does not make a history. History is worked over more consciously; different sources open up various ways of looking at what happened. Therein lies a caution for the interpreter of evidence for this thesis . Is the evidence cited sufficient to support a particular view or claims made, and does the interpretation reflect: ... the value commitments of the writer? (Olssen, 1984: I 0, 12). What is being argued here is that although the historian ' s beliefs are a necessary framework upon which to build and develop the evidence for a historical narrative, those beliefs need not be an ideological straight jacket. In this study, two major questions were asked about serving the needs of the Association members and of primary education in New Zealand, and from these overarching questions an explanatory framework for understanding the roles of the Association in four areas was developed. 21 The method of historical research used here is a multi-layered one, which is, without doubt, informed by my own role and experiences. First, I am a participant-observer, who took part in the operation of the organisation, the APP A. Second, I am an historical researcher who has examined e.g. documents of the Association, newspapers for reports and AEB minutes. Third, I am an oral historian, having interviewed past and present members of the APPA Executive, non executive members and people from other educational organisations as part of an AHMA/ APP A project to record its history. All of those interviewed made oral responses to a semi-structured questionnaire and data from ensuing interviews were recorded and transcribed. This research addresses the relationship and role of a professional, voluntary, educational organisation, the APP A. In particular, it focuses upon the stance of the APP A, centred as it is between primary schools and national organisations, whilst also serving as a mutual support service. This, it is contended, is a new area of study in New Zealand primary education. The position the APP A adopts at this middle-level and the roles it performs will be shown to be various and varying, unfolding primarily in accordance with current issues or leading personalities. Resources used m this study included written records, such as minute books and correspondence, recorded memories of participants, newspaper reports and other secondary materials. This two-fold approach, therefore, combines document analysis from primary and secondary sources and importantly, engages oral history methodology through the harnessing of social survey interview techniques. Primary Sources Various sources were used to obtain data. The most important were the minute books of the executive and general meetings of the AHMA/ APP A from 1919 to 1996; correspondence (starting from 1965) and annual reports. Minute books from 1900-1912 of the AEB held in the National Archives, Mount Wellington, were inspected but contained only one reference to the Association. NZEI minutes in Wellington and the National Library were similarly searched without success. Local branch minute books 22 of the NZEI, held in the Auckland War Memorial Library Archives were, however, rather more useful in discovering the names of headmasters who were involved in both organisations. Two historical biographies were found in ACE Archives, those of Peter Kelly and J. G. Gasparich. Also, the New Zealand Council for Educational Research (NZCER) kindly supplied an unpublished biography of Frank Sleven. Even though there was no direct reference to the Association, the material searched did provide a political and social context within which the AHMA operated. An example was the number of complaints which the AEB investigated about head teachers, and these data were useful when discussing the climate within which the AHMA was operating and therefore aided interpretation. Primary sources are defined as providing information from manuscripts, official archives, administrative records, interviews and correspondence sources. In particular, correspondence was most sought after for this project because their use reduced the likelihood of reproducing inaccuracies and provided a source of data unattainable elsewhere. The researcher however, still had to apply external criticism, such as deciding the credibility and reliability of the information gathered. One example undertaken was to count the frequencies of categories of items of business recorded in the minutes and compare different periods with recorded recollections. In Chapter Four there are several tables, which illustrate this procedure whereby the frequency of data were used as a basis for confirming related statements. However, there are limitations that should be noted about the usefulness of written records. First, they were recorded, in the first place, for a purpose, and what is recorded may not reflect the total considerations, but rather only those which were officially to be preserved. Many of the recorded decisions therefore, are surrounded by silent words which now prevent them from becoming the basis of a wide-ranging discussion. The person who initiated such discussions, or who was present at the time, is not always identified, for such is the limitation of minutes. What led to bold and all too cryptic statements in minutes is rarely, therefore, included. One can only speculate about the lobbying and the unofficial negotiating that occurred prior to the recording of the meeting; such memories being reclaimed, perhaps imperfectly, from the memory of someone present and still living. The latter will be discussed fully when describing the oral histories used in this study. 23 Oral History Considerable use has been made of 57 transcriptions of recorded interviews, each of which lasted on average two hours (Appendix 1 and 2). These were completed either in the respondents home or school office. The intention was, first, to interview all past presidents and some secretaries, and although consideration was given to obtaining a gender and ethnic balance, the all-male membership of the past, prevented that. Seeking the willing participation of those who had been involved in executive decision making, was deliberate because this was seen as the best way of obtaining their personal opinions on various issues. But in addition, ordinary members and people who either have had or who continue to have an involvement with the Association were also interviewed because it was thought they might provide a different point of view. The following Table 3.1 shows that for various reasons, past presidents dominate the sampling. One reason is that the President has a good overview of the operation of the Association and many past presidents of AHMA/APPA were still alive and willing to be interviewed. Also, the status of the president is gained by its institutional function, requiring an information resource person who, to be effective, maintains open lines of communication to receive and act upon. Table 3.1: The Sample of Interviewees The Sample of Interviewees Male % Female % Total % Principals Past Presidents 27 44.3 5 8.2 32 52.4 Principals Members 9 14.8 3 4 .9 12 19.7 Principals Non Members 3 4.9 0 3 4.9 Associate Members 2 3 .3 2 3.3 4 6.6 Non-Members 5 8 .2 0 5 8.2 Principals - Suoolied Biography Past Presidents 4 6.6 0 4 6.6 Principals - Supplied Biography Members 1 1.6 0 1 1.6 TOTAL 51 83.4 10 16.4 61 100.00 Source: Langston, analysis of interviews, 1998 Oral evidence, sought through interviews, has proven to be a valuable method of gathering material which had not been incorporated within the official records. What is most important is that the oral history contributes greatly to the study and gives 'voices' not only to individuals but also to their organisation and especially to the APP A. This gives a unique opportunity, therefore, to understand the individuality of both. In this thesis, oral history is part of an historical jigsaw that attempts to uncover experiences of 24 principals involved in the Association whilst also understanding their place in the economic, demographic and socialising environment of their time. The researcher, in following this strategy, kept in mind the various relationships and connections that exist particularly in the interplay of their role in the Association, their school work, domestic life and community. The range of questions traversed during the interviews was designed to obtain that information. It is stated that: Oral history is not an easy research option, nor does it provide evidence, which needs no interpretation or cmalysis (Hutching, 1993:58). Yet in the absence of written, sound or visual records, the value of oral history lies in the capacity to access information by interviewing people who have been personally involved in, or who have witnessed, key events. Furthermore, the process allows the researcher to tap into a part of the oral culture, which shapes the lives, perpetuating customs, attitudes, ethnical norms and beliefs of the group or groups under scrutiny: Oral tradition is not a tool the historian can count on (Finley, 1986:28). The oral historian must always ask, Cui bono? That is, for what purpose? Clearly, these serious reflections by principals, as recorded in the interviews, can contribute to better understanding our educational past. Chapter Six will show in more detail, the interviewees' recorded responses to a number of educational issues. For now, it is sufficient to note that the principals were interviewed because they were in a position to be opinion leaders. If the assumption is correct about the effect of their leadership, then their views would permeate, not only their staff and pupils, but also the Association, hence the importance given of a separate chapter based on their opinions. 25 The Questionnaire and/or Interview Schedule Qualitative data were collected in semi-structured interviews using a questionnaire mostly as an interview schedule. The questionnaire contains three types of questions. First, there are those which ask personal details about respondents and their families . They give a glimpse of the person's background, looking for any common pattern in the responses . Second, there was a group of questions that explored attitudes and beliefs about such topics as the education of girls and Maori. The third type of question was about the Association and it attempted to discover if any of its significant events had, in one way or another, impacted upon the respondent. The assumption that was being tested was whether or not people are creatures of their past and to what extent there is a relationship with their current beliefs and actions. The situation in which the interviewer asks each respondent a series of pre-prepared questions is called structured interviewing. But, as most of the questions were open­ ended and not taken strictly in the same sequence, there was some flexibility and room for variation in response. Hence, the technique used here was that of a semi-structured interview in which a schedule of questions (called a questionnaire for convenience) guided discussions in an enabling manner rather than in a regimented fashion . This is consistent with contemporary adult learning theory (Knowles, 1986) in which the reservoir of prior experience is perceived to be an important platform for learning. Mezirow (1990) argues that critical reflection, about prior experiences, is an essential process for making sense of an individual ' s reality. This is clearly, therefore, a qualitative data gathering technique. A question that emerges for the interviewer however, is to what extent, if any, biases of class, gender, age or ideology impact upon data gathered. Most historical evidence requires the triangulating of one interview with other sources and with other interviews. In the present exercise, scraps of information were discovered in minute books, in the records of other organisations, as well as within the world of contemporary people. The word 'experience' is used when the question is asked, why do principals do what they do? It is because of their experience. When life stories are used as data, their use is criticized because they are subjective rather than objective and, therefore, they may have questionable appropriateness. The objections to the study of experience have been overcome in this study by using the middle-ground 26 argument of Carr ( 1986) who claims that experiences over time are in story form and are neither raw experiences nor cultural fo1ms but a mixture of both. In telling their stories, the people live them: . .. re-affirm them, modify them and create new ones (Denzin and Lincoln 1994:415). The participants provided windows on topics and expenences not found in written records. The transcripts are off-the-cuff verbatim records. Consequently, some editing for grammar and completion of sentences was applied when this facilitated clarity. The Interview Process As already noted, 57 interviews were generated for this study. Furthermore, semi­ structured interviews offer an appropriate method for gathering data with which both the complexity of interactions, and the intricacies of issues can be examined. This study, therefore, illustrates both the benefits and costs of intensively gathering data from a relatively small number of respondents. It sacrifices breadth for depth, telling a great deal about a few people, but even though a sample of 57 may be considered large for qualitative research, the sample does not permit statistical generalisations to a larger population. However, given the nature of the overarching questions posed in this thesis, such an approach is likely to be neither appropriate nor particularly informative. The relationship between the researcher and those interviewed, range from an attempt to be a neutral observer to the collaborative storyteller. The collaborative storyteller and the manner in which the interviewer acts, asks questions and responds in an interview, shapes the relationship and, therefore, the response of interviewee. This researcher, although known to all those interviewed, felt the rapport was better with the men than several of the women. When considering gendered interviews, Oakley's ( 1981 :30-61) comments are appropriate. She observes that both the interviewer and the respondents are considered faceless and invisible if the gathering of data is believed to be value free. Denzin ( 1989: 116) states more directly that: ... gender filters knowledge, 27 because of cultural boundaries which exist in society and the hierarchical relationship that often differentiates the masculine and feminine. In the background of the author of this study are: 29 years as a primary school principal, 24 years as a member of the AHMA/ APP A and the reality of having been one of its past presidents. It is contended that these experiences all helped to lessen barriers that could have arisen in the interviews. One problem that all interviewers have to contend with is that of resisting the temptation to put words into the mouth of the respondent. While presenting a courteous, friendly manner, and adhering to a preconceived plan, as set down in the questionnaire, there was always the possibility of ignoring: ... the respondent 's own concerns ... [of curtailing] ... any attempts to digress and elaborate .. . which, as Fontana and Frey ( 1994:369) state: ... also stymies any reve lation of personal tee lings and emotions. However, oral history provides a vivid insight into people's lives that may only survive in their memories. Indeed, these accounts may provide the only source of information that is available (Hutching, 1993). They also, coincidentally, provided data that was far in excess of what was needed for this thesis. But that is common place in qualitative research and data gathered here, through oral history, remains a valid method of collecting data about first-hand experience. Without such data being recorded and converted into transcripts, it is probable that data about the histories of women, the poor and people of colour would have been ignored and forgotten. The respondents did not sight the interview schedule before the interview. The intention was to capture their first reactions to a question. Some respondents retrospectively expressed the wish to have pre-read the questions in order to be better prepared before the interview. Certainly, access to a written record in a file or diary may have permitted greater accuracy. However, all, except three, were treated equally, responsibly and with care, which could be described as an ethical relationship. The exceptions were an ex­ president working overseas who was sent the questionnaire and returned a tape recording of his replies and two others, whose responses were received in the form of biographies submitted by relatives. 28 Research Ethics Ethics in research consist of principles that a particular group or research organisation accepts. The acceptance of a code of practice protects both the researcher and the subjects and the code used in this study is that set out by the Ethics Review Committee, Massey University. Two essential elements in the research procedures are the informed consent of the participants and their protection from harm. The consent form (Appendix 8b) which is signed by the respondent, makes clear the protection of the interviewee's privacy and interests. The research is described along with some expected outcomes in an explanatory letter (Appendix 8c). All pertinent information was provided, especially concerning the uses to be made of the findings. However, the interviews in this study were conducted more in a manner resembling friends having a chat than a formal interview. The researcher, in seeking the co-operation of the respondent, does not do anything that is covert and does not relay specific information about a person to others. The rule of anonymity is waived only by the written consent of the respondent. All respondents in this study entered the research project voluntarily and understood the nature of the study. Moreover, the transcribed scripts of the interviews were returned to interviewees to amend and/or to make additions where clarification was needed Other ethical considerations determined another senes of steps to be taken. The interviewees were informed, in writing, of the purpose of the research and signed a consent form to take part and to being named in the written account. After the amendments were addressed, two final copies were made; one for the researcher and one for the interviewee. It was important to clarify the built-in protection of the interviewee's privacy and interests. The participants were informed that transcribed scripts could be withdrawn in whole or in part at any time prior to publication. The interviewees were also told that they would receive a copy of the relevant section, if they were named, for their approval or withdrawal of the quotes attributed to them. At the conclusion of the writing of the study, each respondent received a short report and an expression of the author's appreciation. 29 Conclusion The literature review revealed a variety of research approaches that could be adopted. An eclectic choice was made which combined analysis of documents and considerable use of an oral history method. No one theory or ideological perspective has been totally useful. Qualitative research is a more difficult option than a quantitative one because it is not only more time consuming, but it is also more challenging as a multidisciplinary approach because it draws on history, sociology and anthropology. Central to this approach is the observer (the researcher) valuing the views and opinions of the respondents and discovering how they understand their world. Information about respondents' setting or culture is, therefore, an important part of the jigsaw when attending to the outlook of the informants. 30 CHAPTER FOUR The Development of the Association This chapter first describes the probable origins of the Association arising from the perceived need of male primary head teachers combining to preserve their status. This emerged as a major theme and a characteristic similar to other single gender teacher organisations which were also established at the beginning of the twentieth century in New Zealand. Other themes discussed are the emphasis on membership of state primary and secondary school headmasters and the development of the functions of the Association such as welfare, social, fellowship, political, the AEB relationship, educational and educational research. All these themes provide a basis for understanding the direction the Association took. Origins of the Association Finding the exact date of origin of the Association has proved difficult. A detailed search of the AEB minutes spanning the six years of 1898-1904 (National Archives, YCAF 549: 9,10,11), New Zealand Herald 1901-1908 (Microfiche Auckland City Library) and the NZEI minute books 1901-1908 (NZEI Minute Books 1901-1908, Auckland Museum Institute Library) yields only one mention of the AHMA and that referred to the receipt of a letter (AEB 1902:72). Without minute books or correspondence of the Association, reasons behind the establishment of the Association cannot be explicitly stated. However, by studying issues that were affecting teachers generally, at that time, it is certainly possible to derive from archival material an explanation about the origins of the Association. The desire for unity is clearly the theme that emerges from the data. The AHMA in particular, expressed this by adopting a guild style of organisation with regalia and structure. It can be shown that a fraternity was formed which mustered strength in order to protect members' interests. Therefore, the original speculation regarding the raison d ' etre for the formation of the AHMA is procedurally defensible. Organisations which existed before the establishment of the AHMA, particularly the NZEI, dealt with the educational concerns of headmasters and 31 continue to do so to this day. However, the increasing involvement of women teachers in the NZEI and the custom of the times to have parallel organisations that were gender specific, conceivably provided a strong motivation on the part of Auckland headmasters in forming their own independent lobby group. The most obvious gender inclusive organisation was the NZEI, but other teacher organisations were gender specific e.g.: the Auckland Men Teachers' Guild (AMTG), Auckland Assistant Masters' Association (AAMA) and the Women Teachers' Association (WT A). This proliferation of organisations presents a picture of fragmentation and probable teacher disunity. Indeed, if teacher unity can be thought of as symbolising strength, then it may be reasonable to suggest that the proliferation of groups indicates the converse. An interpretation of the AEB minutes casts more light on this matter. At each AEB meeting, the minutes show that the Board spent a lot of business time on the hiring and firing of teachers. The only checks on their authority seemed to be the NZEI on the one hand, and teachers gaining community support for their protest about being removed on the other. The latter being quite common. Reasons were rarely given in the minutes for terminating service. The research gave the impression that it was often difficult to get a permanent appointment and certainly this was well nigh impossible for a married woman, e.g.: ... Wainui Committee be informed that it is not the practice of the Board to retain in its service female teachers after they marry (AEB, 1896, December: 167). There was the interesting example of Mr J. B. Murray who, as head teacher, refused to instruct the scholars to salute the flag or grant a holiday: ... on the occasion of the entry of British [troops] into Pretoria (AEB, October, 1901, p. 11). He was asked to resign and the motion was negated in October but reaffirmed in November (p.28). This suggests that head teachers were vulnerable to pressure from school committees, AEB and the local community especially when controversial issues were involved. Given those kinds of pressures it would seem logical for head teachers, even though they were also members of the NZEI, to gather for collegial support in an organisation, that specifically met some of their needs more effectively. Another item 32 from the archives demonstrated the petty interest that the AEB had in school affairs and its pressure on head teachers. Mr J. Christie (Secretary, AHMA, 1904) and Mr T. U. Wells, MA (President, AHMA, 1913 ), were each asked to explain their non-attendance at teachers' drill classes: Secretary directed to reply that the Board does not insist upon their attendance but considers that they are neglecting a valuable means of improving their qualifications as teachers of that subject (AEB, 1901 : March p.404). This example of bearing down on head teachers illustrates precisely why they might have felt a need to bind together for mutual support. Figure 4.1: New Zealand Adult Primary Teachers: Females per 100 Males, 1890-1915 200 .. I I I 1ao 1--- I 160 J ___ -- 140 : z 120 . w ::;; 0 iC 100 . ... ' 0 0 z 80 . 60 . 40 - . 20 .. 0 - -·- New Zealand Adult Primary Teachers: Females per 100 Males, 1890-1915 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 YEAR Source: Annual Reports of the New Zealand Education Department. 1915 Women teachers were another group of teachers who sought strength through unity. Figure 4.1 shows the steady feminisation of the primary teachers' service in New Zealand. The total number in New Zealand of certificated teachers in 1901 was 4,921. This included 1,296 men, 1, 328 unmarried women and 67 married women (Appendix 14). From 1901, branches of the New Zealand Women Teachers' Association 33 (NZWT A) were formed and in 1914 they established a national federation (Roth, 1985:94). This need arose from the: . . . many weaknesses in the system that pressed very hardly on women teachers Roth, 1985:94. They strongly believed that the NZEI should focus attention on this matter. Several factors resulted in this push by women. At that time, in New Zealand, there were large numbers of women entering the education work-force there were few opportunities for paid work. This work usually involved factory and domestic work often done in appalling conditions. Once in teaching, some women were frustrated at the lack of promotion and wanted to contest the myth that they were not capable of managing more than 30 students. At the time women entered the teaching force, there were changes in styles of teaching. The 'old style' teachers, mainly men, had to give way and: . . . as women took over the schools, resistance to change occurred in a vain effort to counter the inevitable (Elizabeth, 1991: 123 ). This type of action was evident in the 1901 Staffing and Salaries Commission submissions where men were, in effect, claiming their rights by virtue of being merely male. This led to a fracturing of the teaching service with different roles for men and women. A caring, nurturing role for women, and a preponderance of women teaching in junior classes and in small (rural) schools was the result. At the same time a higher status role for men became the norm. Men became concerned with senior students, administration and providing for the academic needs of students; this at almost double the salary. Trained women teachers however, soon showed they were equally capable of teaching and were equally as efficient as male teachers in small schools. However, women were only really given these responsibilities in the absence of 'preferred' men. The 1901 Staffing and Salaries Commission went further than staffing and salaries and delved into the ability of women teachers. Elizabeth states: The Commission brought into the open many grievances, served to deflate women's position in the system and endeavoured to stop them from moving further into the control of the primary schools (Elizabeth, 1991: 132). 34 Table 4.1: Salary Differences of Head Teachers with an Average Role of under 100 in Full-time Schools Salary Differences of Head Teachers With an Average Role of Under 100 in Full-time Schools. Role Number Salary in£ Salary in£ Under 15 Male - £5 Per Head Female - £5 Per Head 15-19 114 90 20-24 124 106 25-29 130 112 30-39 145 120 40-49 160 130 50-59 170 138 60-79 185 148 1 80-99 195 1 Too female salary scale of £148 as women teachers were not aooointed at a higher level. Source: Appendices, Journals Legislative Council and House of Representatives. Clearly, therefore, the evidence shows a polarisation between the genders that resulted in the formation of separate men and women teacher organisations such as AHMA, AMTG, AAMA, NZWTA, WTA, Senior Women Teachers Association (SWT A). In particular, it can be argued that women, wanting equal opportunity and equal remuneration (see Table 4.1 above), were challenging the positions of male teachers in the education system. It is logical to conject that this gender agitation could be construed as a major factor in male head teachers forming closed ranks through the creation of an organisation of their own. This desire for a single-sex body was not peculiar to Auckland and by I 919 there was a national organisation linking regional headmasters' associations. It is also interesting to speculate on why so many teacher organisations were established around the tum of the century. Was it because the colony had at last developed a cohesive well-organised political party in the form of the Liberals. This was a political party which while in government had developed centralized power. It would certainly seem so and, as a consequence, pressure groups emerged to lobby for the merits of their policies. It would appear that some of these groups arose solely to contest single issues of central government decisions. One of the earliest established teacher organisations was the Auckland School Teachers' Association which was founded in 1873 and which: . . . had the virtue of uniting into one body primary and secondary school teachers (Cumming, 1959:73). 35 The NZEI had been established in 1885 as a national body and the minutes of its 18th AGM in 1901, lists T. U. Wells, MA, as a representative of the Auckland branch. He was to become, in 1913, President of the AHMA. Mr W. T. Grundy, President of the NZEI in 1901, confined his address to two subjects of importance and interest at that time. These were the working of the new regulations for the examination of scholars and the proposed colonial scale of staffs salaries (NZEI 1901: 1). Also discussed at this meeting was the establishment of a committee: ... to consider the desirability of establishing a superannuation fund for public school teachers (NZEI, 190 l: l 0). This section of the thesis has provided examples to show that the theme of unity was a unifying force for the AHMA and it can be argued, therefore, that it is valid to claim that the data confirms the speculation that headmasters sought security for their positions in the education system by both supporting the NZEI and also by acting as an independent organisation. Exclusivity is another theme. This theme is explored next and focuses on the links made with other male teacher organisations to the exclusion of women. What is clear later in the written records of the Association, is that there was a strong desire of male principals to retain their exclusiveness by linking with other male teacher organisations. In 1922, the AHMA joined the Federated Executive of Male Teachers. Three members of each executive formed the new Executive to co-ordinate agreed action on behalf of male teachers. In the same year, the Dominion Headmasters' Association (DHMA, also called the New Zealand Headmasters' Association, NZHMA) held a conference in Wellington and the report given to AHMA was that the timing for amalgamation was not yet right. The reasons why the AHMA could not amalgamate fully with the other male teacher organisations were that: Headmasters could not express opinions freely and a great loss engendered by curtailment of opinions oflnspectors and lack of consultations by [Education] Board (Minutes, ARMA: 4 August, 1922). 36 Evidence of a dominant male culture continued in the AHMA. In 1936 a combined meeting with the Executives of the NZMTG and the AAMA decided: ... to agree to the nomination of suitable candidates for election as representatives at the Annual Conference of the NZEI in Wellington to the end that the interest of male teachers might be adequately safeguarded (Minutes, AHMA, 3 March, 1936). The motion of Warner and Hillam was subsequently agreed upon. This read: ... that although it is not considered to be a wise policy to stress a 'ticket', after the nominations close, each of the Associations represented at this meeting, if it is then deemed necessary, send to its own members a circular letter dealing with the position as then apparent, asking them to exercise their votes in the interests of men (Minutes, AHMA, 3 March, 1936). This stacking of the AGM of the NZEI with suitable male representatives seemed unnecessary considering how salaries and appointments favoured men. For example, a proposed new salary scale was discussed after having already received the general approval of the AMTG. In fact, Table 4.2 shows men teachers were paid more than women teachers and the maximum salary women could attain in comparison to the men was £280 less, or 41.2% below the minimum male salary. This table is shown only to demonstrate the salary difference between men and women teachers and that there was no provision for women on the highest scale. A feature of this scale was an increase in the differentiation between male and female teachers' salaries. Table 4.2: Group Grading Men and Women, 1936 Group Grading: Maximum for Each Group Attainable by Efficiency Before the End of Every 10 Years Service Men Women 0-10 vears £150 £150 11-20 years £400 £250 21-30 years £550 £400 31-40+ years £680 Source: Analysis of AHMA Minute Books, l 0 March 1936 So why did headmasters appear to be preserving their male culture while also actively politicising the denial of equal pay to women teachers? One clue can be found, as far 37 back as 1897, when the notion of equal pay was first raised at a NZEI Council meeting in Nelson by a Mrs Frances [a Wellington representative who was credited as the first woman to appear in NZEI records, (Simmonds, 1983:23)]. The successful motion that followed only drew attention to the great disparity that existed then between salaries paid: . . . to male assistant teachers and those paid to female assistant teachers (Simmonds, 1983:65). A more significant indicator of attitudes at this meeting was the argument against equal pay for pupil-teachers. Equal pay would: . . . most certainly lead to a lessened supply of male teachers and act injuriously to the cause of education (Simmonds, 1983:66). A further example can be found in 1901 The New Zealand Journal of Education, a monthly publication of the NZEI. This entry, which also reflected the views of that male-dominated organisation, had this to say: It must not be thought that a few discontented females, who are now clamoring for equal pay for equal work represent the women teachers of the colony . . . Every sensible woman recognises that with equality of salary and free and open competition between the sexes, women would suffer (Simmonds, 1983:67). Another explanation for headmasters preserving their male status was their perception, shared by school committees and the general public, that male teachers and headmasters were better suited to managing and controlling large numbers of pupils, particularly the older ones. It is important to realize that many of the inner city schools had large pupil rolls and large classes. Although it is data for a later period, Table 4.3 is still a partial indicator of the conditions teachers experienced in the first twenty years of this century. Indeed, even though the table does not provide data about class sizes, it is known that 1900 class sizes ranged from 35 pupils for the Standard 4 (Year 6) and from 32-94 pupils for Standard 6 (Year 8) (Cumming, 1959: 368). There were large class sizes, crowded classrooms and poorly trained teachers. Inspectors of the time also reported on the wide range of performance levels of each class. 38 Table 4.3: Pupil Rolls of Some Auckland City Schools, 1919 Pupil Rolls of Some Auckland City Schools, 1919 School Number Avondale Side School 42 Bayfield 703 Beresford Street 601 Napier Street 569 Nelson Street 448 Newton East 790 Newton West 375 Parnell 620 Richmond Road 735 Stanley Bay 266 Source: Analysis of AHMA Minute Books, 1919. In addition, the average age of pupils at each level was much older than they are today because children staited school at an older age and there was rarely social promotion for slow learners. The following Table 4.4 illustrates this point: Table 4.4: Average Age for Primary Children for Each Class Level Average Age for Primary Children for Each Class Level Auckland Pupils 1900 New Zealand Pupils, 1998 Standard Year Age Standard Year Age 1 3 9.8 1 3 7.06 2 4 10.0 2 4 8.06 3 5 10.75 3 5 9.07 4 6 12.0 4 6 10.06 5 7 13.16 5 7 11.15 6 8 14.8 6 8 12.18 Source: Cumming, 1957:255 Source: Education Statistics of New Zealand, 1999 Membership of the Association Several themes have been discussed in investigating the origins of the Association. It is clear from the evidence that the male-dominant culture was unsuccessfully challenged by women head teachers and aspiring head teachers for over 70 years. Furthermore, it has also been shown that the AHMA, as a common interest group, reflected and was 39 consistent with the need, at the time, for separate organisations which operated independently but also within the national teachers' organisation the NZEI. The AHMA was established in 1901 and the management structure changed very little until 1972 when the Association pem1itted woman principals to join and the name was changed to APPA. The Auckland Savings Bank (ASB)/AHMA Travelling Fellowship Trust also changed its name for the same reason. Membership of the Association was exclusively male for the first 71 years. The reasons for that are to be found in the origins of the Association. In the l 960's, private school headmasters could be made Associate Members without voting rights. In the post World War II period there was a rapid expansion of state schools and pupil roll numbers. As a consequence of this, the integration of some private schools and the admittance of women principals the membership of the Association grew. Until the l 970's, even males did not have an automatic membership because of their position as a principal. They only became members after being nominated, seconded and their nomination put to the vote at a general meeting. Membership ceased when they entered the Inspectorate; they retired and became Honorary Members without voting rights. Associate male members were allowed from A TC, Specialist Service and the Psychological Service. Table 4.5: Comparing the Growth of the Association, 1919-1999 Comparin2 the Growth of the Association. 1919-1999 1919-1920 1998-1999 Number of Headmasters, AHMA Members I 30 Number of Princioals APPA Members I 393 - Nine Headmasters listed as members but had not Including 91 women principals attended at all. Including 20 women principals of inte~rated schools Boundary Areas of Members: East St Heliers Bay Boundary Areas of Members : South Drury/Papakura East - Bucklands Beach North West Pt Chevalier South - Paparimu North Birkdale North West - Waioneke North - Warkworth Source: Analysis of AHMA Minute Books, 1919-1920 and APPA Membership List, 1998 As is clearly evident from the comparative Table 4.5 above, the Association has changed in sheer size. Although membership, as recorded in 1919, was relatively geographically wide, with provision for country members from Helensville to Papakura 40 and Drury, the actual membership was small in number. There was a regular attendance, at the monthly meetings, of a maximum of 24 at any one time in the 1919- 1920 year. It is worth emphasizing that a feature of the Association then was its relative smallness and hence its meetings were regularly attended by a small group of headmasters. The regular attendees, out of the 41 financial members, were principals of city schools such as Bayfield, Pt Chevalier, A TC, Remuera, Parnell, Richmond Road, Mt Albert, Richmond West, Newmarket, Normal and Ellerslie. The one exception was R. Harrison of Belmont School. He travelled by ferry across the harbour to the meetings. Interestingly, the desire which had existed on the part of Auckland Headmasters for a national body of Headmasters, prior to 1919, re-emerged in the late l 970's and l 980's as a desire and the subsequent formation of the New Zealand Principals' Federation, (NZPF) (as referred to later). In the l 930's, there were also attempts to combine the executives of the AHMA, the AAMA and the AMTG to further the interests of male teachers in Auckland: Amalgamation of the central executives of the three male teachers' organisations. It is earnestly hoped that the Guild will remain closely allied to the NZEI which is the one body to represent all teachers of the Dominion (350th Meeting, AHMA, 5 June, 1936). It has been mentioned previously that the constitution of the AHMA permitted Associate Members from other educational institutions. Few became involved, however, until the Third Labour Government brought in the Integration Act of 1976 as a solution to: ... something that had been bugging me, politicians and other people for the best part of 100 years - the vexed question ... of State aid (Amos, 1997, Interview,). Ned Dobbs, Director General of Education chaired the meetings of interested people in 1972 and thrashed out a compromise scheme. Integration could mean: and .. . the coherence of a number of disparate elements to form a new whole (Kelly and Gilmore, 1995, Interview) . .. it was a symbiotic relationship . .. (from) which (sic) both the state schools and the private schools profited (Kelly and Gilmore, 1995, Interview). 41 Because there are more Catholic primary schools in Auckland than any other type of private schools being integrated, it is not surprising that the first recorded full member of the Association from an integrated school was a female Catholic principal, Sister Helena of St Dominic's School, Blockhouse Bay in 1972. She was the representative of the Catholic Primary and Intermediate Schools, (AHMA Executive Minutes, 1972:2). Brother Anthony Ford was elected President in 1990 and was the first Principal of an integrated school to obtain that position. In retrospect, it is surprising that the Association (and also the NZEI) once held strong views on State aid to private schools. In the 1950's, state aid and the teaching of religion in state schools were fiercely discussed topics. The latter was recommended in the Mazengarb Report, 1954 which was prompted by a moral panic over sexual misconduct, fretted over parental