Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Public Perceptions, Gang 'Reality' and the Influence of the Media. A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Psychology at Massey University. Alexandra Green 1997 ii ABSTRACT This research was designed to address the hypothesis that there is a wide disparity between how the public perceive gangs and the 'reality' from the gang's perspective and; that in part, the New Zealand media are responsible for this difference, portraying a negative image of gang members. Sixty members of the Horowhenua public and seven gang respondents were interviewed. The small sample size of the gang respondents made it impossible to statistically compare the two groups. Analysis was carried out on the spoken discourse of the public and gang respondents and the printed discourse of the news media. Chi square analysis was used on the public respondent sample. Demographic characteristics of the public respondents such as gender, ethnicity and employment status resulted in observable differences in the public's perceptions of gangs. In particular, feelings of having a gang resident m their neighbourhood, estimates on the number of people involved with gangs m New Zealand and perceptions of the media accuracy in reporting about gangs. Previous contact with a member of a gang was also found to influence respondents' perceptions of media accuracy. Increasing the sample size is likely to clarify these findings. Ethical and practical implications in conducting research on gangs are discussed and suggestions for future research are identified. Some practical implications of the present findings are mentioned. Ill ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Special thanks to Mum and Dad, my best friends, who continue to be my anchor and encouragement, particularly throughout the two years of this research. To my dear friend Bjorn, for all your support over the last two years. Thank you. Thank you to Joan Barnes, my supervisor, who despite temptation never gave up on me. A special thanks to Catherine and Gina who shared my troubles and understood completely. We did it!! My appreciation to all those who have taken part in this study, Kaumatua, Nomads, and those from the Horowhenua region without whom this thesis could not have been completed. Thank you. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Overview Background- The Nomads. The New Zealand Gang Scene. Definitions. Classification. History of Gangs Gangs and the Community. Labelling Social Factors Leading to Gang Membership . Effect on the Gang Family Membership of the Gang The Reasons Why Gangs Develop Cultural Differences . Drug and Alcohol Use. Women and Gangs Criminal Activity Relationship to the Police Gangs in Prisons Influence of the Media. .11 0 lll . lV . Vlll . IX Page 0 1 .2 .4 .5 .6 . 7 .8 .9 0 11 0 12 0 13 0 15 0 16 .17 0 18 0 19 0 19 0 20 0 22 CHAPTER 2: PERCEPTIONS AND REALITY . Stereotypes The Fundamental Attribution Error The Media Influence Source of News. CHAPTER 3: WHAT THE NEW ZEALAND MEDIA SAYS Gangs and the Community Overseas Reports The History of Gangs . Membership of Gangs . Gang 'Associates ' Maori and Gangs The Official Maori Perspective. Women and Gangs Criminal Activity Relationship to the Police Prejudice in the Justice System?. Influence of the Media CHAPTER 4: DISCOURSE ANALYSIS . CHAPTER 5: THE NOMADS - HOROWHENUA CHAPTER6: THEPRESENTSTUDY . Pages . 25 . 27 . 28 .30 .36 . 38 . 40 . 41 . 42 . 42 . 44 . 46 . 47 . 49 . 53 . 54 . 55 . 59 . 66 . 71 CHAPTER7: METHODOLOGY Public Respondent Sample Participants Procedure Gang Respondent Sample. Participants Procedure Materials Justification for the Use of an Interview Format Interview Structure Ethical Considerations. Participant Safety Analysis Quantitative Analysis Qualitative Analysis CHAPTER 8: THE GANG RESPONDENTS CHAPTER 9: RESULTS . Page . 72 . 72 . 72 . 73 . 73 . 73 . 74 . 74 . 74 . 75 . 75 . 76 . 76 . 77 . 79 . 82 CHAPTER 10: DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC RESPONDENTS . 102 CHAPTER 11: DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF GANG RESPONDENTS . 111 CHAPTER 12: DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF NEWSPAPER MEDIA . 120 CHAPTER 13: DISCUSSION The Present Study Limitations of the Present Research Practical Implications of the Present Research Recommendations for Future Research. Summary and Conclusions REFERENCES APPENDICES: A Cover Letter - Public Respondents B Cover Letter - Gang Respondents c Counselling Services Pages . 126 . 130 . 146 . 150 . 151 . 154 . 156 . 174 . 175 . 176 D Interview Format (framework) - Public Respondents (pilot) . 177 E Interview Format (framework) - Public Respondents . . 178 F Interview Format (framework) - Gang Respondents . 179 G The Trials. . 181 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1: Respondents' Gender .. . 82 2: Respondents' Age . 83 3: Respondents' Ethnicity. . 84 4: Respondents' Occupation . 84 5: Respondents' Knowledge of the Nomads . 85 6: Respondents' Estimates of the Number of Nomad Members in the Horowhenua . 87 7: The Ethnicity of the Nomads . 88 8: Respondents' Reactions to Having a Gang Resident in their Neighbourhood. . 89 9: Respondents' Estimates of the Numbers Involved with Gangs in New Zealand . 90 10: Respondents' Estimates of the Numbers Involved with Gangs in New Zealand by Gender . 91 11 : What Respondents said Gangs did . 92 12: Source of Information in Learning about Gangs . 94 13: Respondents' Comments on the Portrayal of Gangs by the Media . 95 14: Respondents' Views on Media Accuracy . 95 15: Respondents' Descriptions of Members . 98 16: What Respondents said Gang Members do . 99 Figure 1: LIST OF FIGURES Importance of Social Problems: % ranking first or second. Source New Zealand Values Today (1990) . Page . 57 1 CHAPTER! INTRODUCTION Overview Gangs, or more specifically, crimes committed by gang members recetve wide coverage in the New Zealand media. Although in New Zealand the number of people involved in gangs appears to be quite small, images of criminal activity, rape, threats and hostility from black clad individuals on motorbikes, and in dilapidated cars, are often what come to mind when the public picture the role of gangs within the New Zealand setting. This is illustrated by news media coverage of gangs in programmes such as 'Insight' (Harrington, 1994). Criminal activity amongst members has Jed to a negative image of gangs. That is not to say however, that all members of gangs commit crime, rather that the ones who do receive a large amount of publicity which generates bad feeling in the community, earning gangs (as a whole) an anti-social image, an image that the police believe is quite properly earned (Harrington, 1994). Awareness of gangs in the Southern half of the North Island has increased in the last two years as a result of a police task force, 'Operation Damon' . In addition, alleged gang violence and crime has been widely reported in the local print media such as the Manawatu Evening Standard, The Chronicle and in some cases the Wellington Dominion. Literature available on gangs in the New Zealand setting is both dated and limited, although a study by Kelsey and Young (1982) on members of the Black Power, Headhunters and Stormtroopers provided some insights into the role of the media in providing information, misinformation and propaganda about gangs to the New Zealand public. 2 Although there is some research on gangs (Brown, 1978; Campbell, Munce & Galea, 1982; Copeland, 1974; Jansyn, 1966; Kennedy & Baron, 1993; Lyon, Henggler & Hall, 1992) there are problems in applying information gathered overseas to a New Zealand setting owing to such problems as ethnic differences and population size. Few New Zealanders have more than a fleeting and uneventful contact with gangs, and what knowledge they have is usually gained from what others report has been happening and why. Thus, the biases and misconceptions of the person who is telling the story is incorporated into others' repertoires and passed on. The emotions and fears which are aroused in us by gangs do not come from our own knowledge of reality, rather they are the images and definitions we receive from others, who therefore configure our evaluation of, and reaction to, gang members. These images and definitions determine, in effect, our attitudes to gang members, our expectations of them, and the part they are perceived to play within our social organisation (Kelsey & Young, 1982). Background- The Nomads The Nomad gang is predominantly based in the lower half of the North Island. Although the gang is relatively small with only 14 patched members in the Horowhenua chapter they "[h]ave built a fearsome reputation for violence among both the police and criminal fraternities of New Zealand" (Payne, 1991, p. 64). Founded in 1977 as a splinter group of the Black Power Gang, 70% of the Nomads are in some way related to each other. The strong familial bonds may be reflected in the loyalty which the members have for one another. The population of the Horowhenua region, which consists of the rural area and urban townships of Manakau, Ohau, Foxton, Shannon, Opiki, Tokomaru, Waitarere and Levin currently stands at approximately 29,300 people. Of these, 3 just under 20,000 reside in Levin which is the largest town in the Horowhenua District. Foxton is a small coastal town about 30 kilometres from Palmerston North. Approximately 20% of the Foxton population are Maori, of whom a significant number are Ngati Raukawa, and some of their descendants are Nomads. Currently in the Horowhenua the unemployed and non-labour force make up 53.7% of the adult population (Searle, 1994). Foxton made the headlines with increasing frequency during 1994-95 as the police launched a specific programme focusing on alleged criminal gang activity. This crackdown, termed 'Operation Damon', led to the serving of 1 16 search warrants, and 86 subsequent arrests. Members of the Nomads, and those people associated with them such as community worker and gang mediator Dave Williams and the Kaumatua of the Nomads, Ratana church member Gilbert Knowles, believe that the operation launched by the police, if indeed there was ever a need, was 3-4 years too late in arriving and was unnecessary by the time it was launched. Jack Whakatehe, a Nomad member for the last 13 years and spokesman of the Horowhenua chapter, believes that the Nomads take the blame for crime committed in the area whether they are guilty or not, "[t]hey are the fall guys whether or not it's them" (Whakatehe, 1994, cited in Harrington, 1994). Foxton residents were divided as to the effects of the Nomads in the town. According to a National Radio programme, Insight, broadcast in October 1994 some residents of Foxton were unaware of the presence of the Nomads prior to 'Operation Damon' being launched and are angered by the labelling of Foxton as a gang town. Other people, including the police, believe that some residents were in fear of their lives owing to the terrorism displayed by gang members. The New Zealand Gang Scene Despite their prominence and significance in contemporary New Zealand society - 'the dark side of a Maori renaissance', and 'an increasing visible symbol of (Maori) discontent', according to one commentator (Allison, 1989) - gangs have seldom been the subject of academic research or serious consideration (Meek, 1992, p. 272). 4 Difficulty in carrying out research lies in the social distance between those who would carry out the research and those who would be the subject of the research as well as the likely reluctance on the part of the gangs themselves to be completely open on their activities. In the absence of any scientific research much of the information comes from the police, concerned more with a law enforcement view and is less than objective (Meek, 1992). According to police figures, there was a 4.3% decrease in the number of gang members in the 1981-1986 period but a I 00% increase in the two years which followed, with gang membership increasing by a further 67.25% in the 18 months from September 1988 to March 1990 (Meek, 1992, p. 258). Meek ( 1992) goes on to suggest the question be asked of whether the same definition of gangs was used each time. Most literature currently available on gangs is based on overseas' research, with particular emphasis on the United States. It is recognised that the amount to which these findings are applicable to a New Zealand setting has limitations, as the cultural make-up of each country make a country's gang situation individual to that country. This noted, it is recognised that some components of the research are applicable in New Zealand; these will be highlighted and discussed in the following chapter. 5 Definitions There are innumerable definitions of gangs; the Collins English Dictionary (1982) defines a gang (1) as "a group of people who associate together or act as an organised body, especially for criminal or illegal purposes" (p. 598). However, this definition is only one of many commonly used. The Oxford English dictionary defines a gang as: "Any band or company of persons who go about together or act in concert (chiefly in a bad or deprecatory sense, and in modern usage mainly associated in criminal societies)" "To be of a gang: to belong to the same society, to have the same interests"(Oxford, 1970, p. 44). Thrasher ( 1963) described a gang thus: The gang is an interstitial group originally formed spontaneously, and then integrated through conflict. It is characterised by the following types of behaviour: meeting face to face, milling, movement through space as a unit, conflict and planning. The result of this collective behaviour is the development of tradition, unreflective internal structure, esprit de corps, solidarity, morale, group awareness and attachment to a local territory (p. 46). A further definition of a gang, from the Report of the Committee on Gangs, is a peer group association of mainly adolescent males. People unite together to form groups, and primary groups similar to gangs are constantly forming and dissolving at all levels of society from pre-school to adult groups. "[G]angs are found in a wide range of ethnicities and seem to reflect an important phase of adolescence" (Committee on Gangs, 1981, p. 4). It is clear gangs are distinguished from other groups on the basis of criminal intent. 6 Classification _I Huff ( 1989) attempted to classify gangs, in regard to the main purpose of each. The gangs identified in the study by Huff correspond with several loosely knit typologies: (1) Informal hedonistic gangs whose predominant goal is getting 'high' and having a good time. Although these gangs may occasionally engage in some minor property crime, perhaps to finance the purchasing of drugs, overall they tend not to be involved in violent personal crime. (2) Instrumental gangs who are more economically oriented will commit a higher volume of property crimes for financial reasons. The majority of these gang members use alcohol and marijuana, and some use 'crack' cocaine. While some individual members of these gangs sell drugs, this is not an organised gang activity. (3) Predatory gangs which may be responsible for committing robberies, street mugging, and other crimes of opportunity. Members of these gangs are more likely to use highly addictive drugs such as 'crack' cocaine and these drugs contribute significantly to their labile, offensive behaviour. The selling of drugs to finance the purchase of more sophisticated weapons may also be undertaken by gang members (Huff, 1989). New Zealand gangs described in the Report of the Committee on Gangs (1981), were said to be a mix of tight knit organised gangs with a clear hierarchy and internal rules who could be clearly identified, and 'cult' gangs with looser affiliations, identified by dress conventions and who followed the same music trends. 7 There is an ever-changing gang scene as members spend time in prison or move away from the area, and new members are introduced into the gang. In New Zealand gangs the one feature that has remained constant has been the emphasising of territoriality and the definition of home territory (Committee on Gangs, 1981 ). Forming branches, referred to in Moore, Vigil & Garcia's (1983) research on gaining membership to a gang, can offer a parallel to a gang chapter in a New Zealand setting where a national gang may be represented by a number of predominantly independent chapters, each chapter having its own hierarchy. These chapters may be governed by a national president as is the case with the Black Power and the Nomads. Alternatively the Mongrel Mob, although containing chapters throughout New Zealand, have no such national structure, rather their leadership is in essence located at a regional level. History of Gangs Gang beginnings date back to the 1950s and 1960s with the establishment of groups such as the Bodgies and Widgies, Milk Bar Cowboys and the Teddy Boys (Kelsey & Young, 1982). Officially ethnic gangs in New Zealand first came to the attention of the public in July, 1971 (Kelsey & Young, 1982), when they appeared on Gallery a current affairs programme fronted by Brian Edwards (Edwards, 1971 ). Investigation for this programme looked first at allegations made by police, public officials and the Maori Council that gang violence was rife in South Auckland and that race relations were being threatened by a group of "young Maori who leave school to early and face limited and frustrating lives" (Carroll, n.d., cited in Edwards, 1971, p. 175). The end result of the Gallery investigations led to Stormtrooper claims that members had been brutalised by the police and led to an independent committee of inquiry looking into allegations made against the police (Edwards, 1971). 8 According to police estimates ethnic gangs are the most numerous and visible in terms of media coverage (Meek, 1992). By the end of the 1970s the perception of gangs had changed from that of a juvenile crime problem to a membership that comprised mostly of adults and presented not only a serious threat to law and order, but a social problem of dangerous proportions (Meek, 1992). Kelsey and Young (1982) attributed the changed perception of gangs that occurred in the 1970's to three factors; increased membership, greater intensity in intergang rivalry and racial disharmony. The subsequent response to gangs was termed 'moral panic' with 1979 being labeled 'The year of the gangs'. Gangs and the Community When a 'problem' relating to a gang is identified by the police it affects the surrounding community where the gang resides. Whenever gang problems are identified, the 'problem' is more likely to be viewed as occurring at a community level as opposed to an individual level problem or a national level problem (Curry & Thomas, 1992). In New Zealand the profile of gangs increased greatly with the election of the National party prime minister, the late Sir Robert Muldoon. His relationship with the Black Power gang continued throughout his years in politics culminating in his death in 1992 when a Tangi was held for him. Gang numbers over the last 1 0 years have been steadily increasing and although their profile at the time of Muldoon's leadership may have, at times, been positive (Walker, 1989), since then there has been a steady decline in their public image. Gang members typically have low educational attainment, often a history of truancy before leaving school, and are early schoolleavers. "[I]t is, however, their educational attainment that is low, not their intelligence" (Committee on Gangs, 1981, p. 8). 9 Classifying gangs as the byproduct of a lower class is an image that is likely to be well supported by middle class New Zealanders who would prefer to see gangs as a social entity far removed from their world. Contrary to what Curry and Thomas ( 1992) claim, gangs have become very much a national level problem, a political issue in the year of a general election. Gangs are very useful to political parties who can make use of the publicity surrounding gangs. The general enmity in which gangs are held may be used to good advantage in order to state a party's stand on gangs, law and order whilst condemning the overall lifestyle of gangs. Labelling The experience of the gang label is expressed by a member of the Vice Lords "People don't understand why you hang with them, who you are, or what. People name you. People name the club .... Once you're a Lord, you're branded for the rest of your life" (Keiser, 1969, p. 80). In the United States the concept of labelling has been looked at to some degree in Moore's (1985) paper looking at the isolation and stigmatisation in the development of an underclass. In her article, Moore looks at mainstream society's labelling of deviant persons, that is, generalised ascribed deviance, on the basis of visible characteristics. This is compared with targeted ascribed deviance when members of a minority group discriminate against targeted members within their community. "Generalised discrimination makes minority people mad at Anglos (Europeans), but ascriptive labeling makes those same minority people mad at other minority people . . . . this generates more secondary deviance, laying the conditions for the development of a distinctive underclass" (p. 2). The way the legal system reacts to individuals previously labelled as gang members is discussed in a study by Zatz (1985) on "The Legal Processing of Chicano Gang members." Findings indicate that the effects of factors such as characteristics of the offence, offender and the case, operate differently on court processing 10 outcomes, dependent upon whether social control agents have labelled the defendant a gang member. There was found to be no evidence of direct bias in the court system against gang members, rather the number of prior referrals and the influence this had on harsh sanctions was observed to be dependent on membership of a gang. Since gang and non-gang youths did not have a significant difference in their number of prior referrals, there is an indication that a lengthy prior record was interpreted differently for gang and non-gang youth. The deviants in this study were identified as trouble makers largely on the basis of their dress and the families and neighbourhoods to which they belonged. Thus the labelling effect would seem to be influencing an individual's perception of a problem, based on membership of a gang. However some variables, such as progression through the educational system, resulted in gang members being treated more leniently, suggesting perhaps that there is an indirect reward for efforts to abide by the rules of mainstream society. In conclusion the author emphasised that "belonging to a gang did not in and of itself result in harsher treatment" (p. 28). Zatz ( 1985) suggested Chicano youths may already be so disadvantaged and devalued owing to ethnicity or social bias that membership of a gang, by itself, makes little difference. In New Zealand the Report of the Committee on Gangs (1981) pointed out the need to find alternatives to traditional custodial sentences, incorporating elements of personal development and community involvement. It was recognised that there was a high rate of recidivism following custodial sentences. "According to gang members themselves, court proceedings did little or nothing to control or discourage gang offending" (Kelsey & Young, 1982, p. 98). On the whole, the court room was alien and meaningless, and governed by a set of rules which had no relevance to their lives. They viewed criminal law and enforcement as alien and weighted against them (Kelsey & Young, 1982). 11 Looking more closely at culture and identity in New Zealand, Novitz and Willmott (1989) stated "It is a sad comment on our dominant culture that so many of us associate difference with threat: we are frightened by anyone different from ourselves, and therefore we ignorantly classify all gang members as criminals" (p. 15). This finding of perceived risk outweighing actual risk (Rogers, I 993) is relevant in the New Zealand setting where public fear is provoked by adverse publicity. Faced by gangs, perceived risk far outweighs the actual risk to the average member of the public. Social Factors Leading to Gang Membership Gangs appear to be almost entirely a lower socioeconomic class phenomenon and are almost entirely made up of adolescent males. Gangs are inclined to arise in urban areas and are particularly likely to be formed against migrant populations and ethnic minorities in cities. They are customarily made up of members who come from homes where general family breakdown and division has occurred (Committee on Gangs, 1981 ). In a report to the Minister of Police (Department of Justice, I 986) on the gang situation within New Zealand, gangs of whatever type, 'organised' and 'disorganised', were said to outnumber and 'outgun ' opponents, adhering to criminal principles and using intimidatory tactics in order to enhance their reputation. The adoption of a uniform or stylised dress is used by the members of the gang in order to hide their individual identity, confuse witnesses and investigators and thus evade subsequent arrest or conviction. Whether the purpose of the gang uniform is to deindividualise or to 'unite as one' is debatable but the gang colours and patches appear to be worn with pride and honour. 12 The authors of the Report go on to say that the raison d' etre of the gang is seldom crime itself. However, gang members frequently refer to themselves as 'outlaws', see themselves in opposition to the police, and engage in illegal activity. A large number never work, but unlawful business within the gang is usually personalised and not related to the formal orientation of the group. Like exclusive men's clubs and guilds, gangs are merely collectives of males who choose to exist under a common brotherhood. Except as companions of the men, therefore, women are seldom included in gangs affairs (Department of Justice, 1986). The attraction of belonging to a gang with its increased risk of violent confrontations, danger, ostracism and closer scrutiny from the police, has been discussed by researchers, parents, police and the public alike. The Report of the Committee on Gangs ( 1981) claimed that being m a gang provided: a measure of status and respect to societies 'failures' and security through uniformity; an identity and an alternative status system; through which 'achievement' is possible for the members; power over others, which gives the status of manhood to gang members; and companionship, protection, and a shared identity, which fulfils strong emotional needs on the part of gang members. These factors outweighed the negative effects of the sometimes vtctous gang discipline (Committee on Gangs, 1981). Effect on the Gang Family Parental attitudes to gang membership varies according to the individual. For some, their son's gang activity is a continuation of a family tradition. However, for others the knowledge that their son is a member of a gang will result in the breakdown of the family relationship. While some parents appear to remain largely ignorant of what occurs in the streets, other parents, if pressed, acknowledge suspicions about their sons involvement in gang violence. However, to make his behaviour more consistent with their standards, they may argue that he never starts any fights and that his particular gang is really a group of nice young men (Horowitz, 1987, p. 443). 13 If the community were to react to gang members as deviant, they would be faced with a number of dilemmas. Above all they would have to reject beloved family members. In order to control gang violence, the authorities would have to be called in, thus publicly questioning family honour. The cultural and existential solution is to work with gang members to maintain a relationship of mutual toleration and to persevere with negotiations which allow community life to proceed in an orderly, if tenuous, manner (Horowitz, 1987). Vigil (1988) has suggested that gangs are able to provide the emotional support for members that may otherwise be lacking in the family. With parents of gang members unable to provide adequate supervision for their children, a sense of identity and shared association is offered to the gang's members. While some investigators have viewed peer relations of gang members as highly adaptive and cohesive, others have seen them as quite dysfunctional (cited in Lyon, Henggeler & Hall, 1992). Membership of the Gang Gaining membership for non-resident gang members was found by Moore, Vigil and Garcia (1983) to be based on four variables: (1) Kinship may be offered as a reasonable request in order to gain access to a gang, family who reside outside the neighborhood may be easily admitted as members. This is likely to be a reason for findings of high degrees of relatedness in gang members, the ease with which they can gain entry being a deciding factor on the gang to which they choose to belong. The importance of the family connection also seems to be stressed in the New Zealand setting with a high degree of relatedness among members of gangs. In America all gang youths are referred to as 'homeboys' (fellow gang members), this position holds the same status as a 'carnal' (blood brother), further supporting the importance of the cohesiveness of the gang relationship . (2) Through alliance gangs may also extend membership. Common activities of the gangs may also be common to other adolescent groups such as partying, 'hanging around', and getting 'high' on drugs and alcohol, to a degree this will further align the prospective gang members. However the defining activities in alliance involve fighting. In essence, the gang is a group of youths who are allied in fighting. In some situations this may involve youths from other communities being pressed into service. (3) Expansion of boundaries. Extending the traditional boundaries of the gang through kinship and alliance enhances the feelings of mutual affinity that bind the individuals together, and increases the fighting strength of the gang, letting it prosper. Thus the inclusion of more non-residents is legitimised and further extension of territory is promulgated. (4) Gangs may also choose to extend themselves far from their original hometowns by forming branches. The branch gang represents a total departure from residence in the neighborhood as a criterion of membership. 14 15 Membership of a gang does not define the boundaries of friendship, although it generally delimits the boundaries of complete gang violence. There are individuals who spend time in the same settings as gang members and interact with them freely and fairly frequently; however they do not actively seek situations in which they can challenge the reputations of peers in order to enhance their own status. The Reason Why Gangs Develop If adolescents feel alienated and unattached, the social control theory postulates that they may not intemalise basic societal norms and may instead resort to deviance and non-conformity (Empey, 1982, cited in Clark, 1992). According to Lloyd (1985) youths who feel alienated may succumb to depression, cynicism, delinquency and substance abuse, and may choose to align with deviant subcultures (cited in Clark, 1992). Individuals within the subculture of violence foster nammg, blaming and aggressiveness. Individuals are more likely 'to perceive a negative outcome as injurious; and are more willing to express a grievance to, and demand reparation from, the harmdoer.' They are more likely to persevere and use force in settling the dispute. Again it is in those situations where the 'fundamental properties of self are attacked' (Luckenbill & Doyle, 1989, p. 90). General camaraderie observed between members would seem to serve only part of the purpose of the gang. To the public at large, gangs convey an image of intimidation. The colours they choose to wear, predominantly black coupled with individual gang colours displayed on such apparel as kerchiefs, vests and leather jackets enables members to be immediately recognisable. By nature of being in a gang a certain level of behaviour is expected. In response to certain behaviour violence is viewed as an acceptable response and when norms are not 'correctly followed' the individual is criticised or ridiculed by others in the group. 16 In New Zealand, individuals who spend time interacting with gang members on a frequent basis, may be known by the police as 'associates'. While they may individually defend their honour when provoked, developing a reputation as 'tough' is generally not a central concern. This is in contrast to the actions of the gang whom actively seek to promote a 'tough' or 'staunch' image. There is no collective reputation to protect and enhance for 'associates', as there is for the members. "Third parties offer subcultural support for violence, serving as allies, and helping to instigate conflict at the same time serving as capable guardians to reduce victimisation" (Kennedy & Baron, 1993, p. 89). Cultural Differences "Middle class communities or groups with different histories and ethnic compositions may provide different gender-related socialisation experiences and opportunities for delinquent activities" (Rhodes & Fischer, 1993, p. 886). Studies in the United States have found significant racial anomalies in regard to the ethnic makeup of gangs. In terms of racial and ethnic identity, it is probable that about 90% of the members of Cleveland and Columbus gangs are black, while the remaining 10% are white and Hispanic .... Statewide, police chiefs surveyed also reported that gang membership was more than 90% black according to their own information (Huff, 1989, p. 526). Moore's (1985) study may be applicable to the New Zealand setting, if it is viewed from the angle that this country is a multi-cultural society. The cultural make-up of New Zealand gangs, with notable exceptions such as the Christchurch based Harris Gang, is over-represented by Maori in particular. Resentment from non­ gang member ethnic minorities towards those who are members of gangs may lead to some discrimination directed at identified members of the community. 17 Although Maori have been singled out as a key factor in violent crime (Bolger, 1992, cited in Mahoney, 1992), Waikato psychology professor James Ritchie disputes these comments. "There is not an aspect that alone conveys our violent times. It is seen everywhere, in our education, parenting, sports, attitudes toward women, male roles, the prison system, through the media and our gun and alcohol use" (Ritchie, 1992, cited in Mahoney, 1992, p. 5). Drug and Alcohol Use In the New Zealand setting, reports from Alcohol and Drug dependency units would indicate that the rate of narcotic drug use is a continuing problem (Health Research and Analytical Services, 1994). There are regular calls for the decriminalisation of marijuana for personal use, citing the effects of marijuana compared with the effects of alcohol. Drug use by gangs is thought to be limited to Class C and B drugs, in particular amphetamines, barbiturates and cannabis plant and resin . The general impression derived from the media is that gangs are heavily involved in both drugs and alcohol. Many of the publicised confrontations between rival gangs often follow a night at the local hotel. Although it had been hypothesised that heavy drinking is characterised by a need for power, coupled with a low rate of inhibition activity (McClelland, Davis, Kalin & Wahner, 1972), a follow-up study in 1982 did not support any differences in rate of inhibition and impulsivity scores. While acknowledging that heavy drinkers have a higher need for power than light drinkers and that this higher need for power is exhibited by an increased level of aggressiveness. "They concluded that heavier drinkers are more aggressive than light drinkers" (Scoufis & Walker, 1982, p. 1018). There are some indications that gang members use alcohol to excess, a pattern of behaviour that is similar to that of other young men in their age groups (Committee on Gangs, 1981). 18 An important difference between Polynesian and European cultures which arises repeatedly in various situations, is the strong group orientation of Polynesians (defined as Maori and Pacific Islanders) in contrast to the individualistic orientation so typical of Westerners (Graves, Graves, Semu & Sam, 1982, p. 1002). This contrast is observable in the make-up of drinking companions in later years. In Graves et al. ( 1982) research it was found that more than 40% of Europeans drink either alone or with one other person compared with Maori, the majority of whom drink in a relatively large group of five or more persons. In terms of amount of alcohol consumed "Maori drinkers consumed the most, an average of almost 13 glasses at a session. Islanders were next with an average of over 10 glasses, and Europeans least with about 7 1/2 glasses" (Graves et al., 1982, p. 993). Women and Gangs The increased awareness of family violence in the community, has made society as a whole more concerned with the effects that violence has on the individuals involved, both directly and indirectly. Women who are involved with members of gangs, in the capacity of girlfriends, de factos, wives and mothers of gang members ' children, continue to be shrouded in secrecy. They refuse to talk to reporters either because they are afraid of the repercussions, "[m]ale possessiveness within gangs is more than an attitude and can be manifested in very punitive reactions to girls who defy the norms" (Moore & Devitt, 1989); or because they have no wish to reveal personal details of their lives . Although no woman is allowed to be a patched member of a New Zealand gang, Black Power in Wellington and Auckland tried having women as full patched members. However, National president of Black Power, Rei Harris, said that having women as patched members did not work due to their role as mothers suffering (Gee, 1988). Some women are so closely connected that to all intent and purposes they are a part of the gang (Bray brook & Southey, 1992). Recent studies in the United States have suggested that the phenomenon of female gang membership is increasing (Bjerregaard & Smith, 1993). 19 Criminal Activity Results from a study by Lyon et al. ( 1992) found that there was a higher rate of reported criminal behaviour among incarcerated gang members than among incarcerated youth who were not gang members. Offences for gang members were found to be more than twice the number that were attributed to non-gang members who were serious offenders. These results, however, must be interpreted with some caution. It may be expected that it would be to gang members' advantage to add to their consequence and enhance their reputation by broadcasting their criminal exploits, whereas for a non-gang associated individual there is little to be gained from taking responsibility for a greater number of offences, other than an increased sentence. Relationship to the Police "Overall the attitudes of group members to the police is one of suspicion, disrespect, distrust, dislike, contempt and occasionally even fear" (Smith, 1975, p. 25). However, this judgement is likely to be reciprocated in the attitudes that the police have towards gang members. Smith (1975) concluded that the hostility of group members did not seem to be so much directed against the role of the police as enforcer of the Jaw, rather directed against the ways in which the local police chose to fulfil this role. Police officers operating from the remoteness of a 'cruiser' or 'eye car' have little opportunity to defuse this hostility, since they would normally only interact with people when an offence has been committed. Thus, their main contact with gang members is likely to have been when tensions were running high, the law was allegedly broken and arrests were made. The Roper Report voiced concern over the police attitude to gangs which they reported was "[c]ompletely negative, which can only result, and is resulting, in a comparable attitude by gangs towards police" (Roper, 1987, p. 89). 20 Gangs in Prisons Officially there was recognition of a gang problem in New Zealand prisons in 1980 following four serious incidents involving the Mongrel Mob. At this time the most strongly represented gang was the Mongrel Mob who accounted for approximately half the total number of gang affiliated inmates in prison. The only group with comparable nationwide coverage was the Black Power which comprised approximately 25% of gang affiliated inmates. "The combined total of 'patched' members and ex-members/'associates' comprised 26.8% of inmates in the 1987 Prison Census and 24.5% in 1989" (Braybrook & O'Neill, 1988; Braybrook, 1990, cited in Meek, 1992, p. 260). "Unpublished data from the 1989 Prison census show that gang membership in prisons is overwhelmingly a Maori phenomenon; 85.6% of 'patched' members and 76.7% of ex members and 'associates' were identified as Maori" (Meek, 1992, p. 268). Since 1980, in New Zealand prisons there have been at least 16 major disturbances involving gangs. The Mongrel Mob have featured in a large proportion of these incidents which, with one exception, have rarely resulted in serious injuries to combatants, "suggesting perhaps that the purpose is as much symbolic as intended to inflict serious damage on rival gangs" (Meek, 1992). There is an infrequency to the outbursts of violence which is paralleled in the community that Meek ( 1992) also suggested, illustrates that the gangs tend to co­ exist, for the most part, with only periodic outbursts of violence, rather than engaging in continuous conflict. In 1989 the number of inmates associated with the Mongrel Mob and Black Power reached virtual parity with the Mongrel Mob making up 44.8% of the total patch members and the Black Power accounting for 41% of the total (Meek, 1992). 21 In 1989, 65.9% of all inmates were under 30, while those of patched members who were serving jail sentences made up 84.7% of this number. There was a considerable difference in the type of sentence being served by patched members in comparison with unaffiliated inmates. Patched members serving sentences for violent offences made up 64.3 % compared with 48 .3% of unaffiliated inmates. The length of gang members' prison sentence was also longer with 20.7% of patched members ' serving 7 years or more compared with 12.8% of unaffiliated inmates serving sentences of a comparable length. The number of previous convictions was higher and the age at which the first conviction was made was younger for 'patched' gang members. A third (33.1 %) of 'patched' members received their first custodial sentence at age 16 years or less, compared with 17.5% of unaffiliated inmates. Among male inmates, a significantly higher proportion of 'patched' members were classified as requiring maximum or medium security (55 .1%) than ex-members and 'associates ' ( 43.4%) or unaffiliated inmates (42.6%) . A correspondingly smaller proportion of 'patched' members were classified as minimum security ( 40.1%) compared to the two other groups (55.8% and 52.8% respectively) (Meek, 1992). Paremoremo is New Zealand's Maximum Security Prison. Built in 1969 it has normal cell accommodation for 248 inmates. However, on a day to day basis it usually holds approximately 200 men. Maximum security has two principal functions, that of security and control. Admittance to a maximum security prison may be based on one of three criteria, repeated attempts to escape, prisoners who would present a serious threat to the community if they escape, and those prisoners who when placed in lower level security prisons have proved to be a disruptive influence (Ministerial Committee of Inquiry into the Prisons System, 1989). A survey in 1985 of the total population of prisoners at Paremoremo identified 32.2% of inmates as belonging, or having previously belonged to, a gang (Meek, 1986). 22 In the early days of gangs the management policy of the prison was to down play gang affiliations. This policy is still implemented in the present day. However, to minimise disruption to the whole prison system it has been deemed advisable to hold a large group of members of a particular gang in a wing apart from other inmates. Significant changes in the basic parity of the numbers involved in gangs, with a marked increase in the number of Mongrel Mob members has disrupted the equilibrium of numbers of Black Power members to Mongrel Mob members This has led to the assigning of different gangs as inhabitants of each block. The numbers of gang members in prison have increased m recent years. One explanation for this could be that, Penal institutions are, of cause, fertile ground for the recruiting of new members as gangs offer group support and comradeship, attractive commodities in what can be a lonely and threatening environment. The Mongrel Mob at least, is actively involved in prospecting for new members in prison, although this is frowned on by some other gangs (Meek, 1986, p. 43). The recruitment of new gang members in institutions is a strong impediment to the Justice Department's attempts to integrate inmates into a law abiding life in the community, partly because of their cohesiveness and the power that this brings. Gangs and their leaders can enjoy considerable 'mana', making them attractive to youthful and easily influenced inmates. In addition, it is easy for gangs to use intimidation in order to encourage recruitment. Influence of the Media In New Zealand (on a typical day) more than 1.7 million people over the age of ten read a newspaper. This increases to 2.3 million New Zealanders who read a daily paper in a typical week (The Newspaper publishers of New Zealand, 1995). 23 For the purpose of this research the main emphasis will be on the print media, as opposed to broadcasting. Newspapers are the most frequently named source of local news (Gunter & McLaughlin, 1992). To give the public a 'murder a day' is one way of guaranteeing a readership and given the competitive nature of news production, crime as a theme becomes a key factor in the news values (Crandon, 1992, p. 11). A study by Broadhurst & lndermaur ( 1982, cited in Gebotys, Roberts, & Das Gupta, 1988) found 96% of respondents cited the news media as their source for information about crime and criminals. Anyone relying on the news media for this information runs the risk of inferring a negative image of them both. Doob ( 1985, cited in Gebotys et al., 1988) reported that 50% of crime stories in a sample of Canadian newspapers dealt with offences involving violence. For the same period offences involving violence constituted less than six percent of reported offences (Solicitor General of Canada, 1984, cited in Gebotys et al., 1988). In a study of news media use and public perceptions of crime senousness, a significant positive relationship was found between media use and perceptions of crime seriousness (Gebotys et al., 1988) The sensational reporting of sexual crime and violent crime, the way victims are represented, dramatic reconstructions of events, and fictional representations have all been cited as possible inducers of fear (Schlesinger & Tumber, 1994). The Roper report in 1987 was an independent report on the state of gangs in New Zealand. This report claimed that "[t]here is probably no subject in the field of law and order that can provoke more selective and distorted coverage from the media, or more emotive and often ill informed rhetoric from those in authority, than gangs" (Roper, 1987, p. 87). 24 The extent to which the media are responsible for the negative view of gangs is illustrated overseas and in New Zealand. Although violence plays only a small part in gang behaviour, coverage by the media focuses on this to a large extent. In New Zealand the media have presented the image of gangs and gang activities in a limited and distorted light (Kelsey & Young, 1982). A number of submissions made to the Committee on Gangs indicated concern that attention, by the police, politicians and the various news media, given to gangs has negative results. It was feared that by focusing attention on gangs, especially around their violent activities, these groups were "serving to reinforce and 'glamourise' the gang's tough image" (Committee on Gangs, 1981, p. 62). The world of crime as it is illustrated in the news media is discrepant with reality (Gebotys et al., 1988). The world of the press should not be considered the real world, rather a world skewed and judged. Actual events are subject to the conventional process of selection: they are not intrinsically newsworthy, rather they only become 'news' when selected for inclusion in news reports. The majority of events are not mentioned, thus selection of news worthy events immediately creates a partial view of the world (Fowler, 1991 ). The Roper Report recommended that efforts should be continued by the news media to strike a balance between the public's right to be informed about gang activities and avoiding coverage that has the effect of glamourising the gang's 'staunch image' (Roper, 1987). 25 CHAPTER2 PERCEPTIONS AND REALITY This research investigates the difference between people's perceptions and the reality, as it is seen from the perspective of the members and 'associates' of a gang. There are a number of current models that offer an explanation as to the way perceptions of others are formed. Dissonance theory, inference model, and the social skills model, are mentioned in this chapter. Festinger's (1957) dissonance theory explained that an individual's inconsistent perceptions, high real-ideal disagreement about herself/himself or her/his environment result in a state of unease, friction and confusion which s/he attempts to lessen. Once a decision has been formulated about a group, that may seem unfair or at odds with a previous attitude there is an inconsistency that an individual will seek to change. This may include a justification process of why it is now correct to think differently. For example: If having always thought of oneself as a fair-minded person it may cause some inner turmoil and guilt to have said something that is judgemental and which has no evidence to support it. Thus, one has experienced dissonance. If one comes to believe that what has been said is actually correct, one can reduce this dissonance, particularly if there is external justification (Myers, 1983). The Inference model provides an explanation of how judgements are made. Particular judgements are inferred from the evidence available and from general principles about human behaviour (Cook, 1971, p. 32). An example of this model in practice would be: All gang members are criminals This man is a gang member Therefore he is a criminal. 26 There is a general expectancy that the way people present themselves and the way they are rated as being, is how they actually are. "He behaved just as I should have expected a great, fat, self-indulgent man to behave under trying circumstances - that is to say very badly" (Wells, n.d., cited in Cook, 1979, p. 80). The social skills model separates perception of others into entities, initial impression and feedback. The perception of how some one is, coupled with one's knowledge of how one wants him or her to be, determines one's actions. Thus the concept of the stereotype is developed, the prediction of what most people will do in a particular situation . Rosenbaum ( 1986) has proposed an alternative explanation to a general finding that similarity increases liking in two individuals, rather that dissimilarity fosters dislike. This research would indicate that groups considered to be removed from the mainstream public may be disliked because of it. The literature available on gangs gives some credence to the 'Horns Effect' where poor ratings are given consistently to unpopular people, the assumption being that these traits go together (Cook, 1979). Gangs are often condemned and rejected as intimidating, anarchic and psychopathic (Kelsey & Young, 1981 ). Gangs are usually perceived as appearing in groups dressed in the same clothing, predominantly black coupled with a patch. Although little research has been carried out on gangs, they are regularly portrayed in the paper, usually in relation to crime. To the population at large they tend not to be universally popular. The lack of positive information about gang activities in the community make it easy for members of the public to believe adverse publicity, and to attribute further negative characteristics to gangs. 27 Stereotypes ~~~reotypes are widely held convictions that people have specific characteristics because of their membership in a particular group (Weiten, 1992). They are broad overgeneralisations that ignore the diversity within different social groups and foster inaccurate perceptions of people (Stephen, 1989, cited in Weiten, 1995). Most people who subscribe to stereotypes realise that not all members of a group are identical. However, they may still tend to assume that certain people are more likely than others to have certain characteristics. Stereotypes are prejudiced beliefs, a set of cognitions that establish mental schemas about a particular group. They support the prejudiced feelings that are invoked by that negative affect or by cues that are characteristic of the target. Once they are formed, stereotypes may exert powerful influences on the way relevant information is processed. Stereotypes serve a basic cognitive goal of simplifying complexity, and helping make the perceived world more predictable and controllable by the act of catergorising individual bits of information. In this way, stereotypes influence the way in which information is perceived, classified, stored and retrieved (Zimbardo & Leippe, 1991 ). Perception is subjective, and people often see what they expect to see. Stereotypes develop and become entrenched from exposure to images and messages from mass-media, peer pressure, family influence, and a need to offer a simple explanation on a particular subject. It is human nature to seek to justify something on rational and distinct terms that can be easily recognised. For the most part we do not first see, and then define, we define first and then see .... We pick out what our culture has already defined for us, and we tend to perceive that which we have picked out in the form stereotyped for us by our culture (Lippmann, 1966, p. 81 ). 28 Individuals such as drug addicts, prostitutes, people with physical disabilities, former mental patients, people from different ethnic groups, and the elderly, are perceived by the majority as having attributes that do not accord with prevailing standards of the normal and good (Katz, 1983, cited in Blumberg, Hare, Kent, & Davies, 1983). Studies on impression formation have shown that certain labels can change the perception of a person. "In the same way, the labels black and white distort impression formation. White perceivers who observed an interview without being able to see the skin colour of the interviewer clearly believed that they agreed with the interviewer less when they were informed that the interviewer was black not white" (Dienstbier, 1972, cited in Bierhoff, 1989, p. 144). The most discriminating and pervasive of all influences are those which conceive and preserve the repertory of stereotypes. We are told about the world before we see it. We picture most things before we actually experience them. These preconceptions, unless education has made us particularly aware, govern the whole process of perception (Lippmann, 1966). The Fundamental Attribution Error The Fundamental Attribution Error refers to observers' bias in favour of internal attributions in explaining others' behaviour (Ross, 1977). The Attribution Error can be explained as the process by which people attribute causal interpretations to the events occurring around them. The theory applies more generally, however, to the process whereby people attribute characteristics, intentions, feelings, and traits to objects in their social world. The attribution process seems to fill the need of the individual to make sense of the world around her/him (Kanouse & Hanson, 1972, cited in Jones, Kanouse, Kelly, Nisbett, Valins & Weiner, 1972, p. 47). 29 As people observe behaviour there is a tendency to overestimate the likelihood that an individual's behaviour reflects personal qualities as opposed to situational factors. In the same respect there is a tendency to blame any misfortune that befalls a person on that person, thus, one personally feels less likely to be affected in a similar way (Weiten, 1992). Individuals have a tendency to attribute their own actions to situational requirements, whereas observers tend to attribute the same actions to stable personality dispositions (Jones & Nisbett, 1972, cited in Harris & Harvey 1981). According to the 'just world theory' when someone is judged to be kind, friendly, good looking, energetic, conscientious, generous or intelligent, they are seen as deserving of certain desirable fates. People, on the other hand, who are seen as ugly, lazy, stingy, or stupid, deserve some degree of punishment. If someone is miserable and suffering, they were either stupid, careless, or getting their 'just deserts' for the way they typically treat others . From a sociological perspective, if gangs in general were a body of people typically seen as criminals, using intimidation tactics against the general public, committing assaults and burglary as commonplace, by the same rationale, according to the interaction of the attribution model and the 'just world theory', then any individual who is a member of a gang, or who was associated with gangs, would be seen as a criminal who deserves whatever punishment that should happen to them. Pepitone (197 5) analysed attributions in the criminal justice system and have found that particularly when there is some doubt over their good character, victims are often blamed for their crimes. More blame is allotted to offenders when they are less likable or attractive (Landy & Aronson, 1969), or when they have a prior record (Lussier, Perlman, & Breen, 1977). If there are serious consequences to their crimes, offenders are blamed more (Rosen & Jerdee, 1974), and blame varies with the perceived intent of the offender (Shaw & Reitan, 1969, cited in Freize, Bar-Tal & Carroll, 1979). 30 The Media Influence That the media have an important role in influencing peoples' perceptions is unquestionable. A community conflict highlights the method by which newspapers operate within the media structure as instruments of information control. Actions and statements by individuals and groups take on special intensity and prominence during controversy, and focus is drawn to the newspapers' quality and quantity of reporting of the crisis (Tichenor, Donohue & Olien, 1980). In a study of news sources, Ericson, Baranek and Chan ( 1989) reported that a senior judge believed that news often may put in the minds of prospective jurors or witnesses a view which may not be entirely accurate. They have found that once something is planted in one's mind, it is not always easy to remove it. They claim that many people, through the inaccuracy of the media, may come into court with a preconceived idea of guilt or innocence in a particular case. Once a person has an idea, s/he does not want then to have to reject what s/he thinks has been arrived at independently, ignoring any possible influence of the media. Accepting statements in the newspapers as factual enables a conclusion to be reached which the individual becomes reluctant to toss aside even when hearing evidence, sworn testimony to the contrary. This is why jurors and witnesses in America are warned continually about the influence of the media (Ericson et al., 1989). The way the media portray and present the world is known as the symbolic reality. Subjective reality is defined as the way people interpret the world and what they believe about it. The basic facts and ingredients that comprise the core material of symbolic and subjective realities is known as the objective reality (Cohen, Adoni & Bantz, 1990). The media are not neutral, common-sensed, or rational mediators of social events, but in essence help reproduce preformulated convictions (van Dijk, 1988). The reporting of crime news provides an opportunity for a newspaper to appropriate 31 the moral conscience of its readership (Chibnall, 1979, cited in Crandon, 1992, p. 9). In a study by Bell ( 1991) on "The language of the news media within New Zealand" it was found that in a total of 360 press and broadcast stories sent to local professional and scientific sources for measures of accuracy only 29% of the stories were rated as absolutely accurate. Those rated slightly inaccurate accounted for 55%, and 16% were judged to be highly inaccurate. In one full page feature, sources found no less than 23 inaccuracies. Mis-reporting may be caused by overstatement in headlines and leads, misquotation, and misattribution. This can take the form of scientific and technical terms being misused, wrong figures given, omissions or exaggerations, and distortions of emphasis. Concern over the influence of the media is not a recent development. In 1967, a Unesco statement on race and racial prejudice concluded that the mass media reach vast numbers of people at different educational and social levels, therefore their role in encouraging or combating race prejudice can be vital. Those who work in the media should maintain a positive approach to the promotion of understanding between different groups and populations. Representation of people in stereotypical roles and exposing them to ridicule should be avoided (Unesco, 1974). The potential influence of the media is immense, they have the power to select issues to focus on, conferring approval or disapproval accordingly. They may define problems, and legitimise behaviour, in the process labelling people, places and things (Unesco, 1974). The integrity of the reporter is one of the most important factors in any story. In television and radio a skilled interviewer can make the interviewee seem to be quite different from who s/he really is. Additional editing can further accentuate the 32 bias. Careful selection of footage and montaging the interview can further mislead the viewer. A reporter has the power to select who is featured, choosing advocates for only one side of a controversy. It may be said that an individual refused to comment thus conveying the appearance of guilt (Larson, 1986). Print media can be biased by simply taking things out of context or by misquoting a source. As black Muslim leader Malcolm X stated, "I don't care what points I made . . . it practically never gets printed the way I said it" (Larson, 1986, p. 283). Studies in the area of media have converged on four main functions that the media may provide: 1) Entertainment and diversion; 2) Information and knowledge about the world; 3) Social contact; 4) Personal identity and self definition. (Kippax & Murray, 1976, cited in Murray & Kippax, 1979). The effect of the media on human behaviour makes up one of the most-studied areas of communication research. There is extensive agreement that the media greatly contribute to 'enculturation', spreading a society's typical views about the nature of social reality, and to 'agenda setting', indicating what topics people should think about (Oskamp, 1984, p. 328). "Enculturation is the process of implanting and reinforcing the values, beliefs, conventions, behavioural standards, and views of reality that are held by most members of a given culture" (Oskamp, 1984, p. 31 0). News values control the news story. News is not a neutral vehicle, neither is news production a neutral process, despite the journalist's century old creed of impartiality (Schudson, 1978). 33 The impact of the newsprint media on public beliefs has long been a concern in mass communications research (Hertog & Fan, 1995). Although people often perceive the media as more likely to affect other people rather than themselves (Duck & Mullin, 1995), this perception has been found to be largely a misjudgement (Gunther, 1991, cited in Duck & Mullin, 1995). Davison (1983) studied the third person effect and found the greatest impacts of the effects of communication was perceived to be, not on "me" or "you" but, on "them" - the third persons. Duck and Mullin (1995) found that the perceived effect on others of media influence was more pronounced when considering the impact of violent, sexist and racist media content. The authors go on to say that there may be an underestimation of the personal effects of negative media content. Looking at the social construction of reality, Adoni and Mane (1984), found that perceptions of remote social conflicts were more influenced by television news portrayals than perceptions of conflicts that were more accessible through direct expenence. In the analysis of news media coverage of racial issues on youth perceptions, Hartmann and Husband ( 1971, cited in Adoni & Mane, 1984 ), found that those youths living in low immigration areas were more likely to reflect the definitions and terms used in mass media than youths who lived in high contact areas. This intergroup contact may lessen the influence of the media as a source of learning. Another illustration of the influence of the media was observed by Hertog and Fan (1995), who researched the influence of newspaper and magazine coverage on the transmission of HIV and found a strong relationship between press coverage and public beliefs. The authors also claimed that new information had a greater impact on prior beliefs than had been previously thought. This may have an implication in the present 34 research where, prior to publicity on the Nomads, some residents in Horowhenua were unaware of the Nomad gang prior to the start of Operation Damon (Harrington, 1994), and the subsequent publicity they received. Gamson, Croteau, Hoynes and Sasson (1992) have stated that "[t]he overwhelming conclusion is that media operate in ways that promote apathy, cynicism, and quiescence rather than active citizenship and participation" (p. 373). The familiarity and availability of information through the media also distorts peoples' perceptions. For example, One hundred times as many people die from diseases as are murdered, yet the newspapers carry three times as many articles about murders. The problem is that media coverage makes some causes of death more available than others. As a consequence, peoples' estimates are influenced (Matlin, 1994, p. 407). The media also misrepresent the frequency of other events. Television programmes which feature violent and other anti social behaviour on fictional programmes influence viewers by the availability heuristic; a resulting tendency to exaggerate the prevalence of anti social behaviour in society (Matlin, 1994). People currently live in two worlds: a true world and a media world. The first is confined by direct experience; the second is bounded only by the decisions of editors and producers (Zucker, 1978). Public surveys have reported that as many as 95% of the general population cite the mass media as their primary source of information about crime (Graber, 1979). It is interesting to note that while the mass media supplies a large amount of information about specific crimes, it provides comparatively little analytical or evaluative information to help the public put this information into a realistic perspective (Graber, 1979). 35 The mass media have been among the most praised and criticised, "the most cussed and discussed" aspects of modern society (Oskamp, 1984, p. 297). Individual cases (exemplars) are commonly used in the protrayal of gangs (Bell, 1990; Bain, 1995). A study by Brosius & Bathelt (1994) found that the use of exemplars, compared with general statements, had a strong effect on public opinion. Illustrating a news story by portraying an individual experience to exemplify a societal problem, communicates the message that anyone may undergo the same expenence. The aim of exemplifying an issue is to evoke a higher interest in the reader by increasing the vividness and perceived authenticity of the article. "Exemplars with their episodic nature can be comprehended easily" (p. 50). The authors concluded that, if as their results indicated, it "is easy to influence recepients' perceptions of problems by the composition of exemplars, the way in which exemplars are put together and distributed should become a matter of concern" (p. 75). As they have a high profile and are readily accessible to outsiders, as well as the media attention their activities generate, (Kelsey & Young, 1982) the haranguing of gangs elicits wide support. Few people would argue with the assertion that gangs are associated with a higher level of detected crime than the average citizen but, it is unlikely that their offences are any more heinous or occur more frequently than those of a large number of corporate offenders who are generally left alone unless reported for specific acts. The main purpose of 'gang-bashing' and other crime control programmes is to produce the impression that something is being done about the evils of society - 36 something for which generally gangs and the lower class take a disproportionate measure of the blame (Newbold, 1992). Source of News In a study in Britain by Gunter and McLaughlin ( 1992), newspapers were named as the primary local news source by 48% of all respondents, compared with 25% who named television and 13 % who named radio . When asked to rate their 'first three' sources of local news 8 out of 10 named newspapers. Talking to people was rated as a first source for local news by 35% of respondents. Readers' preferences among newspaper content in a survey in the United States found that local community news is usually read by 84% of newspaper readers, this is the highest catergory of news read (Cook, Gomery & Lichty, 1992). However, newspapers replace television as the most frequently named first news source only at the most local level. In news about the wider region , television is often seen as the primary news source (Gunter & McLaughlin, 1992). Smith (1987) found a strong relationship between public concerns and newspaper coverage. Olien, Donohue and Tichenor ( 1984, cited in Smith, 1987), found that media coverage of community conflict peaked during the later stages of the conflict and, that in the earlier stages, newspapers were the most heavily used source of information. To the extent that media coverage of community issues contain conflict, it is to be expected that higher levels of negative feelings by the public, directed toward individuals and groups involved in the conflict, will be forthcoming (Smith, 1987). The perception of impartiality in respect to the reporting of news and current affairs programmes, within which it would seem logical to categorise coverage of gangs, was felt by nearly 25% of respondents to show some groups as favoured and some as discriminated against (Gunter & McLaughlin, 1992). 37 On a social and cognitive level therefore, a considerable amount of generally shared knowledge, beliefs, norms, and values must be presupposed. Without such presuposed information, the news would not be understandable (van Dijk, 1988). [A]nalysis suggests that the newspaper has focused on the issue of gangs as a high profile issue at certain times, and that this has led to intense but poorly balanced coverage of gang related issues. This must be a matter of serious concern since it raises the possibility that news media coverage, upon which the public are dependent for information, fosters more consistently negative images of gangs than may be justified (Committee on Gangs, 1981, p. 63). The first and foremost aim of the popular media is to maximise profits, and the way to achieve this is by making the media as newsworthy as possible in order to increase sales. Eye catching headlines designed specifically to elicit interest and a desire to know more are one device used by the print media to ensure that this happens. It would seem that in the race to maximise profits, accuracy has perhaps been left to run a slow second. 38 CHAPTER3 WHAT THE MEDIA SAYS Gangs and the Community The number of individuals who are involved with gangs in New Zealand, as patched members or gang 'associates' account for less than 1% of the population ("Mob blame", 1996; "MPs talk", 1996) but, there are few people who would not have some degree of knowledge of gangs and the activities they are generally suspected of being involved in. The gangs of New Zealand have few champions outside their own ranks. A small minority recognises that gang structures offer some prospect of positive social discipline where otherwise there might be none at all. The majority of New Zealanders perceive of the gangs as outlaws, made up predominantly - but not exclusively -of young Maori (Beatson, 1987). The harsher line being taken in dealings with gangs can be observed in reports of legislation focusing on intimidation by gangs. The wording of the article, "Legislation aimed at stopping groups of disorderly people intimidating the public was pushed through Parliament yesterday" (p. I), evokes feelings of some urgency being involved in the process. This article went on to discuss a non-association order as a sentencing option for offences that were punishable by imprisonment, the feeling being that this would prevent association with gangs by people who had previously committed offences ("Legislation zeroes", 1989, p.l). This insinuates that the gang environment was one in which more crimes were committed. Efforts to reduce gang fortifications, with legislation ready to go before the Cabinet (Grafton, 1989) was reported in the Sunday Star Times. However, these rulings have not taken place without a fight by the parties involved and legal proceedings in civil courts have delayed substantive hearings on any case. 39 An Auckland police officer in charge of the youth aid section described the latest loose knit gangs as the result of social problems such as poverty, dysfunctional families and unemployment. He talked of "families with the least income, which means the least control, which means the least value for education and convention" (Davey, 1993, cited in Barton, 1993, p. 9). The story of Mr Torea, "The lone man who stood up to gang bullies" asks the question "Did Terry Torea save a town? Certainly behind the counters and on the streets of the Wairarapa town of Masterton they'll tell you Terry Torea did what they all wanted to do. He stood up to a gang" (Fogarty, 1995, p. 4) . While it is possible that a significant number of residents certainly support Mr Torea's stand, it may be an overstatement to say that "Mr Torea did what they all wanted to do", or indeed that everyone felt the need to stand up to a gang. Also news worthy, because of his conversion from gangs to God, was the "Former gang member who sought God's help". This former gang member once charged with rape, assault, possession of firearms and car conversion is now a Pastor in South Auckland, married with two children (Mollard, 1992, p. 18). When all else fails in a long hot summer when the supply of Phil Goff promotional pies runs out and editorial writers cast about desperately for fresh subject matter, there's always that faithful old standby - gangs .... Gangs are bad, and that's all there is to that. They're rotten through and through, and what's more they don't wash (Welch, 1988). This editorial remarked on how papers such as the Otago Daily Times and the Evening Post have raised issues such as the editorial reminder to the Police Minister Peter Tapsell in his declaration, after being sworn in as minister that "[ w ]e have all had a gutsful of the mindless violence and thuggery of some gang members and I am determined that it will be halted dead in its tracks" (Tapsell, 1988, cited in Welch, 1988). 40 Nine years on, and although police have the legal power to demolish gang fortifications, nothing has been done. Sporadic outbreaks of violence between rival gangs continue unabated, to the apparent detriment of the communities. There is a cycle of blame which no one is prepared to take responsibility for and so the violence continues. Overseas Reports Although the extent to which gang research in the United States can be applied to the New Zealand setting is limited, some similarities may be observed in newspaper articles reporting on the gang situation in both these countries. The New Zealand Herald (1989) report on the "War against Gangs" in New York illustrated the effects of drive-by shootings and the importance of wearing the right colours in a particular part of town in order to be identified as a member of the right gang (Hayward, 1989). Some parallels may be drawn between this and articles which ran in The Press on consecutive nights on the 1Oth and 11th October, 1988 which began with the headlines "Four shot, one dead in gunfight". This involved what "police described as not a fight but 'a war"', a stand-off between rival gangs, the Mongrel Mob and the Black Power ("Four shot", 1988, p. I). The culmination of this violence led to 24 arrests and two men dead. In the New York gang situation the problem for police and welfare organisations is the increasing growth of gangs in both South and East Los Angeles. The gang houses, secret hand signals, shared danger and comradeship provided by gang members "offer a sense of identity and shared association to young people from broken homes or who have deemed themselves to have failed" (Hayward, 1989, p. 2: 1). A Federal Study in 1988 found that 30% of the nation's 'crack' trade was controlled by Los Angeles gangs. The profits gained by selling drugs, worth hundreds of millions of dollars a year, have enabled many gangs to heavily increase 41 their arms supplies thus attracting increasing numbers of disenchanted Blacks and Hispanics of lower education (Hayward, 1989). If the question is being asked of New Zealand, then Australia is certainly also being asked, as to whether it is becoming an increasingly violent and lawless society and, if so, are the youth of Australia making it so (Ansley & Kearney, 1993). "Last November a national crime prevention conference in Melbourne was told almost unanimously by Australia's most senior lawmen that crime had reached beyond the capability of police to contain it" (Ansley & Kearney, 1993, p. 2: I). Police have been alarmed at the American style 'colour' and 'bandanna' gangs, although there are some doubts as to whether this is a recent phenomenon. The History of Gangs The two most prominent gangs in New Zealand are the Black Power and the Mongrel Mob who, together in 1989, accounted for 57% of the total patched and associate members (Grafton, 1989). There is a current tendency to associate the Mongrel Mob as the 'baddies' and the Black Power as the 'good guys' (Nichol, 1991). Certainly the Black Power are presented as a more cohesive force, members are now being taught Maori language and culture, and rape as a gang organised activity has been banned, "[s]ince 1978 there have been only three convictions for rape - none of them gang rape" (Harris, 1990, cited in Stirling, 1990, p. 11 ). The proposition and the force behind the banning of rape has come from the, Black Power National president, who somewhat ironically, in 1978 when the resolution banning rape was passed, was in prison for rape; supported by the, former magistrate and district commissioner of colonial Burma, now the Black Power political adviser. In the article previewing the documentary of the Black Power gang on Fast Forward, film maker Peter Cathro said that the idea of the documentary was to give Black Power the opportunity to show who they are. Included in the film is some archival footage of a convention in 1976, this is included in the documentary to show the contrast between where they were, which is basically where the public believes them to be, and where they are now. In the old footage they talk about 'blocking' [gang-raping] women and they play with knives (Jenkin, 1990, p. 42). Membership of Gangs 42 In 1989 Peter Tapsell, the police minister, released police estimates that put the total number of gang members at 5 356, a 20% increase on figures released the November before. "Gang members also account for at least a quarter of the prison population" (Grafton, 1989, p. 1 ). The transition from 'prospect' to 'patched' member is apparently made after certain initiation rites have been fulfiled, these appear to vary according to which gang you wish to belong to. Rape was not a formal part of the Black Power initiation rites - some gangs still require prospects to get their 'red wings': to have intercourse with a menstruating women who may or may not be delighted to oblige - but it was always a reasonably good idea to prove oneself 'a dog beyond doubt' (Stirling, 1990, p. 11 ). The wording of this statement would seem to indicate that while rape was not 'formally' recognised as a means of proving oneself, informally it may well have served the purpose of substantiating ones claim to manhood. Gang 'Associates' The definition of a gang 'associate' is a contentious issue. There is no agreed definition of what constitutes a gang 'associate'. However, Minister of Police John Banks said that 'associates' may number up to 20 for every gang member (Ansley, 1992). It could be argued that this is an expedient way to explain the logical problem of attributing an inordinate amount of crime to a small gang chapter. 43 Timaru police have claimed that it is generally not gang members themselves who commit the arson, bombings, stabbing, assaults and murders "which have hit the headlines repeatedly over the last eight years." Instead, younger 'associates' and 'prospects' are attributed as doing the 'dirty work' (Gardiner, 1991, p. 1). According to the latest Police Criminal Intelligence Services figures there are an estimated 4 000 patched gang members. Police estimate a total between 8 000 and 10 000 gang members, 'prospects' and 'associates' ("Mob blame", 1996). These figures do not equate to those of Mr Banks. Police estimates (over an 18 month period) of gang membership including members, 'prospects' and 'associates' show steady increases; September 1988 July 1989 March 1990 -4 400 - 5 356 - 6 550 (Meek, 1992). These estimates of gang numbers differ markedly from those that were presented when two Labour MPs went to Australia as part of their lobbying for more effective measures against gangs. Moore and Goff said that New Zealand appeared to have more gang members than Australia, giving police estimates of between 10 000 and 15 000 gang members, 'associates', and 'prospects', compared to Australia's 3 000 to 4 000. However, the Press Association points out that the two sets of figures do not correlate, with the Australian figures reflecting only motorcycle gangs ("MPs talk", 1996). In New Zealand, motorcycle gangs make up only 27% of the total number of gangs (Meek, 1992). 44 Maori and Gangs 'Ethnic' gangs comprise the largest group in the breakdown of gang membership consisting of 64% of the total number of gang members (Meek, 1992). Although members of gangs in New Zealand are predominantly Maori, in gangs such as the Black Power and the Mongrel Mob membership is open to any race. In 1988 the Minister of Police, Peter Tapsell, deplored the malign influence of gangs on young Maori and stated that he would like to steer them into "more fruitful and, in the long term, more enjoyable pursuits ... like sport" (Tapsell, 1988, cited in Welch, 1988, p. 15). It is unlikely, given that gangs have been publicly acknowledged as a problem since the early 1970s, that a good game of rugby is likely to solve all problems. The negative way Maori issues are sensationalised in newspapers engenders racial fears which Pakeha have about Maori, according to Ranginui Walker (1989). Walker's column in The Listener looked at the success of the Auckland chapter of the Black Power who, with the support of the late Prime Minister, Sir Robert Muldoon in the early 1980s, now prosper with an Access programme, low cost housing building contract, their own newspaper and a liquor licence for their clubhouse. Comments by the 1993 Minister of Police, John Banks, that "New Zealand would be the safest place in the world if it were not for Maori criminals" caused a furore when they became public ("Crime comments", 1993, p. 2). The Minister said that while Maori made up 12% of the population, they contributed 50% of the jail musters. Mr Banks made the comments following the release of an international survey that showed that New Zealand had the worst crime rate in the industrialised world. The Maori occupation of the Moutoa Gardens in Wanganui was reported by the New Zealand Herald which said that police had expressed concern that Nomad 45 gang members were being used on the site to restrict access. A protest spokesman said that all gang members were at the gardens as iwi members and were not wearing patches ("Police claim", 1995). There is a connection between the high rate of Maori offending and membership of gangs as reported by The Dominion. One way of earning gang patches may involve the serving of prison time for experienced members, or committing crimes as a means of gaining acceptance into the gang. "A spate of serious crime in Wanganui was being committed by Maori gang 'prospects' trying to earn their patches and the community was getting sick of it" (Scott, 1991, cited in Bell, 1991, p. 3). Mr Scott, a Detective Senior Sergeant, said that he felt awkward every time he had to tell the news media that a Maori was again being hunted after another robbery. ''I'm not Maori bashing but the community is getting sick of it", he said. "I don't feel good about it. I feel embarrassed" (Scott, 1991, cited in Bell, 1991, p. 3). If the legal system offers a fair and just system to all, then Mr Scott has no reason to feel embarrassed at having to tell the media that a Maori is being sought for questioning, although perhaps the use of the terminology 'hunted' is misplaced as it tends to evoke feelings that guilt has already been decided, contrary to the right of the individual, assumed to be innocent until proven guilty. It would seem likely in a town with a sizeable Maori population, such as Wanganui, that Maori gangs would be a likely component. The disclaimer of "not Maori bashing but. .. " is unnecessary as the article goes on to do exactly that, for example, "he was sure members of the Maori community cringed and were ashamed every time he said he was looking for a Maori" and "Police were again hunting a Maori after the armed robbery on Sunday night..." (Scott, 1991, cited in Bell, 1991, p. 3). It is known that several people who had been charged with aggravated robbery and offences associated with the robberies of the Wanganui banks were members of the Black Power and Manga Kaha gangs. However, this does not offer an explanation for the remainder of those involved 46 with the same offences. If the crimes are being committed to enable 'prospects' to earn gang patches and prestige, how can the lack of gang 'association' that has been intimated, explain the presence of others who were also charged for the same crimes. The Official Maori Perspective The Maori Council are considering a proposal where Maori in gangs, their families and associates would be offered special education and job training to break the cycle of gang membership. The likelihood of the government agreeing to other points in the proposal: decriminalising possession and use of cannabis, as well as encouraging gang members to send their children to Maori boarding schools, is unlikely to happen in the near future. The council's gang liaison director, Peter Love, was reported as saying that gang members were increasingly becoming excluded from mainstream Maori organisations that did not like gangs and that most gang members were feeling their inadequacies and lack of skills and now wanted to be educated ("Council urged", 1996). This reported attempt to join mainstream society would not be supported by all. Harry Tam, patched Mongrel Mob member and Justice Department employee, believes that if they cleaned themselves up and walked around in suits they would not be the Mongrel Mob (Ansley, 1990). Eastern Maori MP Mr Tapsell does "not believe Maori are inherently more likely to behave more criminally than other people, even though the statistics for 1992 show 3 610 European offenders per 100 000 of the population, but 14 558 Maori offenders" (Tapsell, 1993, p. 6). Mr Tapsell cites two main causes of the high rate of Maori offending, the first, that the effects of the last war are still being felt, where liberalism has replaced the enforced discipline and restraint of the war years. The second cause relates to the gradual destruction of the traditional Maori social 47 structure coupled with urban drift, while nothing effective has been put in place to replace it. Christchurch Polytechnic's Kaumatua, Hohua Tutengaehe, also describes gang members as the product of urban drift, and says that gangs are the response of young Maori setting up their own 'iwi' after migrating to largely European dominated cities that alienate Maori from their values. Tutengaehe says that tattoos on the faces of gang members are the moko of a lost generation and gangs will remain lost unless they are cared for by their own people (Iosefa, 1992). Also seeing the positive side of gangs is Sir Graham Latimer, 1988 Chairman of the New Zealand Maori Council. Sir Latimer believes that Maori gangs have the capabilities to be a positive force in New Zealand society (Gee, 1988). "I know there's a lot of criticism leveled at gangs, and there are odd gangs that cause a lot of trouble, but in the main a lot of them are trying to get on in society and establish themselves" (Gee, 1988, p. 12). "Maori gangs see themselves in many ways as contemporary tribes" (Riley, 1989, cited in Allison, 1989, p. 23). The tribal connection is also made by O'Reilly, of the Group Employment Liaison Scheme, he asks the question "What is it about gangs that frightens our society so much that we seem to be prepared to sacrifice basic civil liberties to contain the perceived problem?", and answers "I think it has something to do with the deep seated colonial fear of the Maori warrior calling for the rent" (O'Reilly, 1988, p. 11 ). Women and Gangs Women associated with gangs and gang members are even harder to gain access to than their male counterparts according to Bill Payne, author of 'Staunch' Inside the gangs. "Gang members refused point blank to let Payne speak to their women, and in one case made Payne sign a piece of paper promising not even to try" (Hammond, 1991, p. 3). Payne defined the role of gang women as living apart 48 from the males serving a purpose that has been set out succinctly by the men as either 'the slut', or 'the cook'. Payne (1991) is convinced that there are two distinct types of women involved with gangs, the woman whom has been in a relationship with a gang member for a few years and who is essentially the more dominant person, although the male must always be observed to be in charge and the "crazy young ones who were willing to do whatever the gang said - crime, sex or violence - just so they could belong" (Payne, 1991, cited in Hammond, 1991, p. 3). Offering an insight into gangs, Payne has said that the common pattern is that of violent male models who beat their spouses and children. Children leave home to become street-kids and 'prospects' to gain admission into gangs. They win their patch by doing the bidding of a patched member. This may include beating up enemies, car conversion, burglary, and not informing the police, to the extent of even doing a 'lag' for one of the established gang members. These initiation tests prove that a prospect is 'staunch', which is for them both stable and reliable. The gang gives meaning to an otherwise meaningless life (Payne, 1991, cited in Walker, 1991, p. 11). "Payne is adamant that the negative image of gangs is fostered largely by the news media coverage they get" (Payne, 1991, cited in Nichol, 1991, p. 7). In 1987 the Auckland Metro magazine published a full story of the kidnapping and subsequent gang rape of a young women at Ambury Park, Auckland, the site of the first Mongrel Mob convention. This article looked at the aims of the convention, the role of women within the structure of gangs and the development of the gang prospect to fully patched up gang member. The importance of the patch is paramount, "For these 'Dogs' the patch is more important than the person who wears it. Loyalty to the patch, a bulldog motif with Mongrel Mob and the name of the chapter written around it, is almost fanatical" (Du Chateau & Roger, 1987, p. 140). 49 Articles such as "I've got five girlfriends all raped by the Mob", which tells the story of a seventeen year old victim of a gang rape, offer further illustrations of the violence and savagery associated with the Mongrel Mob (Ferguson, 1991, p. 11). Criminal Activity A committee on gangs visiting Napier city and Wairoa township was an effort to control and reduce the gang problem. The chairperson, Richard Prebble, identified these areas as having a serious gang problem without the resources to call on large police numbers. Although the itinerary of the committee included meetings with "local civic leaders, police, news media, housing corporation and local bodies as well as a visit to Napier Prison" (Kilroy, 1989, p. 2), there were no plans to meet formally with the supposed crux of the problem, the gangs themselves. The visit of this committee to Wairoa came after an incident the year before when a clash between Mongrel Mob and Black Power had led to the hospitalisation of several people, two dead and a number of arrests. "'Lesser lights' sentenced over role in Wairoa gang incident" was the headline that described the outcome of the four men who had admitted an involvement in the clash between Black Power and factions of the Mongrel Mob ("Lesser lights", 1989, p. 4). While the stereotypical view of gangs tends to conJure up images of a predominantly Maori domain, the Harris gang in Christchurch offers irrefutable evidence against the idea that gangs are solely an ethnic concern. When members of the Harris group, a European gang, were jailed in 1992 for intimidation, arson, burglary, kidnapping and aggravated robbery, they were described by police as "Four of Christchurch's most dangerous criminals" (Clarke, 1992, p. 2). "Witness house destroyed" ("Witness house", 1991), "Man says gang trial left his family in tatters" ("Man says", 1991 ), "Harris gang 'urban terrorists' BIKIE 50 WARS" ("Harris gang", 1991 ), "Harris gang henchman jailed" (Clarke, 1992), and "Harris group the target of Operation Persil for the last year" ("Harris group", 1992) headline just some of the articles that ran in the Press over a 12 month period from September 1991. "Police say that comparing Christchurch's notorious Harris gang with urban terrorists in Northern Ireland is no exaggeration" (Clarke, 1992, p. 2). The police dismiss news media claims that violence with the Highway 61s was racially motivated. The Harris's are European, the Highway 61 s predominantly Maori. Some Harris's wore White Power T -shirts, and Nazi paraphernalia was in their headquarters. But the police say the incidents were typical gang violence. A rift had developed and neither side backed down ("Harris group", 1992, p. 1). Research into violent crime in New Zealand is still in its infancy. By 1992 there had been four official inquiries into violent offending in New Zealand. As reported by Mahoney (1992), one of these inquiries, the 1981 Repor