Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Te Mauri Kohatu Kahu McClintock Tainui Waka - Ngati Maniapoto Iwi A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requ irernents for the degree of Master of Philosophy. The University of Massey 2003 ABSTRACT Toitu te Kohatu . Stone forever, protector of life, past, now and beyond. Thi s say111 g encapsul ates the sentiments expressed within thi s thes is. The maJor mi ss ion of the study is to gather and preserve the tribal knowledge belonging to my 1w1 Ngati Maniapoto, on Te Mauri Kohatu. The ass ignment honours the understanding of the traditional beliefs and practi ses assoc iated with the ancient lore of the Kohatu . Anchoring the prac ti ce is the trad iti onal noti on that Te Mauri Kohatu were a means to enhance health and wellbeing. This belief has existed fo r Maori since time immemorial. Acco rdi ng to oral traditions the ancestor Tane te Wananga1 ascended into the To i o Nga Rangi, the hi ghest realm of the Rangituhaha. From there he secured the three Kete o te Wananga, the three Baskets of Knowledge. Accompanying thi s wisdom were two Mauri Kohatu ; the Whatukura a Tane and the Whatukura a Tangaroa. Traditions also support the notion that from these two Kohatu came the understandi ng of the spi ritua l and healing properties associated with Te Mauri Kohatu . Arti culated 111 the research is a significant body of wisdom gifted by my Ngati Mani apoto elders to benefi t the descendants of our iwi, both spiritually and intellectually. Ngati Mani apoto ancestors atTi ved in Aotearoa / New Zealand on board the voyaging waka Tainui . 1 Te Hurinui ( 1959a) a Tainui , Ngati Ma niapoto scholar recorded that Tawhaki secured three Kete 6 te wa na nga. However he made no me ntion of the accompanying K ohatu that are important to this thesis. Othe r literary contribut ions by Te Hurinui ( 1959a, 1959b, 1962) are included in this thesis under the name Jones (1 945 , 197 1, 1995) . Another Tainu i source National Library of New Zea land and Rang iatea (church) Te Ropil Whakahae re and New Zea land Ministry o f Maori Development ( I 997) -documented that Tane te wa nanga rece ived the three Ke te 6 te wananga and two accompanying Koha tu . The sa fe de li very and continued ex istence, of my ancestors in this land was credited to their belief in the power and the force of Te Mauri Kohatu. The ancient lore of the Kohatu guided th eir movements on both land and sea. Ngati Maniapoto ancestors have, throughout th e generations, perpetu ated the ancient lore of the Kohatu in our gat i Maniapoto tribal homelands. The writing of my thes is is an opportunity to gath er, retain and celebrate ou r knowledge, our heritage that w ill adva nce th e hea lth and wellbeing of the descendants ofNgati Maniapoto now and in times to com e. 11 TEMIHI Hokia lei nga maunga, kia purea /wee nga hau a Tawhirimatea. (Brougham, 1987:91) Ko Tainui te Waka. Ko Hoturoa te Ariki. Ko Rakataura te Tohunga. Ko Maniapoto te Rohe. Ko te Nehenehenu i te Whenua . Ko Rangitoto te Maunga. Ko Waipa te Awa. Ko Nga.ti Maniapoto te lwi. Ko Nga.ti Urunumia te Hapu. Ko Kotahitanga te Marae. Ko Pio Pio te Okaipo . Ko Paraone Wahanui Hemara te Koko. Ko Kahu Tiemi Kurukuru te Nani. Ko Kahu McClintock tenei e mihi atu ana . iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis has contributed to my appreciation of the huge value that my ancestors accorded the pursuit of knowledge. This thesis honours and thanks them for the desire they possessed regarding the attainment of higher learning. Like my tupuna Tane te Wananga I too have enjoyed the privilege of being selected to seek and obtain greater knowledge. In addition I have experienced the understandings associated with the Whatukura and the Mareikura, the male and female energies. In ancient times these forces assisted in the arduous journey of obtaining wisdom. The celebrated Kohatu, the Whatukura a Tangaroa and the Whatukura a Tane have, within this thesis, provided a focus and so maintained a vital ro le. For me the acknowledgement section of this thesis is a public celebration of the journey of learning, of the receipt of this Basket of Knowledge enriched by the accompanying Kohatu. It is also a time to pay tribute to those who have shared with me their roles of Whatukura and Mareikura. Chapter Two of this thesis recorded that the waters of Tauranga enhanced the lives of those on board the ancestral waka Tainui when it first arrived to Aotearoa I New Zealand . For me, my children Vincent and Rachel, living in Tauranga has been a reconnection with these same waters that had once nourished and nurtured our Tainui ancestors . Working in Tauranga for Te Puna Hauora Kaupapa Maori Mental Health Services has also been a gift. I have enjoyed the pursuit of higher learning, the reclaiming of Maori unique health knowledge as well as unlimited access to the holders of ancient wisdom. All these elements have contributed towards the wealth of knowledge within this thesis. iv From Paran ihi Lovett, Janice Kuka and Cindy Mokomoko, the managers of Te Puna Hauora, I have received continual faith and belief in my ability and commitment to this endeavour. In 2000 Paranihi , .fanice and Ci ndy supported my application to Massey Univers ity fo r the Maori Mental Health Scholarship, Te Rau Puawai. I was successful and that yea r I commenced my first paper towards the Masters of Philosophy. Since then I have also had the good fo rtune to be se lected as an annual recipient of the Te Rau Puawa i Scholarship, a dream rea li sed by Professo r Mason Durie to develop a skilled Maori Mental Hea lth Wo rk fo rce. The total support received through this initiative has been abso lutely inspi ring. For me, Kirsty Crawford - Maxwell, the coordinator 2000 - 2001, Monica Koia, the coordinator 2002 - 2003 as well as the support services suppli ed by Rangimaria Warbrick, Jean Vanags 2000 - 2001, Bronwyn Campbell , Taniya Ward 2002 - 2003 have al l supported the achievement of my dream. In 2000 the comm encement of my stud ies with Massey Uni versity, Te Putahi a Toi, the School of Maori Studi es bro ught me in contact with Professor Ta iarahia Black. Hi s professional input has been in va luab le throughout thi s who le learning journey. The fulfilment of the thesis requirements including the successfu l application to the Massey Universi ty Ethics Committee 2003 is a compliment to his expe11i se. This thesis on Te Mauri Kohatu has gathered thoughts from many sources. Te Puna Hauora has played a pivotal rol e in this process. Chapter Six identifies the responsibility that Te Puna Hauora had in 2001 , for the building of Te Whare Maiangiangi, which utilises the healing modality of Te Mauri Kohatu. V During this time Te Puna Hauora was blessed to receive the ancient wisdom of the Kohatu known and gifted by Rehu Murchie. He generously shared with us his healing knowledge that connects back to the origins of his own people from within the waters of the Pounamu. His return to the seas once navigated and settled by his ancestral waka Taki ti mu and to the lands of the Tuhua, the rival Kohatu of the Pounamu was timely and perhaps no coincidence. Just as significant for this thesis, is the link he also has to the ancestors of Tainui waka. In 2000 Rehu passed to me some beautiful pieces of Pounamu lnanga. They have since become my constant companions, these Mauri Kohatu, that he and I bestowed with names to reconnect to our Tainui tupuna Turongo, Mahinarangi and the great Raukawa. Profound insight was expressed, by both my Nga.ti Maniapoto kuia and my mother, when speaking of Rehu as Rehua or Rehutai. I do agree and have often thought how appropriate these names are, for one so wise and kind, for one so conversant in the ancient lore of the Kohatu. In 2000 Te Puna Hauora sent a call throughout Aotearoa / New Zealand for assistance in the assembly of the Mami Kohatu for Te Whare Maiangiangi . Important to me was the positive response from Te Whare Hauora 6 Nga.ti Porou. Te Puna Hauora released me to travel with the Nga.ti Porou contingent from Tauranga, guided by the knowledgeable Papa Hone Ngata. The mission was to receive and return with Te Pito 6 Piuta ki Tokomaru, the Mauri Kohatu offered by Te Whare Hauora 6 Nga.ti Porou. What a blessing that was to journey to the lands of the sunrise where Turongo had met Mahinarangi. Just as important it was also a moment for me to walk in the waters and on the lands that had once nourished my beautiful Nga.ti Porou mother, to stand under the shelter of her majestic Maunga Kohatu, Hikurangi . v i In 2001 the voyage m ade by T e Puna Hauora to the Island of Tohua, a land with such a hi storic past, and then return with the two Mauri Kohatu, Tiananui and Nga Uwhi Opo is an experi ence I will a lways treasure . The anci ent rituals co ndu cted b y Rawiri Tuanau and th e ka umatua Ron T aingahue both from ga i te Rangi, Tauranga as w ell as the kuia Hinewai Ta ingahue, ga ti Mani apoto and wife of Ron, bl essed o ur voyage out on the seas and ensured our safe return to land. In 2002 th e gentl e wisdo m o f Morehu 1gatoko a kaumatu a fro m Ngati Ranginui , a lso of Ta ura nga, enri ched thi s Basket of Knowledge by sancti oning the sto ri es w ithin thi s thesis. W hat an honour it has been fo r me to co mmemorate our shared hi stori es. M y tim e w ith Papa Morehu fu rther strengthened my Ngati Mani apoto identity by connecting with h is bro th e r in law, Uncle Paeahi Wa nakore and hi s son in law, Des Willi son. U ncle Paeahi and D es have also trave ll ed thi s journey w ith me firm in th e reso lve to record our Ta inui , Ngati M ani apoto heritage. Again in 2002 the qui et strength o f Hauata Palmer a kaum atua from Nga i te Ran gi blessed us with hi s knowledge. How humbling and grati fyi ng it w as to li sten and lea rn from such a masterl y schola r. How spec ial it was when Papa Hauata took me to meet Ratahi and Wa hinerua, the Ta inui Kohatu that sit bes ide hi s island parad ise, Matakana, and under the shelter of Ta uranga Moana's maj es tic Maunga Kohatu Mauao, in the waters of the Tau ranga Harbour. At th e end of 2002 Te Puna Hauora agreed for me to forward an abstract together with part o f thi s thes is as a presentati on at the April 2003 National M ental Health Building Bridges Conference held in Ro torua . I v iewed this as an occasion , an opportunity to openly applaud the courage and th e experti se of Te Puna Hauora to employ the healing modality of Te Mauri Kohatu in contemporary health services. vii Since 2000, the continual return to my own ancestral homelands over the Kaimai ranges and under the Rohe Potae 6 Maniapoto, to the lands of my father, as part of this j ourney has been indesc ribably j oyous. The advice received from two of the present ho lders and distributors of gati Maniapoto knowledge, Au nti e Hinekahukura Barret Aranui and Uncle Tiki Koroheke, has been precious. Outstanding too has been the absolute va luab le genero us, contributi ons made by m y kuia and ka umatua of th e Nehenehenui. This ex trao rdinary journey has occ urred out o f the respect, love and devoti on, for o ur wisdom known and shared by Auntie May Te Kanawa, A unti e Jenny Charman, U nc le Panataua Ben R angitawa and Unc le Tame Tokomauri Eriha H emara Wahanui. Fo r m e thi s thesis is a Basket of Knowledge obtained from the highest of realms. The Whatukura and th e Mareikura energ ies, which have been abundant during thi s j ourney, have assisted . As in ancient times, accompanying this wisdom have been the two celebra ted Kohatu , the What ukura a Tangaroa and the W hatukura a Tane. They have emerged from the depths of the waters of Tauranga and yie lded from the lands of gati Maniapoto to enhance the knowledge within thi s basket. My c hildren, Vincent Mark McClintock and Rache l Kahurangi McClintock have known before thi s thesis began the immense pleasure and sa ti sfac ti on that it would bring. They too have known, that it is fo r them, for a ll of us, to hold close and to cherish fo r our descendants , those now and ye t to come. viii RAUKAWA TIJRONGO MAHNARANGI (Clarke, 2003) ix ILLUSTRATIONS Nga Mauri Kohatu - Raukawa, Mahinarangi, Tiirongo Chapter One - Nga Whatukura -The Origins of Kohatu Genealogy of Kohatu Best 1924c: 166 Best 1924c: 167 Best 1924a: 163 Chapter Two - Te Ao Kohatu, Tainui Waka The Ancient Times, Tainui Waka Te Whakapapa 5 Nga Waka 5 Tainui raua ko Te Arawa Nga Ingoa 5 Nga Tiipuna - Tainui Waka Map of Te Kuia / Wahinerua Wahinerua Ratahi Map of Tainui Waka through Tauranga Harbour Te Ahurei Maunga Kahuwera Map of Mauri Manu / Whare Wananga 5 Tainui Map of the journey of Tainui Waka Punga Hani and Puna Korotangi Uenuku IX 41 43 46 49 50 51 58 59 61 63 64 66 72 75 6 7 7 X Chapter Three - Nga Toka Tu o Nga ti Maniapoto The Stones that Stand, of Maniapoto Whakapapa o Tainui in Aotearoa / New Zealand Whakapapa o Waikato / Maniapoto Tokanganui a Noho Tainui Genealogy from Io Maunga Pirongia Maunga Kakepuku Maunga Rangitoto Map of the Boundaries of Nga ti Maniapoto Chapter Five -Te Kawau Maro o Maniapoto -The Unity of Maniapoto Map of the Nehenehenui Mokau Kohunui Marae Table 1 Urunumia / Hari Table 2 Urunumia / Matehuirua Te Mere Pounamu - Urunumia Te Mere Pounamu - Hari Te Mere Pounamu - Matehuirua Genealogical Table Parahore / Korokore Genealogical Table Ngati Raukawa Map of Waikeria Maunga Tokanui The Gate Keeper / Te Kaitiaki Kairanga Waerea 81 84 88 90 96 96 98 99 123 127 128 129 131 133 134 138 139 140 144 145 146 147 xi Chapter Six - Te Reo Kohatu - Te Reo Mauri Ancient connections - Spiritual wellness Te Kohatu Tauranga Moana I Nga Uwhi Opo Te Kohatu Te Tai Rawhiti Te Kohatu Te Tai Tokerau Te Kohatu Te Tai Hauauru Te Kohatu Te Tai Tonga 162 163 164 165 166 xii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract TeMihi Acknowledgments Jllustrations Table of Contents Introduction The Outline of the thesis chapters Chapter One - Nga Whatukura -The Origins of Kohatu Introduction The Genealogy of Kohatu The Story of Pounamu Tuhua Nga Taonga Pounamu Mauri Traditional Institutions - Schools of Learning - The Building ofWhare - The Rituals during Childbirth Conclusion 111 I V X Xlll 6 6 8 13 14 20 23 31 35 35 xiii Chapter Two - Te Ao Kohatu, Tainui Waka The Ancient Times, Tainui Waka Introduction Nga Toki Kohatu Nga Tupuna o Tainui Waka Te Hekenga Mai 6 Tainui Waka. Nga Mami Kohatu o Tainui Waka Nga Tohunga Mauri Manu Te Tai Hauauru Hani and Puna Korotangi Te Papatatau 6 Uenuku Conclusion Chapter Three - Nga Toka Tii o Nga ti Maniapoto The Stones that Stand of Ngati Maniapoto Introduction Te Whakapapa i Aotearoa / New Zealand Nga Whare Wananga o Tainui Te Rohe Potae 6 Maniapoto Nga Maunga Kohatu Nga Tohunga 6 Inaianei Conclusion 36 36 40 44 44 54 62 65 67 73 74 76 78 82 92 95 100 101 xiv Chapter Four - Te Toka Rangahau - Research Methodolgy Introduction Historical Perspective on Maori Reasearch The Development of Kaupapa Maori Research The Research Framework of this Thesis Ethical Considerations - Nga Taonga Tuku TI10 - Research Participants - Criteria for Participation - Informed Consent - Anonymity and Confidentiality - Potential Harn1 to Pai1icipants - Potential Hann to Researcher - Potential Harm to University Qualitative Research Method of Data Collection Data Analysis Reporting Process Dissemination of Information Conclusion 102 102 103 106 107 108 110 111 111 111 112 112 113 113 114 116 117 118 118 xv Chapter Five - Te Kawau Maro o Maniapoto - The Unity of Maniapoto Introduction 119 Nga Taonga Kohatu Pounamu Te Hokinga Mai Ki Te Nehenehenui Urunumia, Hari, Matehuirua Urunumia Hari Matehuirua Past Access and Availability Future Access Conclusion Nga Kohatu e takoto ana Ngati Kahupungapunga Ngati Raukawa Waikeria The Gate Keeper / Te Kaitiaki Kairanga Waerea / Wai Conclusion Chapter Six - Te Reo Kohatu, Te Reo Mauri - Ancient connections, Spiritual Wellness Introduction The Western Health Assumption Legislation Tohunga Suppression Act (1907) Crimes Act (1961) Maori Welfare Act (1962) 119 120 122 126 130 131 133 135 136 136 136 137 138 140 144 146 147 150 151 152 152 154 154 xvi Reclaiming Traditional Medicine Government Directives 155 - New Zealand Public Health and Disability Act (2000) 157 New Zealand Health Strategy (2000) 158 Primary Health Care Strategy (200 I) 158 He Korowai Oranga - Maori Health Strategy (2002) 159 Te Puna Hauora -Te Mauri Kohatu 160 Consu ltation and Planning 160 Carving of the Poutokomanawa 161 Te Mauri Kohatu Maiangiangi Tauranga Moana Te Tai Rawhiti Te Tai Tokerau Te Tai Hauauru Te Tai Tonga Effectiveness / Improvement Conclusion Thesis Conclusion References Appendix 1 Participant Information Sheet Appendix 11 Participant Consent Form 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 xvii He whakatauaki2 TE MAURI KOHATU TO mokemoke ana au i runga i toku maunga ariki Kahuwera. Ka hoki whakamuri nga mahara ki nga tohunga o nehera, ki oku tupuna rangatira o te Nehenehenui. Kia mau ki te11ii .. . Kia mau ki te Kawau Miiro. Kia mau kite Kawau Maro 6 Maniapoto. Alone on my chiefly mountain Kahuwera, thoughts return to those of ancient times, of the land, the Nehenehenui. Hold 011 to the wisdom. Source of strength .. uniting. Uniting /vfaniapoto, then, now and in times to come. My tribal whakatauaki claims that the journey forward, receives direction and strength from the past. My tribal history, like all other tangata whenua3 of Aotearoa / New Zealand, is marked by colonisation and legislation. I believe that employing tribal knowledge on wellbeing will provide a prescription for building strong and healthy generations to come. This will ensure our future. Therefore, reclaiming our tribal knowledge on wellbeing is an important quest that awaits our search. 2 Whakatauaki, a proverb, poetic saying that describes a strong belief. 3 Tangata whenua, the original people of an area. INTRODUCTION This thesis examines the teachings that have origins in Te Ao Kohatu4, relating to Ngati Maniapoto tribal beliefs that deal with a Maori worldview on wellbeing. Details are provided on the use of kohatu5 in promoting wellness, specific to Te Mauri Kohatu. Although much of the material for Chapter One is accessed from other tribal research the remaining five chapters contain Tainui, Ngati Maniapoto wisdom both oral and written fom1s regarding Te Mauri Kohatu. Chapter One, Nga Whatukura - The Origins of Kohatu documents the appreciation, the significance of kohatu, for traditional Maori . The understanding details the perception Maori held of the land, the environment in terms of it providing strength and wellness (Australian Museum, 1989; Durie, 1999). Such reverence and sanctity for the land also extended to kohatu . This attitude finds expression in the belief of the origin of kohatu from both a physical and spiritual perspective (Best, 1924; Downes, 19 I 0). Comment is made on the specific kohatu of Pounamu6, Tuhua7 Mata8 , Waiapu9 and Hoanga10 . All achieved prommence and acc laim within traditional Maori society because of their uniqueness and the huge physical and spiritual value made towards enhancing the lives of those who possessed them (Australian Museum, 1989; Leach, 1981; Simmons, 1976). 4 Te Ao Kohatu, pre European times. 5 Kohatu, rock and its' many varieties. 6 Pounamu, greenstone. 7 Tiihua, obsidian. 8 Mata, a type of flint. :- Waiapu, sandstone, a grindstone. 10 Hoanga, a type of grindstone. Perhaps a shortened version of the word Hine - tua - hoanga. 2 Further explanation why traditional Maori were reliant on kohatu as a source of wellness can be attributed to a wider belief in the concept of mauri 11 • This concept adhered to the belief that living and inanimate objects possessed mauri (Buck, 1949; Orbell 1998; Riley, 2001). Comments regarding the spiritual properties of kohatu, which were highly regarded and extensively utilised, are included. Details of the traditional institutions of the whare wananga12 , the building of whare 13 and rituals during childbirth, which employed the mauri properties of kohatu, conclude Chapter One. Chapter Two, Te Ao Kohatu - Tainui 14Waka 15 , The Ancient Times - Tainui Waka details that the reliance and the belief of traditional Maori in kohatu, as a source of strength, as a spiritual and physical link with the land, originated long before the time of settling in Aotearoa / New Zealand. Details regarding kohatu on board Tainui waka and their continued significance to the descendants of Tainui waka, provide the narratives within Chapter Two (Cowan, 191 O; Jones and Biggs, 1995, Kelly, 1949). Chapter Three, Nga Toka Tii o Ngati Maniapoto - The Stones that Stand of Ngati Maniapoto records the kohatu that originated within the new lands, m Aotearoa / New Zealand. The inclusion identifies the specific location and description of kohatu that have contributed to the strength and wellness of Tainui descendants (Phillips, 1989; 1995). The contents of Chapter Three specifically elaborates on the kohatu that sit within the tribal boundary of the Tainui descendants known as Ngati Maniapoto. 11 Mauri, vital life force. 12 Whare wiinanga, a traditional school of exclusive learning. Entrants were selected based on genealogy and observed ability. The terms whare wiinanga, schools oflearning will be used interchangeably throughout. 13 Whare, a building . . 14 Tainui, the name of the ancestral canoe and tribal region of the Ngati Maniapoto, Waikato and Hauraki tribes. 15 Waka, a canoe. 3 Chapter Four, Te Toka Rangabau - Research Methodology accounts for the procedures used in the completion of the oral component of this thesis. The description explains the supportive relationship established between the Kaupapa Maori research model and the Western approach of Qualitative research. The description comments on the ethical considerations, the processes utilised to collect, analyse and disseminate the data gathered, on Te Mauri Kohatu, known by Nga.ti Maniapoto elders. Concluding Chapter Four are the comments made regarding the overal l management of the research process. Chapter Five, Te Kawau Maro o Maniapoto - The Unity of Maniapoto records the oral traditions on kohatu, wisdom gifted by some of the present elders of Ngati Maniapoto. Their knowledge enhances the material included in Chapters One, Two and Three of this thesis. Expansion is provided on the stories of the Ngati Maniapoto Kohatu that have been briefly mentioned, in Chapter Three, as healers of the land. The details not only provide explanation for this ancient practise but also provide a means to perpetuate a practise from ancient times that contributed to the health and wellbeing of Ngati Maniapoto. As indicated in Chapter Three, the narratives of some of the Kohatu heirlooms of Ngati Maniapoto are also recorded in this section. Concluding Chapter Five is a summary of the thoughts, from the Ngati Maniapoto elders who participated by sharing their understandings and knowledge 111 this research project. The conclusion provides future direction, m respect to the knowledge gathered. The synopsis provides control regarding the availability and transmission of the wisdom included in this thesis. 4 Chapter Six, Te Reo Kohatu, Te Reo Mauri - Ancient connections, Spiritual Wellness concludes the thesis. Comment is offered in respect to Te Mauri Kohatu and the value of the knowledge to contemporary health services. This chapter details a specific example of the inclusion of Te Mauri Kohatu in a Kaupapa Maori Adult Mental Health Inpatient Care Unit. Brief comment regarding the development of subsequent research projects, the access and retention of other traditional Maori healing knowledge concludes this chapter. 5 INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE NGA WHATUKURA THE ORIGINS OF KOHATU Chapter One supports the notion that traditional Maori gave life and understanding to the powers of nature by means of personifying and bestowing human emotion on such entities. This belief embellishes the explanation of the origin of all kohatu. The spiritual and physical importance of the different kohatu such as Pounamu and Tohua are illustrated within this chapter. THE GENEALOGY OF KOHA TU In two accounts Best ( 1924a; 1924c) recorded the knowledge pertaining to the origins of kohatu. Both versions agree to the concept of Tane - matua16 being responsible for the begi1ming of kohatu. Traditional Maori believed Tane - matua joined with Hine - tOpari - maunga 17 • The next notable event appears to be the birth of Tuamatua, either as a direct offspring of Tane - matua (Best, 1924c: 166) or from Rakahore (Best, 1924c: 167). Tuamatua is acknowledged as the ancestor of all fonns of kohatu, rock, stones, ocean reefs, gravel and sand. (Best I 924c: 166) Takaaho=Te Putoto I Ta nc-mat u a= Hin c-tii pa ri-mau n ga Para-whenuamea=Kiwa Tuarangaranga Tu-te-ahuru=Hinepeke Takoto-wai=Tuamatua All taniwha All insects, vermin, lizards ( I) Water (2) Hine-moana = Kiwa Hine-maukuuku=Rakahore=Hinewaipipi=Makatiti Makatata=Hinewai Rangahua=TOmaunga Stones Rocks Rock Reefs Sand, gravel Personified in in ocean Hine-one and Hine-tuakirikiri is T- th . ane - matua, e parent. 17 Hine - tupari - maunga, the Mountain maiden. Stones Hine-tuahoanga and others Person i lied forms of sandstone 6 (Best 1924c : 167) Tuamatua=Rakahore=Putahunui Stones Sand, Gravel Rangi=Papa I Te Putoto=Parawhenuamea Rakahorc=I-line-ukurangi I Tuamatua =Tc Waipakihi I Te lkaroa=Papakura In addition traditional Maori believed that Tane - matua was the progenitor of Hine - moan a 18 . Best ( 1924a) documented that Hine - moan a was forever attacking Papatuanuku 19 . However Rakahore20 , together with Hine - tua - kirikiri2 1 and Hine - one22 , were detailed as being specifically appointed to protect the flanks of Papatuanuku from the ceaseless assault by Hine - moana (Best, 1924a: 163). The preceding information gives some explanation of the understanding that traditional Maori had in terms of the relationship of water, rock and stone. Significant too is the implication of the role of kohatu as a protective shield for the land against attack from the uncontrolled forces of nature. (Best, 1924a:163) Putoto Tuarangaranga All taniwha 18 Hine - moana, the Ocean maiden. 19 Papatuanuku, the Earth mother. 20 Rakahore, creator of all rock forms . Tan,Hine-tiipari-maunga (The Mountain Maid) I Para-whenua-mea (personified form of water) Tii-te-ahuru Takoto-wai-ll'uamatua All insects All reptiles Rakahorc Makatiti Rangahua Makatata All rock Gravel I. Hinc-tu-a-haanga Stones 2. Hine-one 3. Hine-tu-a-kirikiri · 21 Hine - tua - kiri, the personified form ofrock and gravel. 22 Hine - one, the personified form of sand. 7 The specific kohatu of Pounamu, Tohua, Mata, Waiapu and Hoanga have also had their origins detailed. Best (1924c) recorded Pounamu, Waiapu and Hoanga as descendants of Tuamatua while the life of Tohua is credited to Rakahore. The origin of Mata is not mentioned within any of the accounts accessed. THE STORY OF POUNAMU However many different accounts exist regarding the ongms and relationships between these kohatu (Beattie, 1939; 1994; Best, 1924a; Orbell, 1995; Pearce 1971 ). The accounts inter - twine the existence of the revered Pounamu with the lives of Tahu a, Mata, Waiapu and Hoanga. According to Best ( 1924a) Pounamu is recorded as an offspring of Tangaroa23 and Anu - matao24 . Another offspring is Poutini who is credited with being the protector of Pounamu. The precious Pounamu was in fact known to some as the stone of Poutini. Best (1924a) wrote of Pounamu and Poutini fleeing from their original home, to find refuge from the attacking Hine - tua - hoanga25 . On anival in Aotearoa / New Zealand Pounamu and Poutini immediately encountered two other enemies, Tuhua and Mata. In fear Pounamu and Poutini escaped to the east, only to encounter a land occupied by two other hostile enemies, Waiapu and Hoanga. Pounamu and Poutini continued in fear, turning southwards to finally find sanctuary, within the waters of the Arahura. Best ( 1924b) also detailed a different version in stating that a man, Ngahue cared for Poutini. Poutini in this account is a fi sh and is recorded as the personified form of Pounamu. Hine - tua - hoanga, forever envious continues her attack on Poutini / Pounamu. _.2 3 Tangaroa, the guardian over the sea domain. 24 Anu - matao, the cold. 25 Hine - tua - hoanga, a grindstone. 8 Like previous accounts both Best (1924b) and Orbell (1995) also agreed that Poutini fled from the envy of Hine - tua - hoanga. However Best (1924b) recorded that Poutini / Pounamu was accompanied to the new land by Ngahue. On reaching land Ngahue and Poutini / Pounamu encountered, as previously documented, their enemy Tuhua. Ngahue and Poutini / Pounamu continued in fear of Tohua and by passed the east to go directly to the south. Orbell (1985) claimed that Ngahue then left Poutini to hide in the waters of the Arahura. Ngahue returned to the homeland taking with him a sliver of Poutini / Pounamu. The first articles of Pounamu were believed to have been made from this piece of Poutini / Pounamu. Orbell ( 1995) asserted that these articles were the spiritual prototypes of the toki 26 that fashioned the voyaging waka, and that some of these toki were on board the ancestral waka that arrived in Aotearoa I New Zealand. The stories of the specific toki significant to Tainui waka are included in Chapter Two of this thesis. The narratives give account of the significance that the toki made in tenns of enhancing settlement in the new land. Orbell (1995) and Pearce (1971) supplied differing details again about Poutini in describing Poutini as a star. Famous Pounamu weapons and ornaments were believed to be descendants of this Poutini. Best (1974) also recorded different details by stating that Poutini was believed to be a woman who lived for a time on an island situated in the Bay of Plenty which was named Tohua. 26 Toki, an adze. 9 The accounts written by Beattie (1939; 1994) do not mention Poutini and there are ~!aims that Mata and Hoaka27 pursued Pounamu to Aotearoa / New Zealand. This time Pounamu was on board the waka Tairea. In this account there is no encounter with TOhua or Waiapu. The waka journeys directly to the south. There it faces some difficulties and as a result Pounamu and the crew meet their doom. There they remain, in the cold waters of the Arahura forever hidden, in fear of Mata and Hoaka. According to Beattie (1939; I 994) the crew of the Tairea were immortalised as the different variety of Pounamu. The Kawakawa, Kahurangi , Inanga, Tangiwai are said to be treasured varieties of Pounamu whose existence are attributed to the fate of the crew of the Tairea. Orbell (I 995) recorded a slightly different version stating that the Tairea arrived, captained by Tama in search of his three runaway wives. Pearce (1971) asserted that the legendary Poutini, the guardian of Pounamu had abducted Tamas' wives. Orbell ( 1995) agreed with the previous accounts (Beattie, I 939; 1994) that there was some transgression by the crew. The end result, in this instance, was that the three wives were turned to kohatu. To this day they remain as Pounamu in the waters of the Arahura. However Pearces' (1971) version recorded that Tama found his wives already turned to Pounamu. In this account the wives have also been located in two separate areas. Two wives lie in the Arahura River as the Pounamu varieties of Kawakawa, Kahurangi and lnanga while the remaining wife is located in the Milford Sound and appears as Tangiwai. Pearce (1971) asserted the teardrop formations within Tangiwai were a reminder of the tears shed by Tama in finding his last wife also immortalised as Pounamu. This account acknowledges the further distribution of Pounamu outside of the Arahura region. 27 Kati Mamoe dialect for Hoanga. 10 Pearce (1971) and Riley (1987) related another version that bears absolutely no resemblance to any of the accounts previously documented. The following account is credited to the Hauraki district of the North Island. It details the origin of the Pounamu variety of Kahurangi. In this account the daughter of a high chief gives bi11h to a baby girl. One morning the child is found dead. Her mother weeps over the treasured infant. On leaving the room the mother turns back to look again at the baby only to see in the place of her loved one a huge piece of Pounamu in the shape of a teardrop. This Pounamu from that time was known as Kahurangi28 • Riley (1987:41) claimed that the Kahurangi is one of the finest varieties of Pounamu. To associate a person with Kahurangi is to bestow honour on them. The expression, "taku Kahurangi" my precious little one, which is a term of endeam1ent that a mother would use for a much loved child, is such an example. The varieties of Pounamu mentioned in this thesis will receive no further elaboration. Admittedly there are other varieties that have not been named (Beck with Mason, 1984). This lack of coverage should not be interpreted as attributing more value to the varieties that have been mentioned. There are also other records of the origin of Pounamu that have not been mentioned (Riley, 1987; Te Papa Tongarewa Museum, 2001 ) . Debate may occur about which account is the authentic version regarding the origin of Pounamu. This issue should not be permitted to detract from the fact that even today Pounamu continues its' close association with Poutini. Pounamu continues to be vigilantly guarded as the stone of Poutini, predominantly secreted in the cool waters of Te Wai Pounamu, the South Island of Aotearoa I New Zealand, in the region appropriately known as Te Tai Poutini. The hostile kohatu of Tuhua, Mata, Waiapu and Hoanga remain at a distance, as accounts detail, all distributed in the east or in the north of the North Island of Aotearoa / New Zealand. 28 The Pounamu Kahu-rangi is described as a hue emerald or brilliant green with fog - like waves that give an appearance of rolling clouds or sea foam. This hue and marking is very highly prized (Riley, ' 1987). 11 The traditional concept of the origin of Pounamu inter - twined with the lives of the kohatu of Waiapu, Hoanga, Tuhua and Mata goes some way to assist an understanding of their working relationship. Trotter (1989) detailed the most successful teclmique for working Pounamu involved using an abrasive sandstone. The final shaping involved using a grindstone coupled with water. Traditional Maori practised this technique of utilising both Hoanga and Waiapu in the fashioning and polishing of Pounamu. Incidentally Beattie (1994) added that traditional Maori were also known to place Pounamu in the sea as a means to polish it. Orbell (1995) mentioned that both Tuhua and Mata were employed to work Pounamu on a far lesser scale. However Orbell (1995) claimed that Tohua and Waiapu could have been one in the same. In addition Best ( 197 4) stated that Mata and Waiapu were one and the same. Trotter (1989) disagreed by claiming that the traditional location of Tuhua was predominantly in the Bay of Plenty and the north of the North Island while Waiapu was located in the east coast of the North Island. The notion and the respective descriptions indicate that Tuhua and Waiapu to be more similar than Tuhua and M ata (Trotter, 1989). According to Orbell (1995) before traditional Maori developed a successful technique for fashioning Pounamu, Waiapu was the favoured kohatu . Buck (1949) and Leach and Davidson ( 1981) disagreed and gave Tahanga29 the supreme importance. Both Waiapu and Tahanga were indeed used extensively by traditional Maori, because of their hardness as adzes, hammer stones, pounders, grinders and fishing sinkers, to improve the quality of every day life (Davidson, 1987). 29 Tahanga, a variety of basalt. 12 TUHUA Leach ( 1981) claimed there was a huge reliance on the kohatu Tuhua. According to archaeological sites this was the most widely distributed and frequently found kohatu. Knives, surgical instruments and utensils for cutting hair, harakeke30 and raupo31 , made from Tuhua, have been located in archaeological sites throughout Aotearoa / New Zealand. Best (1929) commented on Tuhua being used in traditional times to severe the umbilical cord of a new born child. Strict protocols would have been adhered to because of the sanctity of this process. Any procedure involving the shedding of blood involved care and vigilance (Te Riria, 1989). Also the important role of assisting new life, new generations into the world by severing the umbilical cord would have accorded these implements high status. Such kohatu might have been preserved by families and used by succeeding generations thus providing a link to the past as well as to the future. The kohatu were known as Rehu or Korahi. Although Best (1929) claimed that the Rehu was a type of kohatu. Leach and Davidson ( 198 1) alluded to the use of Tuhua in the cutting of the body. This ritual was traditionally practised by grieving widows in order to release the sorrow and grief they felt with the loss of a loved one (Te Riria, 1989; Simmons, 1976). This process was not intended to end life but as a means to physically release the loss and hurt that was felt within. Finally, there does not appear to be any information available to suggest that Tuhua was ever utilised in the manufacture of the toki. This may suggest that Tuhua, because of the composition or the ritualistic role it was limited to, in traditional Maori society, was not able to or was not required to perfom1 the functions prescribed of the traditional toki. Best (1929) simply claims that Tuhua was not suitable for the manufacture of toki. 30 Harakeke, flax of all varieties. 31 R d . . aupo, a ree growmg m a swamp area. 13 Leach and Davidson ( 1981) documented that most of the TUhua found in archaeological sites in Aotearoa / New Zealand originated from an island in the Bay of Plenty, also known as Tuhua Island 32 . This may suggest that the TUhua from Tuhua Island was more abundant and perhaps more accessible. Possibly too the Teilrna from this island was more easily fashioned into a utensil than Tuhua from other sources. Perhaps another reason for the desire for TUhua from Tuhua Island was because it was believed that it was on this island that the rivalry between TUhua and the revered Pounamu first began. Perhaps such was the honour bestowed on TUhua from Tuhua Island (Leach & Davidson, 1981 ). All archaeological sites in Aotearoa / New Zealand up till 1980 exposed Tuhua that originated from Tuhua Island (Leach & Davidson, 1981). NGA TAONGA33 POUNAMU Although the preceding information documents the rivalry between Pounamu and the other kohatu the reality is that the stone of Poutini has remained the most dominant. Pearce (1971) claimed that the durability and toughness of Pounamu were some of the qualities that first attracted Maori to Pounamu. Orbell (1995:42) stated "Pounamu was treasured for its' beauty, hardness and indestructibility. Though generations pass Pounamu lasts forever". Buck (1949) documented that no kohatu could compare to the beauty of the stone of Poutini. Best (1912) recorded that Pounamu was revered in song and tradition. He (1912: 175) wrote about the value of Pounamu, " let the gold be worked by the white men. It is not a thing known to our ancestors. My only treasure is the Pounamu. Kati ano taku taonga nui i te Pounamu". 32 Tii.hua Island named Mayor Is by Captain Cook. 33 T . d . aonga, pnze possession. 14 Best (1912) made further comment of the value of Pounamu in stating that Pounamu implements or ornaments were jealously restricted to persons of importance, of high rank. It was also a practise, in traditional times, to hide Pounamu in a swamp or other secret places when faced with attack by warring parties least they be claimed by the invaders (Trotter, 1971). Pounamu heirlooms were treated with reverence, as a reminder for the living, of their departed loved ones. Pounamu heirlooms were viewed by their owners as a connection with the original owners, those who had departed. These treasures provided a physical object to weep over, to caress, to enjoy, an everlasting link with those who had gone before. They provided a tangible means for present owners to celebrate the lives of the ancestors who had possessed them (Robley, 1997). This process created a strong sense of identity, a link to the past as well as to the future which traditional Maori believed contributed to enhancing wellbeing. These Pounamu heirlooms also received names in honour of a relative, or an incident. They could also be named after a person or an incident that had transpired in a dream (Beattie, 1994). There was also a belief that if the appearance of the Pounarnu was bright and shiny then it was in the company of a loved one. Conversely if the Pounamu had a dull appearance it was then believed to be grieving for another time, place or person (Beattie, 1994 ). If this was the case then the person who possessed the Pounamu would accept this as a sign to improve their own wellbeing by either making adjustments in their own lives or by releasing the Pounamu to someone else. 15 The following comments give brief details about the meaning of specific designs of Pounamu ornaments that were dominant as well as important Pounamu implements relied upon in traditional times. Davidson (1984) detailed that the most common Pounamu ornament according to archaeological sites was the Kuru34 . However Beattie ( 1994) suggested that the most utilised design was the Hei tiki also known as Tiki . Davidson (1984) recorded that the Hei tiki was said to commemorate the sorrow that Hinepoupou felt when deserted by her husband. She sat in a position with her head to the side and her legs folded under her waiting for his return. However there was no reconciliation between the two and the grief and despair Hinepoupou felt was immortalised in the design of the Hei tiki. Beattie (1994) recorded differently claiming that the Hei tiki was thought to be the image of an atua35 . The creation of this design was credited to Tuterakihuanoa. Orbell (1995) asserted that the Hei tiki was linked to Tiki who was presumed to be the first man fashioned by Tane. However in the same account it also claimed that Tiki himself was the creator of the first man. Best (1912) detailed that the Hei tiki represented the human foetus and that it possessed an inherent child bearing influence when worn by woman. Beattie ( 1994) also supported this notion in recording that some believed that the Hei tiki could assist women to conceive and or ensure an easy time during childbirth. Wearers would karakia36 to the Hei tiki to assist with conception and or during childbirth. 34 Kuru, a straight Pounamu pendant worn around the neck or in the earlobe. 35 Atua, spiritual being, higher being. 36 Karakia, an incantation to invoke the powers of higher beings. 16 Beattie ( 1994) recorded that the Hei tiki was an ornament that was suspended from the neck and could be manufactured from both Pounamu and wood. It was worn by both sexes. Only those with status and authority had Hei tiki that were prized as sacred objects and became treasured family heirlooms (Beattie, 1994). However the same account recorded that to some the Hei tiki had little relevance other than being an ornament to wear. Orbell (1995 : 213) agreed with the fonner statement awarding the Hei tiki with status by asserting "the Hei tiki was greatly valued for the beauty, rarity and the link they provided with earlier generations who had worn them". Perhaps the true meaning of the design of the Hei tiki has diminished over time. However the fact still remains that the Hei tiki appears to have been a favoured design of families of high rank. The Hei tiki design also appears to have been pan -tribal, treasured and revered throughout Aotearoa / New Zealand (Davidson, 1984). In traditional times the existence of region specific designs was the norm. In the South Island of Aotearoa / New Zealand the Hei matau37 was the dominant design (Beattie, 1994). In the north of the North Island Aotearoa / New Zealand the Pekapeka38 and Marakihau39 were the dominant designs (Davidson, 1984). The significance of the Hei matau, Pekapeka and Marakihau designs will not receive elaboration. This should not be interpreted as their stories being less significant than the Hei tiki. However the belief in the connection to past energies and the dominant positioning of the Hei tiki throughout Aotearoa / New Zealand provided it with a unique status that warranted mention . 3 - 7 Hei matau, a fishhook or crescent moon design. 38 Pekapeka, a double headed bat design. 39 Marakihau, a sea monster design. 17 Other Pounamu articles gained prominence because of the important functions they fulfilled. The toki Pounamu was considered a superior implement and restricted to extremely important processes which required adhering to strict protocols. Such was the process of the building of waka taua40 . The waka were vital to the survival of a tribe whether to be used as transport during an attack or for flight. The waka needed to be built to be efficient in can-ying large crews as well as being efficient in speed (Smith, 1900). Chapter Two describes the role of the toki Pounamu in the fashioning of the voyaging waka. There was also the mere4 1 Pounamu used in warfare. Victims were disposed of by the swift striking movements of the mere to the head and to the stomach. The mere was particularly revered and treated with the utmost respect and yes fear because it was capable of threatening or taking life and aided in the shedding of blood (Pearce, 1971 ). The uhi42 Pounamu used in the art of ta moko 43 was also revered because of the sanctity associated with the process of ta moko. This process too involved the flow of blood so care and safety prevailed. The considerable responsibility the uhi had in the beautifying of the bodies of high ranking families elevated it to an extremely privileged position (Pearce, 1971). The toki, mere and uhi Pounamu all had high status and this was acknowledged by the bestowing of a name on the implement. These implements were also often only held by high ranking families to become their family heirlooms (Pearce, 1971 ). Specific mention is made in Chapter Five of the thesis, regarding some of the Pounamu articles and their stories that still remain as treasures amongst the families of Nga.ti Maniapoto. 40 Waka taua, a war canoe. 4 : 1 Mere, a club. 42 Uhi, a utensil for body tatooing. 43 Ta moko, body tattooing. 18 In regards to the distribution of Pounamu, Davidson (1984) claimed that there is little evidence of Pounamu having been worked in the North Island. The presence of Pounamu in the North Island can be attributed to a range of reasons such as gifts, settlements, capture in war or compensation for trespass or injury. Best ( 1912) also stated that the bartering of the South Islands tribes for items that they needed also contributed to the distribution of Pounamu to the North . This exchange of Pounamu contributed to the strengthening of ties with other tribes as well as satisfying the needs of those who sought to possess Pounamu. The exchanging of Pounamu also created a certain respect and interdependence between tribes throughout Aotearoa / New Zealand . Buck ( 1949) commented on an important practise, which implied the understanding by traditional Maori of the protective properties of Pounamu. Enemy tribes would often look at establishing a Maunga rongo, a mutual agreement for peace. If it lasted it was termed a Rongo taketake. The peacemakers would then consolidate this agreement by building a Tatau Pounamu, a door of Pounamu, a place to serve as a sanctuary for women, children and the helpless. This phrase Tatau Pounamu, although purely symbolic, established a locality that was known as a place of safety and refuge. This phrase was to, in time, be applied to the lands occupied by Nga.ti Maniapoto. Chapter Three of this thesis confirms this detai I. Best (1912) suggested that with the advent of iron came the diminished reliance of Maori on their traditional kohatu of Pounamu, Tuhua, Mata, Waiapu and Hoanga. Another contributing factor was the challenge made by colonisation to the traditional beliefs of the Maori. 19 MAURJ One such belief that suffered was the concept of mauri. The following discussion provides some understanding of mauri in relation to kohatu. Buck (1949) described mauri as a source of energy, a life force, the living essence, the principle of vitality not only of living beings, but also within inanimate objects. The strength of mauri was believed to fluctuate and could be influenced by physical and spiritual conditions (Australian Museum, 1989). In traditional times tohunga 44 were responsible for maintaining mauri. Karakia and rituals to enhance mauri were employed and were specific to a situation (Cowan, 1930; Riley, 2001). There was also the belief that tohunga could invoke powers to remove mauri. This action could cause bird life to disappear, mountains to fall and man to die (Beattie, 1939). Improper human acts could also remove mauri. The burning of the afterbirth was believed to destroy the mauri of a new born child which could cause sickness or even death (Beattie, 1994). Similarly taking cooked food into the forest could diminish the rnauri of a forest and thus limit the food supply available from the forest (Anderson, 1907). Orbell ( 1995) commented about the mauri in relation to the hau. The hau was said to exist along side the mauri. To some the rnauri and the hau were considered to be one and the same (Beattie, 1939). However some made the distinction in stating that maintaining the hau was dependent on the existence of mauri (Best, 1924b; 1978). Indeed both could dwell within man and inanimate objects. 44 Tohunga, a person knowledgable and responsible for health and wellbeing within a community. 20 Orbell (1998) stated that the hau could be preserved and protected by mauri. As stated previously mauri was thought to exist in living objects and could also be located within inanimate objects. It was believed that the mauri located in inanimate objects was placed there to protect the hau of man, land or sea (Anderson, 1907; Best, 1924b ). Orbell (1995) documented that mauri could be positioned in inanimate objects such as kohatu. When this occurred it was accepted that the kohatu played a protective role. The kohatu were known as Te Mauri Kohatu and were repositories of vitality. Generally Te Mauri Kohatu were of no particular shape or size and remained natural , not worked by man. Orbell (1998) maintained their location remained a secret to the tohunga who had placed them. Traditional Maori perceived Mauri Kohatu to have great spiritual powers. It was vital that their whereabouts stay a secret least they be stolen by enemies. This theft was believed to lead to the diminished wellbeing of the original owners as well as their community. Best (1924b: 86) stated that " Te Mauri Kohatu also preserved the health, courage, prestige and general welfare of life". Goldie (1904: 08) agreed by stating "there existed a custom of instituting a mauri to represent the health and well-being of individuals imbued with health, vitality, welfare and protection". Best (1978) further commented on objects named taunga atua. They were a specific type of Mauri Kohatu that acted as protective talisman. These talisman were believed to have supernatural powers because they were able to employ the powers of atua to strengthen and bring wellness to an area. Lewis (1982) agreed with the comments made by Best (1978) but named the taunga atua, taumata atua. 21 Other Mauri Kohatu were regarded as Tipua. These acted like sign posts and provided reassurance to the communities to whom they belonged. They also provided warning to others that they were entering foreign or perhaps forbidden territory. Whatever it meant to the traveller, there was an understanding that to pass safely, an incantation, a specific ritual, an offering would need to be made in respect of the Tipua (Gudgeon, 1906). Tipua were also thought to possess great supernatural properties. These powers were much sought after by traditional Maori to enhance their own wellbeing and existence. The details about Tipua connected to Tainui waka are detailed in Chapters Two and Five of this thesis. The preceding information relating to the concept of mauri and hau although basic and simplistic does provide some understanding in terms of the association it has with Mauri Kohatu. The overall inforn1ation to this point has highlighted the appreciation and dependence that traditional Maori had for kohatu from a spiritual and physical perspective. This understanding took into account the relationship of nature and human forces. The quality of interaction between these two energies was influenced by the continual need to find balance and harmony in order to enhance the health and wellbeing of the lives of traditional Maori (Durie, 1999). The use of kohatu in rituals and practices made a significant contribution to the health and wellbeing of traditional Maori. The institutions of the whare wananga, the consecration of a building and the sacred process of childbirth all incorporated the physical and spiritual properties of the kohatu. 22 TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS - SCHOOLS OF LEARNING The understanding of the traditional acquisition and the perpetuation of knowledge identifies a reliance on the utilisation of kohatu. According to the National Library of New Zealand and Rangiatea (church) Te Ropu Whakahaere and New Zealand Ministry of Maori Development (1997) Tane te wananga45 ascended into the Toi o nga Rangi46 to obtain from Io47 the three famous Kete o te wananga48 . The arduous journey to attain this knowledge will not receive elaboration within this thesis. However if this was pursued, it would highlight the obvious detennination and perhaps the destiny that traditional Maori believed was required to obtain the knowledge and wisdom of the three Kete o te wananga (Best, 1924c). Traditional knowledge was detailed into three specific divisions (Best, 1924c ). The following description provides only a limited overview of the contents of each area. However in spite of this limitation the account does provide some assistance in understanding the value that Maori had for knowledge. Best (1924a) recorded the three divisions as the Kete Tuatea, the Kete Tuauri and the Kete Aronui. In contrast Best (1924c) termed the Kete Tua tea, the Kete Tawhito and Buck (1949) recorded it as the Kete Uruuru Tau. The knowledge conveyed through this branch concerned the information that was harn1ful to human welfare, human life. Best (1924c) added that the Kete Tuatea was physically housed in the receptacle Ruruku o te rangi, secured by the cord Te whiwhinga o te rangi. 45 Tline te wananga also known as Tane nui a rangi. :; Toi 5 nga Rangi also known as Tikitiki 5 nga Rangi, the uppermost of the 12 heavens. lo, the Supreme Being. 48 Kete o te wananga, baskets of knowledge. 23 Buck (1949) continued the difference in naming the Kete Tuauri, the Kete Uruuru Rangi. The Kete Uruuru Tipua was another distinctive name for the Kete Tuauri offered by Best (1924c). This branch of knowledge gave understanding to the rituals and practises, performed and desired by man. Best (1924c) claimed that the Kete Tuauri was physically housed in the receptacle Wahirangi secured by the cord Papawai . Best (1924c) and Buck (1949) offered the name the Kete Uruuru Matua as the alternative to the Kete Aronui . The knowledge of this branch detailed the information that was beneficial to human welfare, human life. Located within this division was understood to be the most desirous of all knowledge. Vigorous rituals and protocols guarded the access to this kete. Best (1924c) added that the knowledge was physically housed in the receptacle known as Whanui. However in spite of the guarded status of the Kete Aronui no mention was made of a cord to secure this knowledge as was the example with the other two Kete o te wananga. Best (1924c) and the National Library of New Zealand and Rangiatea (church) Te Ropu Whakahaere and New Zealand Ministry of Maori Development (1997) maintained the notion that Tane te wananga ascended into the uppermost heaven to secure the Kete o te wananga. Best (1924c), the National Library of New Zealand and Rangiatea (church) Te RopU Whakahaere and New Zealand Ministry of Maori Development (1997) and Downes (1910) also credited Tane te wananga with obtaining two sacred Kohatu. Best ( 1924c) attributed these sacred Kohatu to Ranginui49 and Papatuanuku. Orbell (1995) and Best (1924c) contended that the three Kete 5 te wananga and the two sacred Kohatu were all closely guarded by the whatukura50 and the mareikura51 who dwelt within the heavens. 4 - 9 Ranginui, Sky father. 50 Whatukura, male spirits who move unimpeded throughout the 12 heavens. 51 Miireikura, female spirits who move unimpeded throughout the 12 heavens. 24 It was only with the assistance of these energies that Tane te wananga was able to successfully obtain the three Kete o te wananga and the two sacred kohatu. According to Best (1924c) one was the Whatukura a Tane known as Hukatai and the other was the Whatukura a Tangaroa known as Rehutai. These two Kohatu were whatu 52 for the Kete o te wananga and were both held in the receptacle Whakaawhirangi and secured by the cord Ahotiritiri. In addition Best (1924c) also recorded that Hukatai belonged with the Kete Uruuru Rangi and Rehutai belonged with the Kete Uruuru Tau. If taking into account Buck's (1949) understanding of the Kete Uruuru Rangi and the Kete Uruuru Tau then Hukatai would be associated with rituals and practices desirous by man and Rehutai would be associated with that which was harmful to man. Downes ( 1910) documented the journey of the sacred Kohatu slightly differently. Io was credited with giving the two sacred Kohatu to Tane te wananga. These Kohatu were reported to be of different sizes. Io named the larger Te Rangiwhakarara and the smaller one Taururangi. One Kohatu was then passed to Tangaroa and Tane te wananga retained the other. The Kohatu were to assist Tangaroa and Tane in their respective roles as guardians of the ocean waters and the land. When this handing over process occurred the Kohatu were renamed the Whatukura a Tangaroa and the Whatukura a Tane. Downes (1910) did not specify who received the smaller or larger kohatu. This is unfortunate as it would have provided more clarity and assistance with understanding the specific placements and perhaps the functions of these kohatu within the whare wananga. In spite of this limitation there appears little doubt that belief in the powers of these two sacred Kohatu existed in traditional times and a corresponding high regard for both of them (National Library of New Zealand & Rangiatea (church) Te Ropil Whakahaere & New Zealand Ministry of Maori Development). 52 Whatu, a core, a centre. 25 These two Kohatu were endowed with supernatural powers and were thought to be empowering agents to impart force, prestige, power, sacredness and efficiency to rituals, ceremonies and chants (Best, 1924c ). Other accounts documented that the two Kohatu had powers in controlling the realms of the land and sea. The Whatukura a Tane was to maintain order over land, trees and birds and the Whatukura a Tangaroa assisted by maintaining order over the ocean waters (Orbell 1995; 1998). The Whatukura a Tangaroa was employed to keep the sea in its' proper place so as not to overwhelm the land where the Whatukura a Tane resided (Downes, 1910). The preceding infom1ation implies a certain amount of cooperation between the two Whatukura. A question then arises concerning the validity of Hukatai and Rehutai being the two Whatukura. If Hukatai was the Whatukura a Tane and Rehutai was the Whatukura a Tangaroa then the preceding notions of cooperation, implied by Best (1924c ), would somewhat argue against Bucks' understanding of Rehutai being a harmful force. He associated Rehutai with the Kete Uruuru Tau, the knowledge that would cause harn1 to man. This issue raises the dilemma about the true roles of Rehutai and Hukatai. However this debate should not be permitted to impede the understanding of the role of the Whatukura within the whare wananga. This discussion occurs in the following section of this chapter. Gudgeon ( 1906) accorded the Whatukura the status of a philosopher stone. All traditional whare wananga utilised the Whatukura. However it may have been difficult for the original Whatukura, brought by Tane te wananga, to be physically utilised simultaneously within the many traditional houses of learning53 throughout Aotearoa I New Zealand. 53 The phrase'house of leaming'will be used interchangeably with whare wananga and schools of learning from this point onwards in the thesis. 26 Perhaps then there was a process for instilling the mauri of the parent kohatu obtained from the Toi 6 nga Rangi into the individual Whatukura. Best (1924a) stated there was a belief in the practice that when smaller kohatu made contact with the Whatukura, in the whare wananga, the result was that they became impregnated with the inherent powers of the parent kohatu. Best (1924a) commented on the rituals that were perfonned to obtain small efficient stones for use in the rites of the house of learning. Certain small kohatu were placed in contact with one of the two sacred Whatukura. Best (1924c) maintained that the Whatukura sat close to the poutokomanawa54 . One was on the eastern side and the other located on the western side. It was not confirn1ed which Whatukura held which position. Best (1924c) offered another suggestion in recording that the Whatukura were each deposited in the two most highly revered places in the house called the ahurewa I ahumairangi or in another location detailed as the tuahu. Once again there is no record of the final locations of the specific Whatukura. Downes (1910) contended the Whatukura were placed on either side of the poutokomanawa, with the larger Te Rangiwhakarara in front and the smaller Taururangi behind. The difficulty with this account, as previously highlighted, was that it did not confim1 which kohatu was renamed the Whatukura a Tangaroa or the Whatukura a Tane. Orbell (1998; 1995) stated the kohatu used in rituals were often small. 54 Poutokomanawa, a main supporting pole of a traditional house. 27 Hongi (1894) described them as hard and imperishable in nature. Orbell (1998; 1995) asserted the smaller kohatu, whatukura or whatu55 , were smooth and highly tapu kohatu. They were often either crimson red, a ruddy colour or white and measured only a couple of centimetres. Best (1924a) agreed the kohatu were reddish in colour and added they were flattened, smoothed surfaced, water worn, circular oval and no more than 1 inch in width. Best (1924a) specifically identified these kohatu as carnelian which could be procured in Cabbage Bay in the Hauraki Peninsula. Incidentally too carnelian is red or white in colour, hard and imperishable (Leach & Davidson, 1981 ). The discussion regarding the role of carnelian and why it was chosen instead of any of the other kohatu that existed in this land will not be explored within this thesis. The lack of coverage of the story of the carnelian should not be interpreted as being insignificant or a lesser story to be told . As previously mentioned access to some traditional knowledge was guarded. This thesis will not elaborate any further on this issue nor will it detail the selection process of students into the whare wananga. Both of these issues are outside of the discussion regarding the use of kohatu . The elaboration in the following section regarding the kohatu is pure conjecture on behalf of the author of this thesis. In addition no confirmation, through the literature reviewed for this thesis, could be made about whether kohatu were utilised in learning pertaining to all the three divisions of knowledge. Once a student was selected for entry into the house of learning then the expectation was that the student would follow the ancient customs of utilising kohatu to assist them in the learning task (Best, 24a). 55 Kohatu, whatukura and whatu will be terms used interchangeable throughout this thesis. 28 D_ownes (1910) suggested that on acceptance into the whare wananga students went to the sea to choose two kohatu. The kohatu were white and were placed near the two Whatukura within the house. Perhaps the kohatu that were selected were a means to identify the students, the commitment that they had made to the learning process and then used by them as learning aids. Hongi (1894) proposed that kohatu used in ceremonies provided a connection with ancient homelands and ancient wisdom and so were viewed as valuable perpetuators of knowledge. In addition Hongi (1894) recorded that the further away from the homeland or the more ancient a kohatu was the more highly prized the kohatu became as conveyors of knowledge. Perhaps these kohatu assisted those who held them by reminding them of their associated stories. Best (1924c) proposed that before the commencement of any learning the student would take a kohatu in hand and other students would gather in support placing their hands on top of the hand of the student who held the kohatu. Perhaps this ritual was a physical act that identified the support and affinnation for those about to embark on the learning journey. Best (1924a:77) documented a specific ritual that was performed before learning commenced. The student would recite the following over their kohatu - Here is my mauri, thy mauri, 0 Io the Parent! Here is my mauri, the mauri of Tupai. Here is my mauri, the mauri of Tane. Here is my mauri, the mauri of Tu - matauenga. Here is my mauri, the mauri of the tipua Here is my mauri, the mauri of the gods etc 29 At the conclusion the student would place the kohatu in the mouth, leave it in for a short time, take it out, return it to the Whatukura, swallow the saliva and commence learning. Perhaps this ritual readied and focussed the student for the learning process. Best (1924a) recorded specific names for the kohatu that were used during the learning process. The Whatu whangai was retained in the mouth during the whole learning time and returned to sit with the Whatukura at the end of a learning session. The Whatu whakahoro was swallowed at the closure of a specific ritual. The Whatu puororangi was employed to retain knowledge and impede the unwise dissemination of knowledge. The Whatu whakatara was placed beneath the pillow during rest time to benefit the mauri of a student. The Whatu taumaua take was awarded to a student after the successful completion of specific learning. The final kohatu to be mentioned is the Whatu kairangi. It was viewed as a certificate of proficiency, a diploma for graduates from the Kete Aronui. The Whatu kairangi was held by the recipients for their life time and was a symbol of high achievement of the knowledge that they had attained. Perhaps this is the kohatu recorded by Best (1924a) as the one with the power to ensure the permanency of knowledge. There are other kohatu that were utilised in the house of learning that have not been mentioned. This lack of coverage should not be interpreted as their functions being any less than those which have been included in Chapter One. In addition the simplistic recording, in this thesis, of the specifically named Kohatu / Whatu utilised in the house of learning only allows the reader a glimpse of the distinctive roles of each. 30 A further shortcoming of the preceding documentation is that it has failed to identify which Whatukura was responsible for energising the Whatu utilised in the learning rituals. The different naming of the Whatukura a Tane and the Whatukura a Tangaroa, their different physical descriptions and their different placements within the whare wananga does suggest that they both had different roles to play and perhaps too that they also had different status. Due to the lack of detail in the literature reviewed nothing could be confinned regarding this issue. However the fact that there are records that identify that students went to the sea to collect kohatu before entering the whare wananga does provide an association that would give the Whatukura a Tangaroa a slight advantage. Conversely it could be thought that in obtaining kohatu from the sea that this might be an attempt to provide a balance between the strength of Tangaroa and the strength of Tane. Perhaps the strength of Tane was thought to be greater within the house of learning. Whatever the outcome of these debates regarding the use of kohatu in the learning process it is perhaps more valuable to remember that for generations the custom of utilising kohatu provided a successful means of acquiring and perpetuating knowledge that contributed to the health and the welfare of traditional Maori. THE BUILDING OF WHARE The traditional belief in the power of higher beings had enormous influence on the health and wellbeing of the lives of traditional Maori. Rituals and protocols associated with the consecration of houses were executed to acknowledge Tane Mahuta, to give thanks for the building materials, which were predominantly obtained from his realm. Another practise that was thought benefi cial was the use of kohatu for sanctifying buildings. This practise was founded in the belief that a kohatu utilised this way had the ability to provide protection and wellbeing for those who dwelt within that building as well as for those within that vicinity. 31 Best ( 1924c) and Gudgeon ( 1906) asserted that in traditional times live animals and humans were used before the kohatu . Due to changing traditions the kohatu became the preferred choice used for sanctifying buildings. Gudgeon (1906) detailed that initially Maori had the custom of procuring human sacrifices when a house was built. He (1906) recorded that this practise was based on the human need for power and control. The example cited was that a high ranking chief commanded that his infant daughter be offered as a sacrifice to be placed under the poutokomanawa in his new house. This action was ordered to maintain and improve the health and wellbeing of the community and in this case the expected result did eventuate (Gudgeon, 1906). However Gudgeon ( 1906) entertained a more sinister thought and that was the belief that the order was made to impress, cause fear within the community and all other communities that chanced to hear about this deed. The order in fact did earn the chief a brutal reputation and satisfied his need to be respected as well as feared. Unbeknown to anyone else, except the person who carried out the act, a kohatu was substituted in place of the child. Bennett (1963) related a similar story with ongms from within the new lands of Tainui waka. The tupuna56 , Mango57 , in the building of a communal waka, made a transgression of tradition by not acknowledging Tane Mahuta58 . The food supplies became depleted and the health of the community began to deteriorate. The tohunga, Topi, who had great authority, provided a solution by advising Mango to build a magnificent house and dedicate it to Tane Mahuta. 56 · Tupuna, an ancestor. 57 Mango was the father ofKaihamu and the great, great, great grandfather of Toa - rangatira, ancestor ofNgati Toa. 58 Tane mahuta, also known as Tane te wananga. 32 B_ennett ( 1963) recorded that as the building of the house was progressing Topi informed Mango that Tane Mahuta would not be satisfied with this offer alone and that a human sacrifice would be needed in order to ensure the revitalisation of the health and wellbeing of the community. Topi advised Mango that the sacrifice must be of a high ranking female. Topi went further and suggested Mangos' baby daughter. Incidentally Mango only had one daughter so the sacrifice asked was indeed a great one. Mango could not refuse this request given the authority that Topi had for the wellbeing and health of the community and the lean times that the whole community was experiencing. Bennett (1963) asserted that Topi demanded the sacrifice of Mangos' daughter simply because he was envious of the prestige and power that Mango possessed. Topi also knew that Mango would be absolutely devastated by the loss of his daughter and so he relished the thought of Mango suffering. As was the authority of a tohunga, Topi took control of the process and selected the place of sacrifice designated as under the poutokomanawa. With ritual and ceremony this location was readied to receive Mangos' daughter. However unbeknown to anyone else but Heke59 , another tohunga, and Hiapoto, wife of Mango, the child was not sacrificed but instead a kohatu was substituted in her place. The community once again prospered and health returned to the descendants of Mango, Hiapoto and Topi. The work of Heke and Hiapoto remained a secret until the daughter, Ngahuia, who was raised elsewhere became an adult. She eventually returned to her parents' community and her story retained by subsequent generations in the land of her parents (Bennett, 1963). 59 Heke was also brother in law to Mango. 33 Bennett (1963) claimed that human sacrifice in the sanctifying of a building was never a traditional custom that was practised by Tainui tupuna. Gudgeon (1906) asserted that the sacrifice of human victims was a ritual initiated in order to ensure the safety of the tribe. This type of sacrifice was termed whangai - atua and was seen as a means to placate the gods. Hongi (1894:38) agreed with this belief by asserting "a living sacrifice is given to consecrate a building of importance". Best (1924c:232) suggested that the term raukakai was accorded to this process of human sacrifice in stating the following" he raukakai ka tukua hei tohi i te whare me ka oti" . This phrase translates the quote by Hongi (1894 :38). A house built for a person of high rank justified the sacrifice of a life. The victim would be placed in one of either two locations, at the base of the central post which supported the ridge pole or at the rear post at the back wall of the house. The different tribal traditions may have dictated the preference (Best, 1924c ). A victim disposed of in this manner was called a Whatu and was described as a talisman that acted to preserve the welfare of the people to whom the house belonged. Best (1924c) further detailed that birds, lizards or kohatu could also be used as a Whatu . Each one of these was known to have the ability to be entrusted with the mauri "the vitality and general welfare of house, lands and people as preserved and guarded by the gods" (Best, 1924c:233). Within the literature reviewed there appears no mention of when human sacrifices diminished in favour of the placement of a Mauri Kohatu or bird or lizard. However the custom of employing a Mauri Kohatu as a Whatu, placed at the base of the poutokomanawa of an important building is still the custom practised and relied upon today. The traditions according to the descendants of Tainui waka are afforded comprehensive coverage in a chapter of their own which follows. 34 THE RITUALS DURING CHILDBIRTH The importance of kohatu in the process of child birth has already been mentioned in this document. The use of the sacred implement known as a Rehu or Korahi fashioned from Tuhua had a significant role to play in childbirth in severing the iho. According to Best (1924c) once this process was completed the iho60 and the whenua61 were then buried and marked by a kohatu or a wooden post. Another option was to place the iho and the w henua in a kohatu or tree on a boundary line. Wherever the iho and whenua were placed this became known as the lho o (the name of the child). This location physically identified boundary markers for the child as well as for others within and outside of the community. In addition this location identifi ed both a physical and spiritual place of origin, of beginning for the child (Best, 1924c). Traditional Maori attributed great importance to knowing their identity and their connection to the land. CONCLUSION Traditional Maori placed huge reliance on kohatu for their wellbeing. The role of kohatu in the preceding documentation was confirmed as a viable means to access and maintain knowledge, to provide protection and care, to perpetuate life, and to provide an enduring connection with the lands of origin as a source of identity and security. 60 Iho, the umbilical cord. 61 Whenua, afterbirth. 35 CHAPTER TWO TE AO KOHA TU - T AINUI WAKA THE ANCIENT TIMES - T AINUI WAKA INTRODUCTION Chapter Two asserts that the topuna on board the voyaging waka brought with them the notion that land provided physical and spiritual strength and was a vital connection to the past. This understanding was physically demonstrated by the transportation of Mauri Kohatu from the homeland to the new land, Aotearoa / New Zealand. Tainui waka was no exception. Before detailing this belief elaboration is made on the building of the sacred waka. Central to this discussion is the vital contribution kohatu made both physically and spiritually in the fashioning of the voyaging waka to ensure the safe arrival to Aotearoa / New Zealand. NGA TOKI KOHATU All waka transported taonga that would enhance life in the new land. Due to this crucial role it was vital that the waka were built with skill, precision and an adherence to strict protocols and rituals that would ensure a safe and successful completion, ready for the challenging voyage. The toki Pounamu was the implement accorded the honour of fashioning the voyaging waka. According to Smith (1900) the toki Poumanu utilised, in the construction of these waka, were linked to Nga.hue and his fish Poutini / Pounamu. As recorded in Chapter One of this thesis Nga.hue returned to the traditional homelands and in his possession was a sliver of Poutini / Pounamu obtained from the Arahura River in the South Island. From this sacred piece the prototype of toki Pounamu were manufactured. However Smith (1900) also made reference to a toki made of shell that assisted in the building of the voyaging waka. 36 The numerous accounts confirming the names and numbers of toki Pounamu were all crafted from the piece obtained from the fish of Ngahue. Pearce ( 1971) asserted that there were only two toki, Hauhauterangi and Tutauru. Simmons (1976) added another five toki, Te Rakuraku 5 Tawhaki, Hui te Rangiora, Te Whironui, Te Awhiorangi and Te Kohurau. Mitira (1944) contended that there were only five toki, Rakuraku 6 Tawhaki, Hui te rangi ora, Te Whiro nui , Te Awhiorangi and Matangairei which replaced Kohurau. Mitira (1944) contended that Kohurau was in fact a type ofkohatu as was Kara, Anewa and Pounamu. From these four kohatu Ruawharo, Te Rongo Putahi and Topai of Takitimu waka crafted the five sacred toki. Simmons (1976) detailed that both Tamatea and Te Rongopatahi claimed Te Awhiorangi and that Ruawharo claimed Te Whironui and all travelled on board Takitimu waka. Cowan ( 1930) and Smith (1900) disagreed by stating that Te Awhiorangi travelled in Ao tea waka. Cowan (1930) contended it was and still remains with the Ngaraum tribe, at Tauranga ika, near Waitotara. Smith (1900) asserted that it is hidden in the sacred mountain Tieke at Moerangi as indicated in the following ancient song: Smith (1900:232) E amo ana a Rangi i tana toki, Ko Te Awhio-rangi E whiri ana i tona kaha. Ko te rangi-whiri-ma a Pare-te-rangi, Ko Whakakapua, No te haurarotanga Ko te Kaha-a-Paepae, I whakarawea ki a Ro, Ko te waro-uri, Hoake ki a Tane Ko te mau tongatea, 62 Moerangi the final resting place of Te Awhiorangi. Ko te mata toki i tika, Tuaia ki te tangata Ko umpa te toki Ka eke i Moerangi62-e- 37 Mitira (1944) confirmed Te Awhiorangi was a toki Pounamu with supernatural powers. Cowan (1930) stated that Te Awhiorangi assisted in the building of the waka Aotea. Simmons (1976) added that this toki Pounamu also fashioned both the waka Tainui and Te Arawa. Best (1974) extended this group, by confirming the waka Tainui, Takitimu, Te Arawa while adding Mataatua, Kurahaupo, Tokomaru and Matawhaorua but omited Aotea. Smith (1900 :232) described Te Awhiorangi "as ruddy in colour but also striped like the breast of the PTpTwharauroa.63 It measured eighteen inches long and one inch thick, the edge six inches broad, the slope of the sharp edge two and half inches and shaped like an European adze" . Smith (1900) asserted that the toki Pounamu Te Awhiorangi , with the handle Mataaheihei, secured by the lashing Kawekairangi, was housed in the case Rangi whakapua. In contemporary times the work of Te Awhiorangi continues to be honoured. Te Hurinui (1962) acknowledged the spiritual role if not a physical role of this ancient toki Pounamu in the construction of the Tainui ancestral house Auau ki te rangi at Maketu, Kawhia64 . Te Hurinui (1962:3) Mate tohunga ta i te kawa e kawe te karakia nei kia eke ki te whiti tua-waru e whai ake nei. Taimaha koe i te kahui pou; Pou nui, pou roa, pou whakatupua. Horahorahia nga korero Ki roto o whare-kura. Amo ake au i taku toki , Ko Te Awhio - rangi! Toki nui, toki roa, toki haha; Toki, amohia ake taku toki nei Kite ue whiti, kite ue roa, Kia rahirahi me ona whiwhinga, Me ona rawenga! Ko wai te ingoa o tenei whare? KA UTUA :- Ko AUAU-KI-TE-RANGI! 63 Piipiwharauroa, a shining cuckoo. 64 Kawhia, is recorded as the final resting place ofTainui waka as detailed in Chapter Two of this thesis . 38 Te Hurinui (1962:3) translated - The following is the eighth verse of the solemn dedication of a superior assembly house within Tainui. Ye who are heavy-laden gather by the pillar; The big pillar, the tall pillar, the dedicated pillar. The orations are to be made Within the sacred house. I shall now bear my axe on high As if it were Te Awhio-rangi! Tis renowned, long-handled - a sharpened axe This axe of mine, which I now bear on high To its abiding place, To be re-sharpened, rebound And adorned anew. What is to be the name of this House? Response:- AUAU-KI-TE-RANGI! Unfortunately the histories and fate of the other sacred toki remain a mystery to this thesis. However this does not diminish the sacred work completed by all of these toki to ensure the safe arrival of the voyaging waka and their taonga. Cowan (1910) recorded that kohatu were on board the voyaging waka transported as talisman for use in the new land. Smith (1900) detailed the kohatu as mana or whatu to represent a vital link to the old homeland. Riley (2001) acknowledged the kohatu as mauri kowhatu brought on the voyaging waka with the purpose to give life and vitality to the whare wananga and to preserve the hau of the forest. 39 Before elaborating on the kohatu that travelled in the ancestral Tainui waka a brief description is provided on the origin of this waka, the identification of the tiipuna and some of their roles during the voyage, then concluding with the arrival to Aotearoa / New Zealand. NGA TOPUNA O T AINU! WAKA Grace (I 957) recorded that Tainui waka had a significant relationship with the ancestral double hulled waka Te Mahanga a Tuamatua65 . Grace (1957) suggested that the tupuna and kohatu on board Tainui were actually some of those that first journeyed in Te Mahanga a Tuamatua. This waka departed for Aotearoa / New Zealand and, for some reason, the double hulls were separated to become the two distinctive single hulled waka of Tainui and Te Arawa. Jones and Biggs (1995) contended that Tainui was a waka that had its' own unique history although those on board Te Arawa waka were considered related to the Tainui tiipuna. Grace (1957) stated that in the traditional homeland the tiipuna of the Tainui and Te Arawa waka had originally lived as one under the mle and authority of Tuamatua. By the time Tuamatuas' grandsons were born the community had separated into two factions. However the overall authority, was accepted as being held by the senior descendants of Tuamatuas' line. Ngatoroirangi eldest grandson of Tuamatua, by this fact had great influence. Another grandson, Tamatekapua younger than Ngatoroirangi also displayed a degree of strength. These two and their extended families resided in the same proximity. Hoturoa, a relative of both Ngatoroirangi and Tamatekapua also held significant genealogical links to the authority in the district. 65 Named after the tupuna Tuamatua. The name may have some relevance to Tuamatua the ancestor of kohatu, but nothing could be confirmed through the literature reviewed. 40 The following is the genealogical table recorded that identifies the bloodlines of the families of the voyaging waka ofTainui and Te Arawa (Kelly 1949:444). Te Whakapapa o Nga Waka o Tainui raua ko Te Arawa Puhaorangi I Ohomairangi I Ruamuturangi -------1------- Taraao I Taunga I Whaene --Tuamatua - I I I A 0 66 Kuotepo = uauterang1 I Rakauri I Houmaitawhiti Hoturoa N gatoroirangi Tia Hei Tamatekapua Ora Grace (1957) asserted that when Te Mahanga a Tuamatua departed from the original homelands Ngatoroirangi, Tamatekapua and Hoturoa were all on board and each held knowledge to assist in the voyage. Ngatoroirangi was accorded the role of supreme navigator. In the later part of the journey, the two divisions claimed independence. The hulls were unlashed at Rarotonga, the last stop off point before the new lands. Grace ( 1957) asserted that one faction proceeded as Te Arawa under the leadership of Tamatekapua who was assisted by the masterful Ngatoroirangi . The other hull journeyed as Tainui under the control ofHoturoa. 66 Also recorded as Auaukiterangi (Forbes, 1986). 41 In contrast Jones and Biggs (1995) detailed that Memehaoterangi, who was father to Whakaotirangi, senior wife of Hoturoa sanctioned the building of Tainui. The honour of building this waka was given to Rakataura because of his indepth knowledge of this craft. His team comprised of Kohitinui and six other topuna67 who were ably assisted by the three sacred toki 68 Hahautepo, a felling toki, Paopaoterangi, a splitting toki and Manutawhiorangi, a shaping toki. In contrast Learning Media (1993) documented that five tupuna were responsible for the building of Tainui waka. Rakataura remained in the team assisted by Taikehu, Hoturoa, Rotu and Whakatau - Potiki. Jones and Biggs (1995) stated that the waka was built without decorative carving and was about 70 feet long. No effort will be made within this thesis to contest any of the preceding information but simply to present the available details. However Grace (1957) asserted that there was too much similarity between the traditions of Tainui and Te Arawa waka to be coincidental. Jones and Biggs (1995) and Kelly (1949) contended that Ngatoroirangi and his wife Kearoa were with Hoturoa on board Tainui. Grace ( 1957) asserted that Ngatoroirangi and Kearoa travelled in Te Arawa. Another example of the shared history is the narrative regarding the cultivation of the kumara. Both Te Arawa and Tainui waka acknowledge Whakaotirangi as the tupuna responsible for bringing the komara to Aotearoa / New Zealand. Supplied in the following table are the names of Tainui topuna accounted for by both Jones and Biggs (1995) and Kelly (1949). On first reading the names some discrepancy is obvious. However on further reading of the thesis there is evidence that in the list Kelly (1949) recorded he may have only accounted for the names of those who made the complete journey from the original homelands to the final resting place ofTainui waka in Aotearoa / New Zealand. 67 The names of the other six tilpuna have been lost. 68 The toki Te Awhiorangi is not mentioned as having assisted with the fashioning ofTainui waka as documented earlier in Chapter Two. 42 TANE 69 Hoturoa Rangiwhakairiao Hotuawhio Taikehu Rotu Poutukeka Riukiuta Hapopo Mateora Taiki Hiaroa TANE Hoturoa Rangiwhakairiao Hotuawhio Taikehu Rotu Poutukeka Riukiuta Hapopo Mateora Taiki Hiaroa 69 T- I ane, ma es. Nga Tupuna: Tainui Waka TANE TA.NE Ngatoroirangi Kopuwai Taininihi Marukopiri Tanewhakatia Ngatoroirangi Kopuwai Taininihi Marukopiri Tanewhakatia Te Keteanataua Taihaua Hotuhope Horowai Whakataupotiki Kahutuiroa TANE Rakataura Uhenga Hotunui Taranga Waihare Te Keteanataua Te Huakioterangi Kahungunu Taihaua Hotuope Horoiwi Taungakitemarangai Hautai Jones and Biggs(1995:29) 70 Wahine, females. 71 Kahutuiroa is recorded by Kelly ( 1949) in the male line. WAHINE70 Whakaotirangi Marama Amonga Hinewai Kahukeke Takahiroa Keataketake ( Kearoa ) Whaenemurutio Torere Hineihi Kelly (1949:40) WA.HINE Whakaotirangi Maramakikohura Amonga Hinewai Kahukeke Takahiroa Kearoa Whaenemurutio Hinepuanganuiarangi He-ara Kahutuiroa 71 43 The following is the seating order, of some of the tupuna in Tainui waka, as recorded by Kelly (1949:40). " In the bows sat Rotu, behind him was Hiaroa, then Mateora, who carried the token of the birds. After Mateora sat Taikehu, in charge of the renowned paddle Hauhauterangi .72 " Behind Taikehu sat Taininihi who carried the kura73 , after which sat Taihaua, Kuiamara74 , Whakaotirangi , and Marama, and last of all , in the stem, sat Hoturoa." The following is the seating order as recorded by Jones and Biggs (1995 :28) which differs slightly because it orientates from the back of the waka and includes Ngatoroirangi. "Hoturoa was in the stem and next were his wives Whakaotirangi and Maramakikohura. Next was Taininihi; the feather treasures were with him. Taikehu was at the baling point; he had Tainui's sacred paddle, Hahauterangi . Next were Hiaroa and Mateora; they carried the bird talismen. Rotu and Ngatoroirangi were in the bow. At Rarotonga Nga.torn was kidnapped by Tamatekapua for Te Arawa". Here is evidence confirming that there was some contact during the voyage to Aotearoa / New Zealand between the tupuna of Tainui and Te Arawa waka (Jones and Biggs 1995). TE HEKENGA MAI O TAINUI WAKA - NGA MA URI KOHA TU According to Forbes (1986) and Jones and Biggs (1995) Tainui waka arrived in Aotearoa / New Zealand and first made landfall at Whangaparaoa, in the eastern end of the Bay of Plenty. Hoturoa constructed a tuahu75 and gave thanks for the safe arrival of Tainui waka and asked for continued protection and well being. This ritual involved asking for enhanced life in the new land (Jones and Biggs, 1995). 72 Jones and Biggs (1995) records the name of the paddle as Hahauterangi. 73 Kura, in this instance are the treasured red feathers of a bird in the traditional homelands. 74 Kuiamara is not recorded by Kelly (1949) in his list oftiipuna on board Tainui waka but he has detailed this tiipuna in the seating order . 75 Tuahu, an altar. 44 Jones and Biggs (1995) recorded that the tuahu at Whangaparaoa was constructed from wood rather than kohatu. However Kelly ( 1957) claimed that one of the Tainui punga76 was placed under the wooden structure as was the custom observed by all the voyaging waka. Jones and Biggs (1995) acknowledged that a mauri implanting ceremony took place at a later stage at Tamaki. Forbes (1986) and Jones and Biggs (1995) recorded that from Whangaparaoa Tainui proceeded westward to a place where the tupuna Torere77 chose to remain, then journeyed to Coromandel where one of the sails was left. In contrast Palmer (2002) and Stokes ( 1980) contended that Tainui made landfall before Coromandel in the area now known as Tauranga Harbour. When approaching the harbour entrance Tainui encountered difficulty that caused the waka to be stranded on the sand bar called Marupiha78 • Hoturoa, who held the ultimate authority for Tainui, believed that this situation resulted because of a transgression made by someone on board. The offender was identified as Wahinerua, a kuia79 . Hoturoa commanded that the kuia be thrown overboard. Soon after completing this act the waka moved off the sandbank and safely into the harbour. The body of Wahinerua drifted towards Mauao finally resting, at the base of this mountain. Palmer (2002) and Stokes ( 1980) stated that today there is a cluster of kohatu named Te Kuia that the tangata whenua of Tauranga believe to be the body of Wahinerua, immortalised as kohatu. For generations those of Tauranga have acknowledged this sacrifice. Even today tangata whenua who leave the harbour throw a small offering of food towards Te Kuia as they journey out to the open seas. 76 Punga, a stone anchor. 77 Jones and Biggs ( 1995) do not record Torere as being on Tainui waka but does identify her as the tupuna who left the waka soon after arriving in Aotearoa / New Zealand. 78 Marupiha also referred to as Ruahine or Matakana Sandbank. 79 Kuia, an old lady. 45 This ritual is carried out in memory of Wahinerua and the sacrifice made for the wellbeing of her people. It is also a physical and spiritual act that acknowledges this Tipua, the power and the force of the realm of Tangaroa, that asks these energies for protection and a safe voyage. Map of Mauao and entrance to Tauranga Harbour detailing the location of Te Kuia / Wahinerua (Stokes,1993: 294) so .. , c. •1: ML l-t S 3 a . M L. ~ 000• ! 00 • , "" L 48 5 2 The following is a karakia used by the tangata whenua, on the many marae80 of Tauranga that commemorates this ultimate act of sacrifice by a Tainui tupuna. It is also a means to ensure continued health and wellbeing for those who venture out on the waters of Tauranga. 80 Marne, a location often with a traditionally carved building established to gather and celebrate traditions and genealogy unique to a tupuna. 46 Palmer (2002: 1) E papaki ti1 ana nga tai ki Mauao I whakanukunukuhia, i whakanekenekehia, I whiua reretia e Hotu, a Wahinerua ki te wai, ki tai wTwT, ki tai wawa, Tihei mauriora Kite whaiao kite ao marama And translates - The waves beat continuously against the rocky cliffs of Mauao, They tried to shift the canoe forward and aft. , Wahinerua was thrown overboard there by Hotu, Into the swirling waters, the roaring ocean. Tihei mauriora! I breathe! I live! And emerge into the world of light. 47 Another perspective regarding this event acknowledges that neither Jones and Biggs (1995) nor Kelly (1949) identified Wahinerua in the list of tilpuna on board Tainui. Neither did any of their documentation record the incident on the Marupiha sandbank or that Tainui waka ever made landfall in Tauranga. Another consideration is that if this voyaging waka was intent on settling and populating the new land then aside from the knowledge that these topuna possessed, their age and physical capabilities or stamina would have had to have been appropriate to maximise both the settlement and the populating process. Also the numbers on board were limited by the 70 foot size of the Tainui waka. Given all these factors it is therefore unlikely that a kuia was on board the waka. The suggestion by Bennett ( 1932) that Tainui topuna did not yield to human sacrifice is also a consideration. These issues impact on the words of Palmer (2002) and Stokes ( 1980) in relation to Wahinerua. The fact that Tainui lost their master navigator Ngatoroirangi to the waka Te Arawa may have left them less adequate to deal with the unexpected pressures of the voyage. According to Jones and Biggs ( 1995) the navigational responsibility, from Rarotonga onwards, was passed to Riukiuta who without doubt, would have been second choice to Ngatoroirangi . This dilemma for Tainui may have made the waka more vulnerable as may have been the case in relation to Wahinerua. Considering the preceding information it is therefore reasonable to suggest that Tainui may well have encountered difficulty on the Marupiha sandbank given the unforeseen burden Riukiuta faced in the absence of the wisdom ofNgatoroirangi. Jones and Biggs (1995) documented that Tainui waka had bird talismen on board. Kelly (1949) described the talismen as stone images. The utilisation of kohatu for their