Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. ! HIGHER EDUCATION IN JAPAN: I ! CAN THE SYSTEM ! CHANGE? A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Japanese Sociology at Massey University Palmerston North New Zealand ANGELA BURGISS 1999 I The topic for this thesis is: The Reform of Higher Education in Japan- Can the System Change? Since the establishment of the university system in the Meiji Restoration, Japan ' s higher education system has been undergoing a series of changes and reforms that continue to the present day. Rapid social and economic changes and the quantitative expansion of higher education in the post-war period have greatly effected the affairs in education. There has not , however, been the same improvements in the quality of education received at the higher levels . The effects of the problems are widely reflected in the lower levels of education and society as a whole, through the increase in juvenile delinquency, violence in schools , and examination hell. There are so many issues discussed within the reform debates that, for the purpose of this thesis, I have chosen to focus five problems that have continued to plague the Japanese Higher Education system. They are:- • • • • • Academic credentialism- The social climate in which too much value is placed on the educational background of the individuals; The hierarchy of and within the institutions of higher education ; The quality in undergraduate education and the lack of graduate education Selection methods : the excessive competition for university entrance examinations; The Control of Education by the Government. These problem areas are interwoven with each other, each having a strong effect on the other. The complexity and interrelationship of these issues are the starting point in the attempt to understand why there has not been any solution throughout the reform efforts of the past three decades. Various education missions and councils have all pointed out these problems and made recommendations as to how their effects could be alleviated, but still there is no ii change. Between the time the recommendations are made to the time when reform measures can be implemented, something is going wrong, blocking the chance to make the substantial changes necessary to bring about higher education reform in Japan. Although the need for reform widely recognised both inside and outside Japan, the three major reform attempts in the past (Meiji, Occupation, and 1980s Nakasone Campaign), have not been successful in eliminating the problems that remain visible into the 1990s. Although some significant changes have been made, these reform attempts have failed to solve the major problems in higher education , and in some cases they have made them more visible. In other cases they have only made conceptual changes without dealing with the fundamental issues Education reform is now (late 1990s) a major national issue . The current reform stems from a growing sense in Japan that higher education is neither responding to new national needs in a changing world nor to the changing concerns of Japanese youth. However, the Japanese must not only deal with the problems evident in society at present , but they must also face a future with fewer students of university age due to the low birth rate and ageing population . As a result of this demographic trend , enrolments at the university will decline steadily after peaking in the early 1990s . From now on, universities will have to market themselves to potential students on the basis of specialisation and differentiation. The purpose of my thesis is to discuss whether or not the higher education system in Japan can reform itself into one that will meet the needs of the 21st Century. By outlining the development of the five problems I mentioned above , and looking at why have previous reform attempts to solve these problems have failed, I hope to come to a conclusion as to why the reform efforts to alleviate these problems have not been successful , and ultimately answer the question "Can the System Change?". 1 CONTENTS l ..... , .. Acknowledgements 3 1 Introduction 4 2 Japan's Higher Education System 10 2.1 Higher Education before WWII 11 2.2 Changes Under the Allied Occupation 1945-1952 12 2.3 Post-war Higher Education 13 3 The Problems 16 3 .1 Academic credentialism 16 3 .1 .1 The Ronin Phenomenon 20 3.2 Hierarchy 20 3.3 Poor Quality of Undergraduate Education 22 3 .4 Selection Methods 25 3.4.1 University Entrance Examinations 25 3 .5 Control of Education 29 3 .5 .1 Occupation Enforced Changes in the Role of the MOE 30 3 .5 .2 Post-war Control of Higher Education 32 4 Actors on the Educational Reform Scene 35 4.1 Government 36 4.1.1 The Role of the LDP 37 4.1.2 The LDP Education Zoku 38 4.1.3 The LDP Centre 40 4.2 Bureaucracy 40 4.2.l The Ministry of Education -MOE 41 4.2.2 The MOE Place in the Process 42 4.2.3 The MOE as a 'Neutral' Bureaucracy dealing with the Zoku 43 4.2.4 MOE and Education Zoku Co-operation 44 4.3 Big Business/ Industry 44 4.4 Opposition Forces- The Progressives 47 4.4.l Political Opposition 47 4.4.2 The Teacher's Unions 48 4.5 The Neo-Conservatives 50 4.6 Society 51 5 Questionnaire 54 5 .1 Problems in Higher Education Today 55 5.2 The Purpose of the University 58 5 .3 Quality of Higher Education 61 5 .4 Selection Methods 63 5 .5 Control of Higher Education 5.6 Tuition and Funding at Japanese Universities 5 .7 Hierarchy 5 .8 Factors Hindering Education Reform 6 Education Reform Efforts 6.1 The Third Round of Reforms 6.1.1 National Council on Education Reform -NCER 6.1.2 Hashimoto Administration 6.2 The University Council 6.3 The Ongoing Reform of Higher Education 6.3.1 Towards More Distinctive Higher Education 6.4 The Five Major Problems 6.4.1 Academic Credentiali sm 6.4.2 Hierarchy 6.4.3 Poor Quality of Higher Education 6.4.3.1 Improved Educational Methods 6.4.4 Selection Methods 6.4 .4.1 University Entrance Examinations 6.4.4.2 Improvement of the System of Admission on Recommendation 6.4.5 Control of Education 7 Concluding Observations 7 .1 Implementation 7.2 The Problems 7 .2.1 Academic Credentialism 7 .2.2 Hierarchy 7 .2.3 Poor Quality of Undergraduate Education 7 .2.4 Selection Methods 7 .2.5 Control of Education 7.3 Can the System Change? 8 Bibliography 8.1 Books 8.2 Articles 8.3 Internet Sites 9 Appendices Appendix One Appendix Two Appendix Three Historical Context in which Higher Education in Japan Developed Recruitment Procedures in Japan. Questionnaire (English and Japanese Versions). 2 66 67 69 70 76 76 79 81 82 84 85 86 86 86 88 90 91 92 94 96 99 102 103 103 104 105 106 107 108 113 113 117 120 121 121 143 146 3 When I enrolled in the Master's course, I really didn ' t realise what a major effect it was going to have on my life. This thesis has been a couple of years in the making, and at times I never thought it would come to an end. And it wouldn't have without the support of the very special people around me , who told me I could do and wouldn't let me give up. Mum and B- my 'research assistants' and my strength to go on. You've kept me sane, and you've always been there for me when times got tough. You know you mean the world to me. I love you both , to the Moon and back! Scott- you've had to put up with the stress and 'grumpiness ' that no one else has had to. Thank you for being by my side and for not giving up on me. I told you I would finish it one day! You are my heart and soul and I love you. Nana and Pop- you're always in my heart, no matter where we are. I dedicate this thesis to you both, and I hope I've made you proud. My Fairey Family- every one of you has believed in me and supported me, not only for the two years this thesis has taken, but throughout my whole life . Kevin and Kay- thanks for believing in me, and for all the kindness you have shown me over the last five or so years . I'm sure I'll be hanging around for a few more yet! And last but definitely not least , thanks to my good buddies , who dragged me away from it all now and then , and made sure I still had a bit of a social life. You know who you are- you are the best mates a girl could have . I was fortunate enough to be able to travel to Japan to conduct research and surveys for this thesis. A very special group of people who deserve more thanks than I can put into words are: Prof. Yoshinori Yoshida- thank you for everything you did for me while I was in Japan. Your help , generosity and kindness will never be forgotten. Many thanks to your wife, Tomoko , and family for taking care of me while I was in Japan . Yamazaki Sensei, Takada Sensei, ljiri Sensei, and Natsuhara-san from KSU­ thanks for your kindness and support both in 1996 and 1999. At Australia National University, I would like to thank: Shun Ikeda and John Caiger for helping me out when you didn't even know me. The five days I spent at ANU were a great help thanks to your generosity. At Massey University, many thanks goes to: Paul Knight and Wayne Edwards, my supervisors - your efforts have been greatly appreciated. No doubt you'll be relieved that you don't have to read this again! Professor Kiyoharu Ono and the East Asian Studies Department, thank you for your support. Cynthia White, Margaret Franken and the other School of Language staff and postgraduate students - thanks for the morning tea and the opportunity to discuss my research. It was lovely to have friendly faces to stop and chat to in the halls of Main Building. Best of luck to those who are continuing on with their studies. 4 Japan is a country without many natural resources except for its people. School and higher education is the means to cultivate and refine this resource. As a result the education system has been considered by many the key to economic growth and political stability. Investment in education has significance both at the national level and the personal level. The state has sought over the past 100 years to create a system which could produce an effective workforce to lead the country's drive for modernisation, whereas for the individual , education is the key to social status and financial security 1 . Japanese society is education-minded to an extraordinary degree : success in formal education is considered largely synonymous with success in life , and for most students , almost the only path to social and economic status. Higher education in Japan began when the Meiji Government in 1877 established the first Western-style institution, Tokyo University . Since then Japan has become one of the most highly educated countries in the world. Yet Japan 's education system of today is not one to be envied. Rapid social and economic changes and the quantitative expansion of higher education in the post-war period have greatly effected the affairs in education . A variety of problems have been exposed within the higher education system which include: • • • • the social climate m which too much emphasis is placed on the educational background of the individuals; the hierarchy of and within the institutions of higher education; the excessive competition for university entrance examinations; the uniform and inflexible structure and methods of formal education; and the poor quality of undergraduate education and the lack of graduate education.2 These problems are widely reflected in the lower levels of education and society as a whole, through the increase in juvenile delinquency, violence in schools, and examination hell .3 1 Individuals in Japan are nowadays ranked largely according to their educational background rather than their family standing. 2 Mombusho Home Page http ://www.monbu .go .jp Education Reform 5 When we talk of higher education, we are referring to education beyond secondary schooling in some form of higher educational institution such as a university, college, polytechnic, and so on. The Higher Education Encyclopaedia states: "Higher education influences and is influenced by the culture in which it is embedded. It is shaped by society and it helps shape society. It requires resources and it contributes resources- in the form of qualified members of the workforce, better citizens, and the discovery of useful and other worthwhile knowledge. It is an important guardian of a nation 's cultural tradition and it is among its sternest critics. It must respond to the demands of society and it must stand aloof from the whims of current fashion ". 4 In Japan, institutions of higher education include universities (daigaku) , junior college (tanki daigaku), technical colleges (koto semmon gakkoo) and special training schools (senshu gakkoo) . The School Education Law (SEL) of 1947 describes the aim of the university as being to teach and study higher learning as well as to give students broad general culture and intellectual , moral and practical abilities. The junior college may lay emphasis on the training of abilities necessary for vocational and practical life. The technical colleges aims at teaching specialised arts as well as cultivating vocational abilities.5 The higher education system in Japan is centred on the universities, which enrol over 80% of all students in higher education . The university is defined as a centre of broad general culture , higher learning and technical arts , and for the development of intellectual, moral, and practical qualities. It is authorised to add a graduate school and to offer evening, extension and correspondence courses. It is opened to men and women who had acquired a secondary education or its equivalent, while the graduate school was opened to those who graduated university or having equivalent schooling.6 3 These problems cause great concern for the Japanese people whose society is based on group harmony . Many people view these problems to be the result of the failing education system, but Beauchamp points out that some observers see these problems emerging in today 's Japan as nothing more than 'advanced nation 's disease ' (senshinkoku-byo) , the inevitable, if alarming results of modern industrial society: increases in rates of divorce, juvenile crime, school violence and other social ills associated with countries like the US. - Beauchamp and Vardaman , 1994 pg 28 4 Clark, Neave 1992 pg 841 5 Kobayashi , 1976 pg 142 6 Outline of Education in Japan , Ministry of Education, Science And Culture, 1991 pg 83 6 The purpose of higher education is to produce specialists in a variety of fields to prepare people for their working life and for them to make the greatest contribution to society that they can. "One of the main connections between a higher education system and the society in which it operates is the provision of graduates in a variety of specialities and, since it takes several years to produce graduates, and the subject and curricula of higher institutions needs to be relatively stable over time, there is an intrinsic need for higher education policy makers to take a forward look at the labour force situation ". 7 This is one policy area that the government in Japan has failed to improve since the end of the rapid economic growth in the immediate post-war decades. Universities have a two-fold object: study and education. However, the phenomenon of mass education at the university level in Japan seems to be changing the university into a place for education only. This is because of the inadequacy of conditions of study in terms of material and personnel. In Japan, education has become a mechanism for providing general education to the masses, with the bulk of the specialist training go ing on partly in the underdeveloped graduate schools, but predominantly in the industrial companies in Japan. The function of higher education for the training of specialists has all but been lost. The Japanese higher education system, particularly the universities, has been widely criticised by both Western and Japanese scholars alike. William Cummings states that " The functions of the Japanese university are increasingly being performed by alternate institutions. Increasing proportions of Japan's basic research, and virtually all applied research are being p erformed in the laboratories of industry and government. 'In-service' training and the provision of opportunity for exceptional students to study overseas is an alternative method of providing advanced professional education. "8 Cutts9 writes "On one thing nearly all can agree: Higher education in Japan today is in crisis. Its producing graduates for the wrong future, taught by professors who are 7 Clark, Neave, 1992 pg 845 8 William Cummings cited Patience, 1984 pg 206 9 Cutts, 1997 pg 58-59 7 indifferent, and it is failing in providing society with the enlightenment, knowledge and energy it will need to meet internal and external hazards that loom ... the deficiencies on campus and in faculty circles, not only threaten to leave the country with a leadership incapable of meeting global challenges that are already appearing, but they may well be irreparable". Michio Nagai (Minister of Education, Japan 1984) states that "Japanese students work hard until they get into university, but from there on what is expected is to get a degree rather than an education" .10 Furthermore, Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone based a large proportion of his 1984 election campaign on education reform, stating in his Formal Request of Education Reform, September 5th , 1984 "We are no longer without problems .. .I believe new situations, requiring reform, have arisen along with the passage of time over our 40 year post-war history". 11 The foreign and Japanese obseivers are quick to criticise the system, and yet reports both from inside and outside Japan tend to offer up ideals, without offering up the means to achieve these ideals. Regardless of the criticisms, however , it cannot be denied that the education system has many strengths. The Japanese education system is very highly regarded in the international community, with many Western governments believing that the education system in Japan holds the key to unlocking the secrets of Japan's phenomenal post-war economic success . Although the system of education can be deemed a 'success' it can be clearly seen from the problems in society and the pressure on Japanese youths, that improvements definitely need to be made. Not only must the Japanese deal with the problems evident in society at present, but they must also face a future with less students of university age due to the low birth rate and ageing population. As a result of this demographic trend, enrolments at the university will decline steadily after peaking in the early 1990s, and universities will have to market themselves to potential students on the basis of specialisation and 10 Michio Nagai cited Kiyota, 1971 pg 3 It Kawamura, 1985 pg 12 8 differentiation. It will be necessary to attract older adults who did not receive higher education in their youth but are now eager to continue their education. The evils within the system are well documented in a number of critical reports.12 These reports naturally differed in their approaches to the problems, in their analyses and their recommendations regarding them. They were , however, in agreement in pointing out that radical reforms are needed in Japanese education in order to meet the expansion of knowledge , the development of technical innovation, the increasing complexity of society and the changes in national and international life.13 Although the need for reform widely recognised both inside and outside Japan, the three major reform attempts in the past (Meiji , Occupation , and 1980s Nakasone Campaign) , have not been successful in eliminating the problems that remain visible into the 1990s. Although some significant changes have been made, these reform attempts have failed to solve the major problems in higher education, in some cases only enhanced them more , or only made conceptual changes without dealing with the fundamental issues. Various education missions and councils have all pointed out the same problems and made recommendations as to how these problems could be alleviated , but still there is no change . Between the time the recommendations are made to the time when reform measures can be implemented, something is going wrong, blocking the chance to make the substantial changes necessary to bring about higher education reform in Japan. Higher education has seen a succession of reforms since the mid-1980s , and after gaining considerable momentum over the past few years, education reform is now a major national issue. The current reform interest differs from that in the earlier periods in that it has not been precipitated by a major breakdown in the system or by a strong demand from the corporate sector for improvement. Rather, it stems from a growing sense in Japan that higher education is neither responding to new national needs in a changing world nor to the changing concerns of Japanese youth. 12 such as the 1971 OECD report on Japanese education, the 1984 Ad Hoc Council on Education report, and various reports produced by business and industry leaders in Japan. 13 Kobayashi, 1980 pg 239 9 The reform movement faces many obstacles. Some fundamental education issues are at stake in a time of growing economic constraint, and deeply rooted tradition, status systems and vested interests are being challenged in the process. Any reforms that may be implemented are likely to have important implications for secondary and even elementary education as well.14 The purpose of this thesis to discuss whether or not the higher education system in Japan can reform itself into one that will meet the needs of the 21st Century. I will look at five of the major problem areas that continue to be a thorn in the side of Japanese higher education, how they developed throughout the course of the development of higher education in Japan and why have previous reform attempts to solve these problems have failed. This will include an outline of the historical context in which higher education developed and a discussion on the major influences in the government , education circles and society who block the reform attempts both in the past and today. The discussion will focus mainly on the university sector, and will only incorporate other sectors if further explanation or comparison is required . The five problem areas I will look at are • • • • • academic credentialism; hierarchy of and within institutions; poor quality of undergraduate education; selection procedures (entrance examinations) ; and the control of higher education by the Japanese government (particularly the MOE). These problem areas are interwoven with each other, each having a strong effect on the other. For example, academic credentialism facilitates the competition for entrance examinations, which is made tougher by the desire to get into the top schools in the national hierarchy. The complexity of the problems is the starting point in understanding why there has not been any solution throughout the reform efforts of the past three decades. 14 http :ljtimss.enc.org/fIMSS/addtools/pubs/124016/4016 49 .htm pg 10 ! . 10 2. JAPAN'S HIGHER EDUCATION SYSTEM Institutions of higher education in Japan may be classified into universities, junior colleges, colleges of technology , and special training colleges offering advanced courses.15 Mombusho16 defines the purpose of the universities as centres of advanced learning is to conduct in-depth teaching and research in specialised disciplines and to provide students with advanced knowledge. Universities require the completion of upper secondary school or its equivalent for admission. Today Japan ranks very high in the world with regard to the proportion of the age group enrolled in institutions of higher education. However in reality, although Japanese universities have traditionally trained researchers and educators, since WWII, advanced education has become so popular that universities have made available a higher level of general education. Graduate schools are now considered the training ground for researchers and professors, but these institutions are seriously under-developed and under-utilised . Also as seen by the entrance examination competition, high school graduation is not all that is required to enter a university, but rather long hours of stressful study and exam preparation. Mombusho's current statistics on the number of universities and the number of students and teachers at these institutions are as follows: UNIVERSITIES IN JAPAN total National public Private Institutions 565 98 52 415 students 2,546,649 598,723 83,812 1,864,114 15 For further explanation of the function of the other institutions of higher education see Mombusho Home Page http://www.monbu.go.jp or Kodansha Encyclopaedia of Japan, 1983 16 Mombusho Home Page http://www.monbu.go.jp 11 !teachers 1137,464 157,458 18 ,256 171,720 Source: Mombusho Home Page http:ljwww.monbu.go.jp/stat-en/em09010.html 1996 About 38% of high school graduates go on to tertiary education in universities and junior colleges, while 30% go on to specialist schools and the remaining 25 % go directly on to employment. Of the university population, over ¾ are enrolled at private institutions. Female students constitute 30% of university students, studying almost exclusively humanities, social science, home science and education. Since 1974 more females than males have gone on to tertiary education, but 60% of females in tertiary education study at junior colleges, and 90% of junior college students attend private institutions .17 The present system of higher education is governed statutorily by the School Education Law of 1947 and its subsequent amendments. Educational reforms under the 1947 law transformed the pre-war elitist higher education system to an egalitarian open system accessible to all graduates of unified secondary schools. The new system of reformed higher education has , in tum, produced a host of well-educated citizens for a stable democratic society as well as a host of human resources for the industrial development of the nation. 2.1 Higher Education Before World War II Education in Tokugawa Japan (1600-1868) remained the monopoly of the elite­ courtiers, feudal rulers , and samurai- and was based on Neo-Confucianism. The country had existed under a feudal political system and for approximately 260 years, the government enforced the closed-door policy with characteristic economical, social and cultural results. Although no actual recognised formal system of higher education existed, various institutions of higher learning, such as the Confucian Shoheiko , and other institutions of western learning began to develop in the latter part of the period. These institutions later enabled the rapid development of the formal system of higher education in the early stages of the Meiji period18 . 17 Okano and Tsuchiya, 1999 pg 56 18 For a full explanation of Tokugawa education see R.P Dore (1984) Education in Tokugawa Japan 12 When a modern education system was developed in Japan after the Meiji Restoration of 1868, the university systems of Europe and the United States were used as models. Tokyo University, the first comprehensive university was founded in 1877 to train leaders needed for the modernisation of the country in the advanced learning of the United States and Europe. In 1886, the government issued the Imperial University Order reorganising the university as the Imperial University (later Tokyo Imperial University after the establishment of other imperial universities) and created five higher middle schools (high schools) in various parts of the country as preparatory schools for the university. This early period also saw the development of Semmon Gakkoo (professional schools), mostly private institutions which provided higher academic training for those who could not enter the imperial universities , and the increase of imperial universities , nine in total, through to the 1920s. In 1918, the Ministry of Education promulgated the University Code (Daigaku Rei) which recognised the establishment of public and private universities in addition to the imperial universities. Influential semmon gakkoo thus became universities, while some of the government semmon gakkoo became colleges. This saw the beginning of mass higher education in Japan. In 1935 there were 45 universities classified as 6 imperial universities , 12 national universities , 2 public universities and 25 private universities. 2.2 Changes Under The Allied Occupation 1945-1952 The American Allied Occupation headed by General Douglas MacArthur, attempted a radical reform of the education system as an important element in the effort to democratise Japan. The reform aimed at the fundamental reorganisation of the multi­ level educational structure and the unification of the institutions of higher learning (universities, higher schools, semmon gakkoo and normal schools) into unified four­ year universities. The reform plan was put into effect along with the reforms of the public school system in 1947. The greatest change was seen in the national institutions of higher learning. The 6 imperial universities became National Universities, various national institutions in one prefecture were combined into one university for that prefecture. While private 13 universities under the old system continued to operate as universities , most of the private semmon gakkoo were elevated to university status, effectively completing the transformation into 'new system' universities. As a result by 1949 a total of 173 new universities had been created: 68 national, 13 public, and 92 private.19 The basic principle that higher education should become an opportunity for the masses and not just the privileged few was recommended for the post-war education system and its ideals.20 Unlike the pre-war system, in which the universities were reserved for the privileged elite, post-war universities opened their doors to all, with the mission of providing general and technical education to train the leaders of a democratic society . In the post-war decades Japanese universities continued to expand rapidly. With the university reorganisation , the number of university students jumped literally overnight from 87 ,000 to 370,000. By 1981 Japan had the extraordinary total of 513 universities, 377 of which are private.21 23 Post-war Higher Education April 1975 saw the university population of Japan top the 2,000,000 mark, including students of junior colleges and graduate schools. Yet not once did the MOE evolve a long-range policy on higher education. Rather it kept leaving the bulk of the mushrooming student population- spawned by the baby boom of the 1950s- to the care of the private universities. This produced anomalies in university education in Japan. Firstly, private university students made up 78 .8 % of the total population of university students . Secondly, there was heavy urban concentration of the student population of four-year universities, with an estimated 80% in Tokyo and other major cities- Kyoto, Osaka, Nagoya, and Fukuoka, leading to an urban-rural disparity in the ratio of students going on to university. The worst disparity indicated by a 1973 survey by the Federation of Private Universities which showed that a student of a private university paid 4.2 times more for tuition than their counterpart attending a national university, yet got only about 19 Kodansha, 1983 pg 170 20 Tsuchimochi 1993, pg 144 21 Shimbori, 1981 pg 236 14 one fifth of the tuition the latter received. Then, in April 1975, the private universities raised their tuition fees by the highest rates ever, making education in these institutions beyond the purse of the average citizen.22 Japanese high school students face a major dilemma in choosing whether to continue their education at the tertiary level, or whether to enter the workforce straight from school. The present generation of high school students must choose between facing competition over university entrance examinations- even if it means failing, studying for another year or two and trying again- or accepting a job that requires little skill or training and no avenues for advancement. In order to alleviate this problem, the government authorised the establishment of vocational and technical colleges in 1976, ranking them as institutions of higher education. These schools have more lenient standards than universities , and mainly teach practical job-related knowledge and skills. However, because Japanese society still considers these schools a step lower that universities and junior colleges because of their short history, and in terms of employment opportunities and job conditions after graduation, incoming students do not find that technical and vocational colleges meet their needs .23 The international image of a high-pressure school system is basically correct. The incentive to tolerate this enormously pressurised school system is that the university one has attended very largely determines the status in Japanese society.24 Therefore, there is extra-ordinary pressure at all levels of society to enter the best regarded universities. A further major incentive is that the fees at the national and public universities, as well as the staff-student ratios, are much better that the private ones. The university system never asks the students what he or she wants to be. With some exceptions, Japan's humanities and social science curricula, coupled with the whole system of selection of students by examination, puts no real emphasis on nurturing the professional aspirations of the entering freshmen and remain geared to producing the 22 Japan Quarterly Sept 1975 pg 191 23 Nishimura, 1987 pg 190 24 Lorriman & Kenjo , 1994 pg 46 15 generalist who will be eventually shaped professionally by an employer. This leads undergraduate students cut classes with abandon; drop courses at a whim; and spend more time on leisure activities and even part-time jobs than in study- even at the best schools. A set of comparative studies of higher education conducted by Martin Bronfenbrenner affirms that "The implication is that the average Japanese student does not learn anything in the time period he spends at college or graduate school".25 25 Cutts, 1997 pg 71 16 ] The fact that the rigid hierarchical system of higher education that was designed from the beginning to serve the needs of the state , has meant that education at the lower levels has become geared to producing students who are not creative and cannot think freely. Rapid social and economic developments in the post-war period have led to a vast quantitative development of higher education , but there have not been the same improvements in the quality of education received at the higher levels. Discussions on education reform encompasses many issues and recommendations for change , and it is difficult to outline them in one volume. For the purpose of this thesis I have selected what I consider to be five of the major problems which continue to plague the Japanese universities and higher education system as whole, despite continuing efforts at higher education reform. These problems are: • • • • • Academic Credentialism Hierarchy Poor Quality of Undergraduate Education Selection Methods Control of Higher Education In this chapter, I will outline how these problems came about throughout the development of higher education in Japan. 3.1 Academic Credentialism The desire for education has a long history in Japan, the notion of academic credentialism26 has become deeply imbedded in Japanese society. In the Tokugawa period, Confucianism elevated education to a high level. Education was seen as an asset and was one of the major means of social assent in the Tokugawa society particularly for the commoners in the latter Tokugawa period27 • While the value of education varied among the classes, it was widely agreed that the sons of samurai needed education, indeed the ethic of learning was part of the official ideology. 26 The social climate in which too much value is placed on the educational background of the students. 17 Although both samurai and commoners desired education, it had not become a prerequisite for success to the extent that it did in the modem eras . Due to the emphasis on Confucian learning ethic from the previous era, education was held in high esteem and its status continued to rise throughout the modernisation of the Meiji period. From the outset of the Meiji reforms , higher education institutions began to increase steadily as the desire and the need for higher education increased. As the higher education system developed in the decades following its establishment, the system became rigidly meritocratic . Entrance examinations controlled access to each higher level of education, and growing numbers of students competed to pass those tests and improve their educational, and hence economic, attainment. Without university, students could not enter the higher levels of business or government, and as such the system worked as an efficient mechanism for maximising the nations use of its precious manpower resources. There is a strong tendency in Japan, for people to place undue emphasis on the educational background of the individuals , and this has led to an acute awareness of the differences between educational institutions, and consequently , to strong competition to enter the best schools.28 As a result , virtually the whole education system has come to concentrate on examinations and the race for university degree. Unfortunately in Japan, 'academic background' has come to refer only the performance on entrance exams to enter the most desired higher educational institution, rather than an individuals academic performance at the university level up until the completion of a university degree . Because of the strict entrance procedures, there was a reasonable assurance that anyone who got into Tokyo Imperial University had a high level of scholastic ability. Totally irrespective of what is studied, or of its relevance in the preparation for a future career, there was every reason to favour the graduates of the elite university. This preference for university graduates enhanced the value of university degrees in general, with the spill over effect of making more valuable even degrees of second­ rate universities that were not so selective in their admission. Other companies 27 Dore, 1984 28 Suzuki, 1990 pg 23 18 employed the counter-tendency to avoid graduates, especially female graduates, to keep the wage costs down. In time education has become, not just a vehicle for upward social mobility, but a condition for social placement at all . It has become absolutely vital to have received the first twelve years of education to get anywhere in today's Japan, and to secure white-collar employment, university education has become a prerequisite, whereas in the 1920s middle school was enough 29 . Academic credentialism led to the rapid increase of the number of universities in the early 20th Century, as degrees became more important for getting jobs, and the demand for opportunity to get degrees intensified. The result was the overproduction of graduates in the depression periods of the 20s and 30s, which meant that many graduates who couldn't find jobs were eventually absorbed into small banks and minor trading enterprises. These employers, who had not aspired to recruiting graduates, thereafter took their right to insist on a degree for granted30 . This practice of government and top companies recruiting their employees from the elite institutions without consideration of performance, means that students who have entered these institutions simply relax after years of long competition. Murakami explains that "in the era of rapid economic growth, employers were happy to mold their new recruits with their own hands, seeking only proof of their academic ability. Neither the students nor the employers, nor the universities themselves ever seriously resisted the universities gradual transformation into a four-year resort".31 Since students no longer feel compelled to study, the years at university becomes a four­ year break between the years of stress it took to pass the entrance examinations and the time they enter into lifetime employment. The decision by Japanese enterprises to stress the importance of the applicants' diploma when considering him for employment played the most crucial role in the 29 Roesgaard , 1998 pg 54 30 Dore, 1976 pg 47 31 Murakami, Japan Echo 1988 "The Debt comes Due for Mass Higher Education". 19 institu tionalisation of academic credentials. The costs of a system based on academic credentials are high, as critics of the system are constantly pointing out: • the devaluation of university education that results from the fact that employers are more concerned about what university a man gets into than about what he does there. • Severe anxiety and stress in adolescence as the years of entrance exams approach • The increasing inequality of opportunity as more wealthy parents resort to private middle and primary education in order to maximise their chances of getting their children into the top state universities . • The devastating effects on the curricula of high schools, which results from their preoccupation with preparing for entrance exams, and the backwash into the middle schools and primary schools to prepare students for the best high schools. Yet despite all, Japanese continue to believe in education and frequently succeed in spite of the system. Teruhisa Horio32 points out one of the effects of academic credentialism on children. He says "In spite of our recent prosperity, the competition to enter prestigious schools is now becoming more and more intense, so much that parents now feel pressured to enrol their three and four year old children in famous nursery schools, believing this will get them a head-start in the race to success in our societies system of 'stratification by school background ' (gakureki shakai). Under the pressure of their parents expectations, and forced into endless studies to ensure later success in our society's entrance examination madness, our children are being robbed of their childhood". Academic credentialism leads to schooling without education. Because of the close relationship between education credentials and recruitment, and because of their economic value, it is probable that people desire more education, not for personal enrichment but for future socio-economic benefits . If people enter schools not for learning but earning, the whole education system will revolve around this goal. 32 1988 pg 15 20 3.1.1 The Ronin Phenomenon33 As the higher education sector in Japan has expanded so enormously that it can accommodate over one third of the appropriate age group, university degrees or diplomas have come increasingly significant in terms of a better job , particularly a professional or managerial one. Hence many students become ronin. At present one in four of the first-year students is ronin who have previously failed to enter the university of their choice. As the certificates conferred by the elite universities have real significance in securing a promising future , there is little wonder that we find a large proportion of ronin among candidates of the entrance exams of the elite universities. The ronin phenomenon leads to wastage of education on the one hand, and a delay in the social and economic productivity on the other. Not only does it intensify the competition for success in examinations and university admissions , but it is unfair to those who are sitting the examination in their first attempt.34 3.2 Hierarchy Although there has never been any official ranking, every Japanese citizen knows that the nation's universities are clearly divided by rank. The strong hierarchy that exists among the universities ranks the top national universities in first place, with Tokyo University at the apex , followed by the noted private universities (Waseda, Keio) the local universities and private universities , which form the bottom strata of higher education. It is not only the institutions which are ranked , but also the faculties and departments within the universities as well.35 The hierarchical, ordered mass education evolved from the outset of the higher education system and is closely linked to the competitive entrance examination and Japanese societies tendency to promote academic credentials above all else. Japan is 33 Many secondary graduates who fail to gain admission to their preferreed institutions try again the following year and commonly devote themselves full-time to the preparation process. The name 'ronin ' comes from the masterless samurai of the Tokugawa Era. 34 Lee , 1991 pg 217-221 35 Departments with long-standing academic respectability have a greater prestige than lower disciplines. Within each department too , there is stratification between professor and assistant professor, and between lecturer and assistant. 21 distinguished among industrial societies by a system that retains the hierarchy and government-subsidised qualities of an elite higher education originally constructed on the nineteenth century European pattern, while expanding educational opportunities American-style in the post-war period. A hierarchical , ordered mass education has evolved36 . In an effort to allocate its limited resources effectively, the government supported secondary schools and universities on a selective basis according to the degree of their importance to the modernisation and industrialisation effort. This created great disparities in human and material resources among education institutions, which, in tum, made people discriminate among schools in accordance with the allocation of resources, and as a consequence a clear hierarchical system based on social prestige came into being. 37 The opportunities for higher education were expanded by the Occupation reforms, but not without a price: in those private institutions that grew most rapidly, institutional facilities and the level of instruction deteriorated significantly, and the gap in quality between the elite national universities and most private universities increased. One of the major objectives in creating a large number of four-year universities after the war was to broaden opportunities for higher education and in the process dilute the dominance of the small numbers of elite universities. Even though all universities , new and old, were officially ranked equally after the war, the move to mass higher education not only preserved but actually enhanced and elaborated the hierarchical structure of higher education. While more universities are now producing graduates, the most prestigious large private sector employers continue to tum to their favoured universities for their preferred recruits. This close linkage of university affiliation and career opportunity has been a characteristic of Japanese higher education since the government established Tokyo Imperial University in 1877. 36 Rohlen, 1983 67-92 37 Shields, 1993 pg 115 22 The imperial universities gained prominence through their virtual monopoly in supplying recruits to the higher civil service, then and still a career second to none in Japan. The linkage persists in no small part because of employers can know that , given the severe competition for admission, anyone who is accepted at a top university has a higher level of scholastic ability, intelligence, perseverance and capacity for effort. These qualities are highly valued in leadership positions in both the public and private sectors. The view that these and other relevance qualities also can be developed and identified in other ways, places and stages of life is simply not part of the Japanese tradition. Because of this pronounced preference by major public and private employers for the graduates of a few high status universities , these favoured institutions have enjoyed the greatest success in enrolling able young students. In the post-war period the leading universities have seemed even more eminent because the increase in the number of lesser institutions to which they could be compared. Because of their early and continuing prominence, the leading universities remain comparatively successful in attracting funds to establish new research institutes and graduate departments when they are interested in doing so. There is some evidence that the picture is beginning to change. While Tokyo University graduates, for example, populate key sectors of government and business , there are few graduates of the traditional top-ranked universities in the new generation of Japan's fastest growing companies. This is partially because those graduates prefer the firms with established prestige, rather than those in the process of moving up. 38 3.3 Poor Quality of Undergraduate Education One irony of Japan's education scene lies in the sharp contrast between the stringent demands of school education and the relative ease of study and graduation from the universities. While primary and secondary education in Japan produces highly trained pupils, Japan's universities remain a resting place or 'leisureland' for many youths. 38 http://timss .enc.org/TIMSS/addtools/pubs/124016/4016 49.htm pg 9-10 23 Exhausted both mentally and physically by examination hell (shiken jigoku), they seek relaxation, enjoyment, and diversion in their university life. The reforms brought about by the Occupation made rapid quantitative expansion possible, producing large numbers of graduates to enter the workforce and help fuel the rapid economic growth. The higher education system, however, did not develop its quality during the rapid expansion, resulting in great differences among the universities in the quality of education and research at the various universities, particularly between the prestigious national universities and the less prestigious private institutions. The objective in Japan is to provide a firm theoretical base through education, which then forms the basis for thorough training throughout the individual's career. The average university student, up to and including university level does not actually expect to see any direct use for his or her learning, presumably merely seeing it as a tool to achieve a place at a top-ranking university . Japanese students can afford to be lazy because Japanese firms hire university graduates not so much on the basis of what and how much they have studied, as by the hensachi ranking39 of their university . University grades do not significantly alter the situation. Rather employers rely on on-the-job training and other intra-company teaching techniques to train the new university graduates. Some ambitious students who intend to pass the state exams for the legal profession , civil service, medicine and so on do study hard, but on the whole, higher education means not so much productive pursuit of knowledge, but rather a consumption phase of relatively controlled leisure time. The post-war curriculum reform required that 36 credits of the 124 required for graduation in the 4 year curriculum be devoted to general education with majors taken in the third and fourth years. This means that unlike Western universities where the students have four years of specialised study, Japanese students only receive two years. Reformers hoped this would induce universities to liberalise their traditional specialised faculties and establish organisational units along the lines of the arts and 39 deviation score- a statistical formula to measure the test result of each student in a large sample with a view to predicting the probability of his/her passing the entrance exam of a particular university 24 sciences faculties in American universities. But most Japanese did not embrace the idea of general education. Because of the low priority that university authorities have assigned to general education courses, students have also taken them lightly. Once admitted to a university, a student has a high assurance of graduation. Some sectors of Japanese higher education do take general education more seriously, especially in the faculties of science, engineering, agriculture and medicine. In these faculties, general education is sometimes spread across the four years rather than concentrated in the first two years. Thus, students are more likely to study seriously throughout the entire undergraduate period.40 The teaching in both schools and universities is mainly one-way lecturing with no questions from the students.4 1 By and large university staff are lax in their duties and are prepared to pass most students without a thorough evaluation of their academic performance. In non-science and arts-based departments, it is more or less assumed that once one is admitted to a university , one rarely fails to graduate from it. The MOE, which had the ultimate responsibility for examining the university charter application and also for ensuring minimal standards of educational quality , virtually abdicated both responsibilities , particularly during the 1960s. From 1962-68, nearly 80% of all charter applications were approved , most with only perfunctory scrutiny of the quality if the institution to be established. Furthermore, the standards of existing and newly established private universities were also virtually exempt from examination by government officials. Expansion within private universities became easy and profitable. Meanwhile large numbers of institutions fell far below the minimum legal standards.42 40 http://timss.enc.org/TIMSS/addtools/pubs/124016/4016 49 .htm pg 5-6 41 This is a Confucian aproach from the pre-war days (interpreted in Japan as the teacher being superior to the pupils and not to be questioned) which would definitely not be appropriate in the West, although even in Japan one-way teaching is often thought undesirable and teachers do frequently encourage iuestions. 4 Pempel, 1982 pg 193 25 3.4 Selection Methods Traditionally the marks gained on the university entrance examination have been the sole criteria for admission to the best university one can enter. But the stress of competition, combined with academic credentialism and the hierarchy of higher institutions has led to the need to develop and improve selection procedures for universities in Japan. The following outlines how the university entrance examination has become entrenched in the higher education system of Japan. 3.4.1 Entrance Examinations The major selection process controlling access to higher education for both men and women is the notorious entrance examination. The university entrance examinations are rigorous national competitions among many students contending for a limited number of places in the more prestigious institutions. The stakes in the competition are high, given the great life-long advantage traditionally enjoyed by those who graduate from a prestigious university. In the late 1800s, when the education system was still not yet established , some higher schools found that they were not receiving sufficient numbers of students whose ability was considered acceptable for tertiary education. Entrance exams were introduced as a 'temporary' means of selecting students to meet the authorities desired standards. However, great disparities in human and material resources among education institutions meant that a clear hierarchical system based on social prestige came into being. In Japan, it was the decade of the 1900s that the school entrance exam clearly began to function as the starting gate in the race for a higher level career.43 The paucity of institutions of secondary and higher education, and their stratification, ensured that an increasingly competitive entrance examination system would remain a permanent feature of Japanese education. It became evident that measures such as the reform of 43 Amano, 1990 pg 219 26 the education system or the increase in the number of student places could not cope with the problem. The status of the new institutions was predictably lower and more uncertain than that of institutions with established reputations . The most prominent universities became flooded with applications, and they developed rigorous entrance exams to maintain control of their admissions. The new lesser universities, even when they had fewer applications than places, felt compelled to develop their own entrance exams in order to maintain the appearance of similarity to leading institutions. This led to the beginning of Japan's so-called 'examination hell' (shiken jigoku). Despite Occupation reforms aimed at dismantling the hierarchical system of education in Japan, the excessive competition grew even more intense after WWII. Rather the reformed education system emphasising democracy and equality provided further motivation for people to seek better educational credentials and aim for the upper rungs of the social ladder.44 Before 1990, students could gain admittance to some institutions on the basis of their performance on the First-Stage University Entrance Examination. This system was revised and this exam was replaced by the NCUEE common test.45 Other institutions use the results of the common exam to establish the cut-off point to qualify a much smaller number to compete in their own second-stage entrance exams. The examinations test knowledge of facts , not aptitude or IQ. Such measures of student performance as high school grades, teacher recommendations , or extracurricular activities are not usually considered. The university entrance exam is the dark engine driving high school culture. One wonders whether academic high schools could remain as orderly and serious if this pressure was absent. School systems and individual teachers would be more innovative and more independent of the MOE, and education itself would become more colourful and chaotic, a situation, as Rohlen points out, that most Japanese 44 Amano in Shields, 1993 pg 111-123 45 see 6.4.4.1 27 would no doubt find uncomfortable46 • The MOE is unable to rule education directly through its domination of the local school systems and loyal teachers, but it can in fact control exams and textbooks. The ambition to succeed is the ultimate source of discipline. Without the entrance exam competition, neither textbooks nor curricula requirements would be sufficient to keep instructions as strictly focused on the narrow path of encyclopaedic learning as it is now. This raises the question whether the MOE is sincere in its periodic reform efforts aimed at ending the entrance . . bl 47 examrnat10n pro em. The exam driven system of education in Japan serves to limit the exercise of intellectual freedom. To a very large degree, the kind of life a person leads is a function of performance on exams. These exams are standardised in order to ensure the results are compatible. The exam system places heavy emphasis upon memorisation of material that can be incorporated into standardised tests. Schoppa explains that "With so much riding on entrance exams and with so many years of preparation invested by each candidate, universities recognise a responsibility to make no sudden changes. They announce plans for the revision sometimes ten years in advance. Students should not be penalised if they are prepared with the old answers. The reform of the content of entrance exams moves with glacial slowness. The realm of practical knowledge has been left behind. Details are required of the kind that will probably never again be needed once the candidate is safely past the gates of the university"48 . The JTU states "The present entrance examination system should be abolished, and universities, as an organic part of youth education, should be open for young people who desire to enter them and are considered as qualified. Considerations should be given not to a select few for admission but how to prepare most appropriate university education for all persons who are qualified". Yet most union teachers not only acquiesce in the current orientation of schooling but reinforce it by responding to examination pressures. Underlying such a contradiction is the overwhelming fact that 46 Rohlen 1983 pg 316-317 47 Rohlen 1983 pg 266 48 Rohlen 1983 pg 92-100 28 the reputations of the schools and teachers are largely determined by their success in preparing students for university entrance examinations. Children's aspirations are no longer directed solely at gaining academic credentials or higher ranks in the social hierarchy. What the schools must do now is establish new objectives for education that will nurture and encourage other aspirations. Reforms on the basic structure of the school and the examination system are clearly needed, for without them, little improvement can be made in the examination system centred around entrance exams or the problems of academic credentialism49 . Students who have little desire to gain better marks or academic credentials suffer a serious dilemma at school , and this is the source of the problems that are endemic in the junior and senior high schools today. One of the reasons for the pathological phenomena occurring in the schools today , including violence and bullying, is the gap between the changed attitudes and values of the young people and the unchanged orientation of the older generation . The educational system and institutions that are maintained and run by the latter have changed little. The present day system of conducting entrance examinations for admissions to universities has aggravated the entire phase of Japanese education. Many plans have been worked out with an aim to improve the situation, particularly regarding subjects of examinations. Such improvements, however, are far from effective in solving the problems, because they only help to divert the people 's attention from the very cause of the problem. Lee quotes Shimahara50 when he contends that the examination has done virtually nothing to increase the chances of upward mobility. First the system discriminates against the economically disadvantaged. Second, it is an arbitrary device for social placement rather than a pedagogical instrument, as contrary to general belief, it is not capable of identifying latent abilities, especially the abilities of the disadvantaged and those not good at passing exams. 49 Shields 1993 pg 222 50 Lee 1991 , pg 231 quotes Shimahara1978 pg263-64 29 The Higher Education Enclyclopedia states that "In general it seems to be the case that restricted elite systems of higher education are the most likely to exercise a dominant influence on the school curriculum, since one of the main functions is to prepare individuals for competitive entry to universities and colleges. In some ways this is paradoxical since by definition in such systems only a minority of school leave rs actually enter higher education " . 51 This can clearly be seen in the case of the Japanese education system. Despite weakening aspirations, no basic change has occurred in the education structure so far. With few exceptions, students still have to pass entrance exams to enter high school or university. Because of the stratification of the senior high schools and universities , moreover, the schools cannot revamp their curriculum, which are designed to prepare students for the entrance exams, and put as many students in the good senior high schools and universities as possible52 . However, an increasing number of universities , especially private ones, are beginning to admit students without examination , on the basis of recommendations from their high schools. While the negative aspects of the examination system are usually stressed , it should also be noted that entrance examinations make some positive contributions to the overall education system. Because the examination system tests primarily what is known rather than student aptitude, Japanese young people come to know a lot in a variety of fields. Their knowledge is not limited to rote learning; international comparative studies of school achievement indicate that the Japanese young people also perform extremely well in solving difficult mathematical and scientific problems requiring advanced reasoning skills. 3.5 Control of Education Prior to the Meiji Restoration, authority in Japan was decentralised, divided among nearly 300 politically independent feudal domains and no central administration existed to control and supervise education as a whole. The new Meiji government 51 Clark, Neave pg 846 52 Shields, 1993 pg 120-121 30 aimed to reorganise and integrate Japan into a unified nation with strong central administrative organs. The Ministry of Education was set up in the early 1870s to establish a school system under central government control and supervision. The need to modernise rapidly and the general publics' ignorance of modem schools meant that from the start, Japan's modem education system was under strong central government control.53 The new leaders saw that if a strong nation was to be built up, an organised national system of popular education was a fundamental aspect of a modernised society and as early as 1871 created the Ministry of Education (MOE or Mombusho) to develop such a system. The first job of the MOE was to develop a plan of national education, resulting in the promulgation of the Education Code of 1872 or Gakusei, which followed the model of the French system54. However, this system did not take hold due to financial setbacks and public unrest. In 1885 , the cabinet system was created and Mori Arinori became the first Minister of Education. Mori Arinori 's School Ordinances of 1886 set the system that would hold through to 1945. 3.5.1 Occupation Enforced Changes in the Role of the MOE The post-war reforms naturally came down hard on this highly centralised ministry control. Under the Occupation reforms, the MOE Establishment Law, promulgated May 1949, defined the primary role of the MOE as advisory and stimulating, stripping the MOE of its powers and reorganising its internal structure accordingly. The Ministry 's one remaining function of importance in regard to higher education is to supervise the activities of national universities solely to ensure the maintenance of minimum standards, and to authorise the opening of new universities55 . The major issue for the Occupation authorities was the decentralisation of education in post-war 53 Ikuo Amano The Bright and Dark Sides of Japanese Education , The Japan Foundation Newsletter Vol XIX No 5-6 May 1992. Pg 2 54 Under the MOE the country was divided into 8 academic districts, each of which should have a university, and was further divided into 32 secondary school districts. A secondary school district should provide a secondary school, and was subdivided into 210 elementary school districts each of which should provide an elementary school. The Gakusei stipulated that all the nation 's youth, regardless of former social rank, geographic region and even gender, were to receive elementary education. In the Meiji period many of the terakoya and existing han schools were transformed into elementary schools .- Kobayashi 1976 pg 25 55 Fearey , 1972 pg 37 31 Japan, which had been alien to Japan since 1870. Much had been accomplished in higher education, but the serious problem of centralised control by the MOE remained. Although at the lower levels, administrative control had been passed to the local boards of education, with respect to higher education it was still centralised to a great extent by the MOE56 . The Japanese believed that it would be extremely difficult for a strong force to develop which would protect the interest of the higher institutions if the controlling bodies of the various individual universities were dispersed about the country. SCAP maintained that the control of higher education should be moved out of the MOE. The final recommendation was that a considerable amount of control be maintained by the MOE, however, any university matters were to be handled according to recommendations made by the National University Council57 . The Council would give approval beforehand to all acts of the MOE that related to higher education58 . Although plans to dismantle the MOE were never realised, "Americanisation" was promoted in many aspects of the system, including abolishing nationally standardised textbooks, greater freedom in organising curricula, and establishing local boards of education . The counter-reform moves that began in the 1950s were basically attempts to retighten MOE control59 . 56 The boards of education did not find enthusiastic support: the voting rate in elections did not rise above 56%. The Japanese reaction to the boards of trustees was most emphatically negative because the university president, as the selected leader, is spokesman for the faculty . The Japanese had no desire that the president be a manager for a board of trustees composed of non-university persons. Something of a board system operated in the private universities, but the pattern was more complex than the American system. The political neutrality of the boards of education was hard to maintain in Japan. - Trainor 1983 57 The Council was to be composed of 23 persons, 6 of these would be elected by the presidents of the national universities, 4 by the Japan Science Council (representing the interest of higher education) and 3 by the University Professors Association of Japan. The remaining 10 persons would be 'persons of learning and experience' recommended by both houses of the Japanese Diet. At each institution it was proposed that there be two or three other governing bodies: The University Council, The Faculty Senate, and the Faculty Meeting. 58 Trainor, 1983 pg 237-241 59 Specifically these included changing the means of selecting local boards of education from public election to appointment; revising textbook screening; making it mandatory for teachers to follow the course of study, which is a set of detailed, written guidelines prepared by the ministry for each subject taught in the elementary and secondary schools. 32 3.5.2 Post-war Control of Higher Education Under the post-war system, Japanese government administration is divided into three levels: national, prefectural and municipal. Educational administration has the additional feature that elementary education is under municipal jurisdiction, secondary education is under the prefecture, and higher education is administered by the nation. The Ministry of Education exercises strict control of the education system as a whole by setting compulsory , unified standards.60 While individual universities can exercise autonomy in many matters, particularly if they are very prestigious, private or both, the MOE retains primary influence over the development of higher education in Japan61 . The Higher Education Encyclopaedia states: "The relationship between higher education institutions and the society that surrounds them is a reciprocal one. Higher institutions need funds, but any government that attempts to use its control of the purse as a way of controlling academic life risks having a very mediocre intellectual elite and graduates who are unable to take initiatives" . 62 This is the case in Japanese society where it is repeatedly pointed out that the government uses budgets as a means of controlling individual policy and autonomy, and as a result , the universities in Japan are producing graduates who are uncreative and cannot think freely. The concept that the government should be the 'controlling entity' in higher education, and the public perception that the government controls all campuses and ratifies not only the academic but social choices the universities make, has crippled the world of higher education in three ways: • It has inflicted the lifetime employment system on faculties , especially those of national universities, guaranteeing that mediocrity will become the professional standard of almost every one of them. 60 General education policy and administration are under the jurisdiction of the MOE, which has the authority to approve the establishment of new institutions, both private and public; has direct control over the budget of all national universities , colleges, junior colleges, and any associated research institutes; provides subsidies to private and prefectural institutions; prescribes minimum standards for universities with respect to curricula, number and qualifications of teachers, the size of buildings and f rounds; and provides research and foreign travel support to individual scholars. 1 Japanese Education Today- Higher Education http:/ /timss.enc.org/TIMSS/addtools/pubs/124016/4016 _ 49 .htm 62 Clark, Neave pg 850 33 • It has subordinated the undergraduate education of the college and university to the process of public education. • It has allowed higher scholarship in the universities - the research mission- to languish, leaving huge gaps in the pure sciences capabilities of the nation • It has produced a railroad-like connection, from the entrance exam, straight through college and onto the lifetime job, which along with governmental control has damaged the vitality of higher education in Japan.63 It is said that the Japanese education system is outstandingly efficient.64 A factor in this efficiency has been the MOE's role in skilfully balancing the control and competition, the use of limited resources effectively through standardised education, and making preferential or gradated allocations of resources. Even universities must provide facilities, organise faculties and departments, and arrange the curriculum in accordance with the standards set by the MOE. There is limited freedom of choice for either the schools or the individuals, but waste of resources is minimal. In allocating limited resources, particularly funds, the ministry had given priority training to personnel of significant strategic importance in promoting modernisation and industrialisation, that is on higher education, and within this area, in education for specialised professionals. Specifically, funding priority has gone to the national institutions of higher education and specialised education in science and engineering. By functioning to train personnel, education contributed very efficiently and effectively to promoting industrialisation. The private universities have also developed under ministry control, but with little assistance from public funds, competing for survival with each other and the national and public universities. The MOE is unable to rule education directly through its domination of local school systems and loyal teachers, but it can in fact control exams and textbooks, and uses budgets and chartering regulations to control individual universities and prevent any reforms or changes they see as undesirable.65 63 Cutts, 1997 pg 63-64 64 educational expenditure per student is somewhat lower that the West; the number of students per teacher is higher; and teaching, learning, research and facilities are not as good as might be expected in a country of such wealth. Despite this, Japanese children's academic achievement is on high level. 65 Rohlen, 1983 pg 266 34 In Japan, for many long years, local boards of education, universities and schools, teachers and students, and parents as well, have been accustomed to strict control and limited freedom of choice. If ministry control is relaxed, the high level of efficiency that has characterised Japanese education system may be lost and diversification may lead to inequalities. But the strictly controlled education of the past can no longer meet the needs of the new era appropriately and flexibly. In the 1980s, people also came to realise that the inability of Japan's education system, particularly higher education, to meet the needs of the new era flexibly is a major problem. The era of lifelong education has also dawned, with more adults seeking educational opportunities. Patience explains another reason why control of education in Japan has remained unchallenged. He states that "Japanese culture reinforces an advanced form of capitalist social and political infrastructure. Arguably, Japan has a highly developed 'corporatist culture': a culture that reproduces the characteristics of the entrenched and singular mode of economic and political corporatism that exists in this country. Within this corporatism, the Japanese university system must be controlled by the government, because it is from the intellectual classes that the strong consensus is likely to be seriously challenged. With the universities so effectively under government direction, Japan's intellectuals- at least those of them occupying academic positions- are neutralised as a source of criticism or opposition .',66 66 Patience, 1984 JQ Apr- Jun XX.XI No 2 206-212) 35 4. ACTORS ON THE EDUCATIONAL REFORM SCENE In the previous section I have outlined five major problems that continue to plague Japanese higher education on the eve of the 21st Century. Many major recommendations to improve Japanese higher education into the 21st Century have still not been implemented and show no sign of implementation in the near future. The nature and complexity of the five problems has prevented any consensus agreement on how to solve them. The majority of the reports in the 1980s and 1990s by the MOE and its various councils, have outlined the problems of bullying, juvenile delinquency, school violence and so forth . But these are only the symptoms of the much deeper problems that have not been successfully dealt with. Many observers point to the entrance exam competition and employment recruitment methods as the root of all problems in Japanese education. Yet the only recommendations proposed to deal with these problems was the substitution of the former exam with a new common exam, and a moral plea to businesses that they change their recruiting methods , without any way to enforce this suggestion. In this section I will look at why the higher educational system has failed to undergo any substantial changes despite the various reform attempts and recommendations in the 1980s and 1990s. The major forces within Japanese society who play an important role in education reform are the government (LDP centre and LDP education zoku), bureaucracy (MOE and other ministries), opposition forces (both governmental and non-governmental), business and its vested interests, and Japanese society as a whole. Although each of these actors plays an important role in the development of educational policy and the long-range implementation of recommendations and reforms, some have more power than others. It is the balance of power that ensures the outcome of the reform process. As will be seen, unfortunately those who are the 36 most seriously effected, the students and parents, don't seem to have the ability to force change. Leonard Schoppa, in his 1991 Education Reform in Japan: A Case of Immobilist Politics, provides an in-depth discussion of the workings of Japanese government. I will draw on this work in the discussion on government and bureaucracy, as it gives a detailed political analysis of education reform and government in Japan, and information on the other actors in the educational debate. 4.1 Government One of the major factors hindering educational reform is that all political actors must agree to push education reform forward. When everyone agrees, reform progresses rapidly. An example of this is the subsidies for private universities in 1972-75 . One main problem, as far as the major issues are concerned, is that all actors involved cannot come to an agreement on the right method of reform. In this situation the process of 'conflict avoidance' is common rather than producing viable problem solving tactics. The nature of Japanese politics means that the government is continually changing members and Prime Ministers after relatively short terms of office . This instability means that these politicians work on short-term policies that will keep them in office , rather than planning ahead for the future. These continual changes in government means there is no chance to propose or implement long-range policy changes or reforms. The conservative nature of the Japanese government and bureaucracy is another major reason why education reform has not moved forward in the post-war decades. According to Schoppa67 the 'traditional conservatives' (including Nakasone, the LDP and many business leaders) saw the rise and school violence and delinquency as the most significant problem in Japanese education, and were concerned that the rise in indiscipline posed a threat to the Japanese work ethic. The traditional conservatives 67 Schoppa in Beauchamp, 1991 pg 59-61 37 blamed the teacher's lack of commitment for the rise in school violence, and the fact that the post-war emphasis on the western ideal of individual autonomy threatened the traditional Japanese values . Since the end of the Occupation period, the government has tried to go back to the values of the pre-war system and has not tended to look to the future . Horio68 states that "those proclaiming the need for a third reform of education see it as a way to bring back the spirit of strict order and tight discipline which was instilled by the pre­ war educational system of the pre-war Imperial state. In other words, the discourse on the need for a 'third reform' of education is an intrinsic part of the attempt to eradicate the liberalising influences of the post-war reforms" . These conservatives saw a move back to the pre-war ethic of intense moral education, guiding the students towards a 'proper ' outlook and to love their country , as a solution to the problems in Japanese education . 4.1.1 The Role of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) The LDP plays a complex role in the Japanese education policy-making process. The party has consistently sought to reduce the Japan Teacher' s Union's (JTU or Nikkyoso) power in the education system. On numerous other issues it has been divided . Part of the party advocates higher levels of educational spending, while another advocates cutbacks . Part of it urges an increased emphasis on ability/selection and a decrease in the standardising of MOE regulations , while another points to the success of the status quo and insists on the need for standards .69 In the 1950s and 60s the LDP have been unified in seeking policies which could best help the nation to continue its' economic advancement. However, with the end of Japan's 'catch-up' phase in the 1970s, it was argued from within the LDP that a new emphasis was required for the 21st Century. The new approach should have a less rigid emphasis on academic background and less stress on memorisation in favour of more concentration on work-related ability, creativity and self-confident expression. Despite this recommendation, large parts of the LDP remained convinced that the 68 Horio , 1988 pg 362 69 Schoppa, 1991 pg 90 38 status quo system was best for the economy and advocated no change. This failure of the LDP to agree on a course for dealing with the changing demands of the economy contributed greatly to the breakdown of the recent reform initiatives.70 The continuing rule of the LDP has given the party an increasing ability to influence the policy formulation activities of the ministries . Over the years of LDP rule, many LDP members have acquired at least as much policy expertise as can be claimed by even the most senior bureaucrats. Top ministry officials tend to respect the political priorities of the LDP members influential in their area , consulting with them throughout the legislative and budget processes and getting their consent prior to all major decisions.71 The motives behind LDP policy-making are often not directed at solving the major educational problems . Schoppa 72 points out that in order to effect policy , politicians and parties have to have power, and so the LDP 's education policy has sometimes reflected the goals of money, power and turf as much more than long term policy aims. Leaders of the LDP have pursued education reform in order to win elections and extend their term in office; opposition factions within the party have opposed leadership education initiatives in order to end a leader' s tenure at the head of the party ; and education policy has been effected by the quarrels of party's various zoku among themselves and with the ' centre' over money , power and turf. 4.1.2 The LDP Education Zoku The education zoku is made up of young Diet members of unofficial policy­ specialised cliques, who exercise significant power and leadership in their areas. These Dietmen are successful and remain in office, then move up the party ranks while consistently serving in positions related to their area of specialisation.73 The education zoku74 emerged in the early 1970s just as the CCE was drawing up its 70 Schoppa , 1991 pg 64-65 71 Schoppa , 1991 pg 10-11 72 Schoppa, 1991 pg 72-73 73 Schoppa, 1991 pg 11 74 The zoku came about in the late 1960s at the time of the university disputes, in opposition to the older 'law and order hawks' of the government, who were using the student demonstrations to seek a new law to provide the government with greatly increased power over the universities. 39 reform proposals. Because the zoku was still relatively young, the MOE remained the dominant force in shaping education reform policies. The CCE report was only the first step in the reform process and by the implementation stage, the zoku had gained much more experience in the area of education and played a much more significant role, emerging in the late 1970s as the dominant actor in the education sphere.75 After the oil-shock of 1973-74 and the ensuing budget ceilings , the zoku influence in the budget process was reinforced, because limited funds available meant that the MOE had to depend on zoku support even more to fund new programme campaigns. The education zoku made use of its project teams and subcommittees in the 1970s and 1980s, producing a steady stream of reports , which gave the zoku policy-making initiative for virtually the whole period. The zoku generally let the MOE develop the planning and issuing of proposals, playing a more aggressive part in encouraging campaigns. The zoku 's primary tool is the budget , using its active role in the budget process to push issues it supports , such as aid to private universities and higher teacher salaries. The pattern of co-operation between the MOE and zoku through the entire budget process was fully institutionalised by the 1980s . When the MOE issues its demands , the requests closely reflect zoku priorities and the zoku has gained a great deal of influence over the MOE.76 The MOE-zoku relationship is not the only one relevant to education policy-making. The education subgovemment must also compete with the other subgovemments and convince the LDP centre to support its decisions. Educationist Sakata Michita insisted, however, that the problems of the universities were not merely an issue of law and order, but in fact reflected real deficiencies in institutions of higher education, and he took the initiative lo convene a special investigation in September 1968. The resulting proposals marked a significant change from previous party statements on education because they sought to address the educational problems at the root of the university disturbances rather than relying on the discipline and control as advocated by the law and order hawks. Sakata was joined by a group of young Dietmen who had been attracted to the education sphere as the university protests pushed the education issue to the top of the political agenda. The decision of all these young men to join the party 's education organ at the same time was not entirely coincidental. The LDP's leadership realised that the party needed young Dietmen who had grown up in the post-war educational system in order to deal with the problems, and within a few years the new group were given positions of responsibility in the education sphere. As a result the education zoku was born.- Schoppa 1991 pg 81-82 75 Schoppa, 1991 pg 83-84 76 Schoppa, 1991 pg 86-88 40 4.1.3 The LDP Centre Even as the education zoku was gaining influence over the MOE in the 1970s, the LDP centre was taking greater control over the government as a whole. In setting low ceilings, the LDP centre gained power at the expense of both the MOP and the spending subgovernments (MOE and Education zoku). The LDP leadership has maintained a more active role in all areas of policy-making through its control of the purse strings . PM Nakasone in particular sought to increase the centre's role in all areas of policy-making, including education, with the prime mechanism for Nakasone's involvement being the AHCE of 1984. However, while the zoku and the LDP centre gained authority and influence in the policy-making process over the course of the 1970s and early 1980s, neither could implement its desired policies without the other. 4.2 Bureaucracy With the government changing so often in Japan, bureaucracy becomes the real minds behind policy, since it is the bureaucrats' job to implement policy and laws. The fact that education reform in Japan seems to fail at the implementation stage then is very likely to be a fault of the bureaucracy. A common trait of the Japanese bureaucratic ministries is that , like the LOP politicians, they like to observe and protect the status quo. The members of the bureaucracy don ' t want to lose their influential position, and so don ' t make any changes that may effect their position. Other ministries are also concerned with education policy. The MOF seeks to assure that the MOE does not spend too much money on its reform projects , MITI seeks to assure that the MOE's education policies will provide Japan with the talent needed to maintain the nation's international economic competitiveness. Since most of the LDP support comes from the business and industrial sector, the LDP and MOE produce policies which satisfy the needs of these sectors to ensure their continued support for the government. In other cases the relationship is not so positive. The Ministry of Health and Welfare refuses to allow the MOE to encroach on its control of the nations nursery schools and 41 finally, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs seeks to make sure the MO E's textbook control activities do not damage Japan's diplomatic relations with her neighbours. All of these cleavages serve to fragment the conservative consensus and make education reform more difficult.77 4.2.1 Ministry of Education (MOE) The strong central power within the government that holds dominance over the education sphere is the Ministry of Education (MOE). The predominant attitude of the MOE, across the whole range of policy issues is bureaucratic conservatism. The MOE has pursued status quo protection, which reflects the simple fact that the MOE had developed an attachment to the existing practices and policies over its many years of supervising the existing system. Since the MOE has presided over the post-war system since its establishment, it has developed a stake in preserving what it created and nurtured. In the period of the recent education reform initiatives , therefore , the vast majority of the MOE bureaucrats were committed to perpetuating the established system. Bureaucratic conservatism serves to disrupt the consensus on education reform and makes change in the education sphere more difficult. Conflicts lead MOE bureaucrats to be conservative and not act until it is absolutely necessary . Park78 suggests that the MOE have survived many ideological confrontations over policy in the post-war decades, and the officials have come to shy away from doing anything that might provoke unnecessary controversy. Park concludes that officials have the habit of acting only when 'sufficient pressure' has built up as far as major and controversial matters are concerned. The notion of not acting until sufficient pressure has built up helps explain the MOE's conservatism.79 The tendency of bureaucratic conservatism is further reinforced by the bureaucratic system, ringi sei80 , which gives the officials 77 Schoppa, 1991 pg 92-93 78 Park cited Schoppa, 1991 pg 97-98 79 Schoppa, 1991 pg 97-100 80 The bureaucratic system under which decisions are recorded on a formal document (the ringisho) are drawn up by the lower- to middle- ranking administrators who are closer to the problem and know more about the details . These official statements are then circulated up through the ministry hierarchy where officials can contribute insights based on their broader knowledge and responsibilities. 42 close to the education genba81 a particularly important role in the decision-making process. The ringi sei way of thinking simply does not allow the ministry to overcome the conservatism of officials attached to the status quo. Although the MOE represents a unified unit , there are sometimes differences of opinion within the MOE, just as there are in the LDP, business and progressive sectors. A small group of MOE officials were reform-minded bureaucrats , who became known as the ' internationalist faction' (kokusai-ha). The majority of the MOE bureaucrats, however, were less inclined to support the reformist ideas of the internationalists, and these officials became known as the 'status quo maintenance faction' (genjoo iji-ha) . Many officials resisted the implementation of the Central Council on Education 's (CCE) recommendations. After the departure of the key members of the internationalist faction in the early 1970s (through retirement or by involuntary transfer to other positions not related to education), the top new officials were much less inclined to take the initiative until sufficient pressure had built up , and were less inclined to be individualists or leaders in pursuit of educational reform.82 4.2.2 MOE Place in the Process The Ministry of Education plays a central role in the Japanese policy-making process. It is charged with drafting legislation, and is able to use the powers of administrative guidance to legitimise policy . It gathers the data and information that forms the basis for rational policy-making with all actors seeking to move it one way or another. Bureaucrats seem to maintain a superior attitude towards politicians, seeing themselves as guardians of 'neutral' policy-making based on their expert examination of objective facts.83 Schoppa examines the role of the MOE from two perspectives : 1) as a 'politically neutral' bureaucracy dealing with a activist LDP education zoku, and 2) as a member of the education subgovernment, allied with the education zoku, dealing with the LDP centre. In both capacities the MOE emerges as an important player in the 81 The genba is the actual site at which education is being delivered- these views naturally come to represent the views of the local officials who tend to be opposed to change. 82 Schoppa, 1991 pg 105-106 43 conservative camp where its bureaucratic conservatism serves to disrupt the consensus on education reform and makes changes in the sphere more difficult . 4.23 The MOE as a 'Neutral' Bureaucracy Dealing with the Zoku The MOE consistently express their concern about the growing dominance of the LDP in the running of their department and argue that the MOE has a crucial role to play in protecting the education system from majority-party domination. From its 'objective neutral' position, it must make sure policy accurately reflects the points of view of all groups in society i.e a social consensus.84 In the legislative process, the LDP relies on the ministry for the actual drafting of legislation. The MOE does not have the ability on it's own to push through legislation or increase budgets in areas where it does not have LDP support. While the LDP zoku heavily influences what the MOE does in this capacity, the ministry retains the ability to transform or block policies which it especially opposes, particularly in cases where the LDP if not unified in its support for some change. Legislation, however, only one kind of policy-making. Many actual education reform policies are of a type which can actually be implemented through changes in MOE regulations- an area which the ministry naturally has more influence.85 In the process whereby the ministry seeks to bring its 'neutral' and 'objective' perspective to bear on policy issues, it relies heavily on a set of advisory councils (shingikai). Compos