Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. TEREO pAHO Maori Radio and Language Revitalisation A thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Maori Studies at Massey University Rangianehu Matamua Te Kunenga ki Piirehuroa Massey University 2006 ABSTRACT There is certainly a widely held belief among Maori working on the revitalisation of the Maori language that radio broadcasting has had a small, but significant, place for over half a century in bringing Maori language to both Maori and Pakeha audiences. Maori radio itself was established on the premise of Maori language and cultural transmission, maintenance and development. It was for this reason that many Maori organisations and individuals toiled towards Maori recognition within the radio arena. In 1 988 Te Opoko 6 Te Ika, the first Maori radio station, went to air. With the restructuring of the broadcasting industry in the late 1980s and subsequent successful claims brought before the Waitangi Tribunal, provision was made for radio frequencies to be set aside by Maori, preferably with tribal endorsement. Since that time there has been a significant expansion in Maori radio. At present there are twenty-one Te Mangai Paho-funded Maori radio stations broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand. Yet after nearly twenty years of Maori radio, what has been the impact of the medium, and its contribution to Maori-Ianguage revitalisation? By using the five years of qualitative and quantitative research data collected by Te Reo Paho on Maori radio, and combining this with further research contained within this study, this thesis will answer the above questions. Furthermore this thesis will examine the role of Maori radio within the larger context of Maori-Ianguage revitalisation, discussing the responsibility of Maori radio to te reo Maori. To support the hypothesis, this thesis examines the history of radio in Aotearoa New Zealand including Maori radio, explores the Maori language from its origins to the present day, discusses the importance of Maori research and methodologies, presents the findings from the Te Reo Paho project, examines the process followed by the TUhoe tribe in working to establish their own Maori radio station, and studies similar radio experiences between Maori radio and Irish radio. Collectively these sections of the thesis combine to support the proposition that Maori radio is indeed having a positive impact on Maori-Ianguage revitalisation. - 11 - ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 'E kore e ngawhere, he maire tu waD, ma te toki e tua'/ Most will attribute this thesis to the efforts of an individual, myself, as the author. Yet this study would fail to exist were it not for the efforts of many who have given support and encouragement during my years of research and study. To you all I offer my sincere gratitude and thanks. To those Massey University staff at Te Plitahi a Toi, who willingly gave their time and expertise towards this study, please know that I am grateful to you all for the gifts and knowledge you shared. To Mason Durie and the Te Mata 0 Te Tau Scholarship committee, thank you all so very much for your assistance towards my studies. I hope this thesis in some way makes your contribution worthwhile. I wish to make special mention of Monica Koia and Taniya Ward, who repeatedly picked up the slack in the office during my weeks away researching. Thank you both for making the workplace a happy and exciting environment. A large component of this thesis exists because of the labours of those who worked on the Te Reo Paho project. To Te Mauri Apiata, Audrey MacDonald and Kellie Curtis, I extend my heartfelt thanks. Your efforts in seeing this research come to life have not been forgotten. Through the Te Reo Paho Project I was fortunate enough to build strong working relationships with many of the staff at Te Mangai Paho, and in particular Trevor Moeke, Tame Te Rangi and Carl Goldsmith. I wish to thank you and the rest of the Te Mangai Paho team for trusting me to manage and complete such an extensive undertaking. I must also acknowledge Betty Hauraki of Te Whakaruruhau 6 Nga Reo Irirangi Maori, Hone Harawira, Te Maumako August and all the Maori radio station managers and staff. Thank you for allowing yourselves to be part to this research, and for supporting the project's vision. I My translation: ' It will not give way easily, it is the forest-standing maire (New Zealand hard wood tree) which requires an axe to fell it.' A maire standing alone does not have the strength of one in the forest. Likewise a person with many supporters has more strength than one acting alone (Mead & Grove, 1 989: 24). - III - To all those Maori people across Aotearoa New Zealand who completed survey forms, responded to telephone surveys and participated in focus-group discussions, I say thank you. Likewise, to all those individuals who worked on the project, collected surveys, organised focus groups and facilitated the project's movement around the country, I offer my sincere appreciation. At times during this study when I felt the need to take a break I would return to my tribal home at Ruatahuna and spend time with my extended family. It was there that I was able to renew my energy and refocus my thoughts. Much of this refocusing was done with my uncle Hekenoa Te Kurapa and his family. I am grateful to Hekenoa and his family for opening their home and providing me with a base in Ruatahuna to revitalise my mind and body. You all have taught me the true meaning of the TUhoe term matemateaone, and for this I will be eternally grateful. To my supervisor Professor Taiarahia Black, who planted the seed of a PhD in my mind, nurtured this idea and saw it bloom into life. For your constant support and encouragement I am forever indebted. Without your involvement in this study and your guiding influence, this thesis would never have been. I am fortunate to belong to a very supportive family who have been a constant source of strength during my study. My parents, sisters, brother, brother in law, nieces and nephew have all shown support in different ways. At times they have offered advice or a kind word, and on occasions their presence has spoken more than words ever could. Thank you all for enduring the many years, waiting for me to cease being a student and start being an adult. To my two inspirations, Te Okahurangi and Rerekura Te Hautaruke. Thank you both for interrupting my work and annoying me during my busiest times. You taught me to smile and laugh no matter how hectic I thought the work might have been. I will always be thankful to Karen for standing beside me throughout this process. Thank you for discussing my work, correcting my errors, challenging my ideas and understanding just how important this undertaking was to me. - IV- Throughout my academic career I have been mentored by one of the finest Maori scholars of his generation. In my view, his knowledge of Maori language, customs and traditions is beyond contestation, and as an exponent of whaikorero and waiata he is without peer. He has been my mentor, my confidant, my teacher, my harshest critic and my inspiring role model. To Professor Pou Temara, I have no words to thank you for all you have given me, and for your guiding hand throughout the many years. Without your inspiration a PhD degree would have remained but a dream. When I began my PhD study, I was privileged enough to have the support of both sets of grandparents. Yet as my research progressed, the elder members of my family were gradually lost, and now only my grandmother remains. This thesis is for you, my grandparents, for all your love, support, encouragement and sacrifice throughout my life. Especially to my grandfather Timi Rawiri Matamua (James Moses) who, before he died, took me aside and revealed to me his ohakI (dying wish). He asked me to 'Complete your PhD and graduate.' Finally, I can now say, Grandfather it is done, it is done! E Koro, kua ea, kua ea! -v - CONTENTS ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................... iii CONTENTS ....................................................................................................................... vi LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................. x TABLE OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... xi MAPS ................................................................................................................................. xi APPENDICES ................................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................... 1 2 TAHD ............................................................................................................................... 1 2 1 . 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 2 1 .2 Purpose .................................................................................................................. 1 8 1 .3 The Thesis ............................................................................................................. 1 9 1 .4 Thesis Methodology .............................................................................................. 22 1 .4. 1 Tabu .............................................................................................................. 24 1 .4.2 Heke ........ ...................................................................................................... 25 1 .4.3 Pou-te-rangianiwaniwa ................................................................................. 26 1 .4.4 Pou-te-wharau ......................... .... .................. ................................................ 27 1 .4.5 Poupou .......................................................................................................... 27 1 .4.6 Tukutuku .................................. ..................................................................... 28 1 .4 .7 Mahau ............................................ ................................................. ..... ......... 28 1 .4.8 MaihilRaparapa ................ ................................................... .......................... 29 1 .4.9 Tekoteko ....................................................................................................... 30 1 .4. 1 0 Pou-toko-manawa ............................................... . ......................................... 30 1 .5 Conclusion ................................................................................ ............................ 3 1 CHAPTER TWO ................................................................................................ .............. 32 HEKE .......................................... ...................................................................................... 32 2. 1 Introduction ............................. .......................................................................... 32 2.2 History of Radio Broadcasting in New Zealand ............................................... 32 2.3 History of Maori Radio ...................................................................................... 42 2.4 Te Mangai Pabo ........................................................ ........................................ 50 2.5 Te Mangai Pabo 1 993 to present . ............... ...................................................... 59 2.6 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 62 - VI - CHAPTER THREE .......................................................................................................... 63 POU-TE-RANGIANIW ANIWA ...................................................................................... 63 3.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 63 3.2 Te Reo Maori .................................................................................................... 64 3.3 Contact and Language Erosion 1769-1900 ...................................................... 66 3.4 Language Loss 1900-1970s .............................................................................. 69 3.5 Language Revitalisation 1970-2006 ................................................................. 71 3.6 Maori Language Surveys .................................................................................. 74 3.7 Current Status ofTe Reo Maori ............................... : ........................................ 76 3.8 Language Revitalisation .................................................................................... 79 3.9 Maori Radio in Language Revitalisation .......................................................... 80 3.10 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 81 CHAPTER FOUR ............................................................................................................. 83 POU-TE-WHARAU ......................................................................................................... 83 4.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 83 4.2 Maori Research ................................................................................................. 85 4.3 Maori Methodologies ........................................................................................ 87 4.4 Te Reo Paho Methodology ............................................................................... 88 4.4.1 Research Questions ................................................................................... 89 4.4.2 4.4.3 4.4.4 4.4.5 4.4.6 4.4.7 4.4.8 4.5 4.6 Quantitative Research ............................................................................... 90 Srunple ....................................................................................................... 90 Fieldworkers ............................................................................................. 92 Questionnaire ............................................................................................ 93 Quantitative Data Collation and Analysis ................................................. 94 Qualitative Research ................................................................................. 94 Qualitative Analysis ................................................................................ 101 Maori Research Principles .............................................................................. 102 Human Ethics .................................................................................................. 106 4.7 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 108 CHAPTER FIVE ............................................................................................................ 109 POUPOU ......................................................................................................................... 109 5.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 109 5.2 Quantitative Findings ................ : ..................................................................... 110 5.2.1 Demographic Profile of Srunple .............................................................. 110 - vu - 5.2.2 5.2.3 5.2.4 5.2.5 5.2.6 5.2.7 5.2.8 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 Number of Listeners ............................................................................... 111 Reasons For Not Listening ...................................................................... 113 Maori-Language Ability ......................................................................... 115 Satisfaction with Maori Content ....................................................... ...... 116 Amount ofTe Reo Maori Broadcast.. ..................................................... 117 Quality of Te Reo Maori Broadcast.. ...................................................... 119 Help With Learning Te Reo Maori ......................................................... 121 Discussion ....................................................................................................... 123 Responses and Language Ability .................................................................... 123 Responses and Age ......................................................................................... 125 Responses and Station ............... ...................................................................... 129 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 137 CHAPTER SIX ............................................................................................................... 139 TUKUTUKU .................................................................................................................. 139 6.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 139 6.2 Importance of Language Broadcasting ........................................................... 140 6.3 Role of Maori Radio ....................................................................................... 141 6.4 Maori-Ianguage revitalisation ......................................................................... 142 6.5 Dialectal Broadcasting .................................................................................... 144 6.6 Quality Maori-Language Broadcasting ........................................................... 147 6.7 Training ........................................................................................................... 149 6.8 Language Broadcast for Age Groups .............................................................. 150 6.9 Funding ........................................................................................................... 154 6.10 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 161 CHAPTER SEVEN ........................................................................................................ 163 MAHAU ......................................................................................................................... 163 7.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 163 7.2 Tiihoe .............................................................................................................. 164 7.3 Unique Tiihoe Culture and Language ............................................................. 167 7.4 Process to Establish Tllhoe Radio ................................................................... 168 7.5 Justifying a Tiihoe Radio Station .................................................................... 174 7.6 Recommendations ........................................................................................... 176 7.7 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 180 CHAPTER EIGHT ......................................................................................................... 182 - Vlll - MAIHIIRAP ARAPA ...................................................................................................... 182 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.4.1 8.4.2 8.4.3 8.4.4 8.4.5 8.5 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 182 History of the Irish Language ......................................................................... 184 History of Irish Radio ..................................................................................... 191 The Interconnectedness oflrish and Maori Radio .......................................... 195 Funding ................................................................................................... 196 Quality Irish-Language Broadcasting ..................................................... 197 Dialectal Broadcasting ............................................................................ 199 Language Broadcasting For Age Groups ................................................ 201 Irish-Language Revitalisation ................................................................. 203 Role oflrish and Maori Radio ........................................................................ 204 8.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 208 CHAPTER NINE ............................................................................................................ 209 TEKOTEKO ................................................................................................................... 209 9.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 209 9.2 History of Maori Radio Broadcasting ............................................................. 209 9.3 Te Reo Maori .................................................................................................. 211 9.4 Te Reo Paho Findings ..................................................................................... 213 9.5 Tiihoe Radio .................................................................................................... 216 9.6 Lessons from Ireland ....................................................................................... 217 9.7 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 218 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 220 - IX - LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Listeners' Maori-Language Ability .............................................................. 76 Table 2: Total Number Surveyed .............................................................................. 1 10 Table 3: Age Distribution .......................................................................................... 111 Table 4: 2000-2003 General Radio Listeners ........................................................... 1 12 Table 5: 2000-2003 Maori Radio Listeners .............................................................. 112 Table 6: 2003-2005 General Radio Listeners ........................................................... 112 Table 7: 2003-2005 Maori Radio Listeners .............................................................. 112 Table 8: Barriers to Radio Access ............................................................................. 1 1 3 Table 9: Barriers to Maori Radio .............................................................................. 1 14 Table 10: Listeners' Maori-Languag� Ability ............................................................ 115 Table 11: 2000-2003 Amount ofTe Reo Maori ......................................................... 1 17 Table 12: 2003-2005 Amount ofTe Reo Maori ......................................................... 118 Table 13: 2000-2003 Quality ofTe Reo Maori .......................................................... 119 Table 14: 2003-2005 Quality ofTe Reo Maori .......................................................... 120 Table 16: Help with Learning Te Reo Maori .............................................................. 122 Table 18: Amount ofTe Reo Maori for 30 Years and Older Age Group ................... 126 Table 19: Quality ofTe Reo Maori for 0 to 29 Years Age Group .............................. 1 27 Table 20: Quality ofTe Reo Maori for 30 Years and Older Age Group .................... 127 Table 21: Help With Learning Te Reo Maori for 0 to 29 Years Age Group .............. 128 Table 22: Help With Learning Te Reo Maori for 30 Years and Older Age Group .... 128 Table 23: 2000-2003 Amount ofTe Reo Maori for Radio Ngati Porou .................... 1 30 Table 24: 2000-2003 Amount ofTe Reo Maori for Tahu FM ................................... 130 Table 25: 2003-2005 Quality ofTe Reo Maori for Te Hiku 6 Te Ika ........................ 1 31 Table 26: 2003-2005 Quality ofTe Reo Maori for Kia Ora FM ................................ 131 Table 27: 2000-2003 Help With Learning Te Reo Maori for Tuwharetoa ................ 132 Table 28: 2000-2003 Help With Learning Te Reo Maori for Radio Waatea ............. 133 Table 29: 2003-2005 Amount ofTe Reo Maori for Te Opoko 6 Te Ika .................... 134 Table 30: 2003-2005 Quality ofTe Reo Maori for re Opoko 6 Te Ika ..................... 135 Table 31: 2003-2005 Amount ofTe Reo Maori for Atiawa Toa ............................... 135 Table 32: 2003-2005 Quality ofTe Reo Maori for Atiawa Toa ................................ 135 Table 33: Genealogical Table from Toi-kai-rakau to Tuhoe P6tiki ............................ 164 Table 34: .Genealogical Table from Hape to TUhoe P6tiki ......................................... 165 Table 35: Genealogical Table from Toroa to TUhoe P6tiki ........................................ 165 -x- TABLE OF FIGURES Figure 1: Wharenui Interior and Exterior ..................................................................... 23 Figure 2: Wharenui as viewed from front .................................................................... 29 Figure 3: Participants by Gender ................................................................................ 110 Figure 4: Graph Showing Age Distribution ............................................................... 111 Figure 5: Barriers to Radio Access ............................................................................. 114 Figure 6: Barriers to Maori radio ................................................................................ 115 Figure 7: Listeners' Maori-Language Ability ............................................................ 116 Figure 8: 2000-2003 Amount ofTe Reo Maori ......................................................... 117 Figure 9: 2000-2003 Quality ofTe Reo Maori .......................................................... 119 Figure 10: 2000-2003 Help with Learning Te Reo Maori ....................................... 121 MAPS Map 1: Location of Maori Radio Stations .................................................................... 17 Map 2: TUhoe Tribal Area .......................................................................................... 166 APPENDICES Appendix 1 ....................................................................................... 239 Appendix 2 ................................ , ...................................................... 265 Appendix 3 ....................................................................................... 282 Appendix 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. ...... . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 Appendix 5 ....................................................................................... 304 Appendix 6 ....................................................................................... 307 Appendix 7 ....................................................................................... 310 Appendix 8 ....................................................................................... 313 Appendix 9 ....................................................................................... 31 7 Appendix 10 .................................................................................... 319 - Xl - CHAPTER ONE TAHU 'Kua tatoka te tiihu, me kore e taea e tiitou te whakarereke ;}. 1 .1 Introduction 1.2 Purpose 1 .3 The Thesis 1.4 Thesis Methodology 1.4.1 Tahii 1.4.2 Heke 1.4.3 Pou-te-rangianiwaniwa 1 .4.4 Pou-te-wharau 1.4.5 Poupou 1 .4.6 Tukutuku 1 .4.7 Mahau 1 .4.8 MaihilRaparapa 1.4.9 Tekoteko 1.4.10 Pou-toko-manawa 1.5 Conclusion 1 .1 Introduction The mauri (essence) of this thesis was promulgated in 2000, when Te Mangai Paho (Maori Broadcasting Funding Agency) approached Te Piitahi-a-Toi School of Maori Studies at Massey University, and invited the School to undertake audience surveys. The initial agreement was for Te Piitahi-a-Toi to complete a quantitative and qualitative study on one of the twenty-one Te Mangai Paho-funded Maori radio stations. Kia Ora FM, located in Palmerston North, was chosen as the station that would be involved in this pilot study. A methodology was applied to the project, and 2,500 individual surveys 2My translation: 'The ridgepole or structure has been established, and now it can not be altered.' This statement was recorded by National Radio in 1 986 during an interview with Tiihoe elder John Rangihau. The quote suggests that when undertaking any task, the establ i shment of a sound structure is vital. John Rangihau, 1 986, National Radio Interview, Pu Ao Te Ata Tu, NRSA. - 1 2 - along with nine focus-group discussions were completed (Massey University Kia Ora FM Pilot Study, 2000: 4). On the completion of the pilot study, Te Mangai Paho moved to solidify its relationship with Te Piitahl-a-Toi and undertake research for the remaining twenty Maori radio stations. This research was to be based on the methodology used in the pilot study, and both parties entered into a further contract (see Appendix 1). Te Piitahi-a-Toi then became responsible for researching Maori radi03 throughout Aotearoa New Zealand.4 To complete its contractual obligations, Te Piitahi-a-Toi established a new research unit, and it was given the name 'Te Reo Pliho' (the voice of broadcasting). Those individuals who were responsible for the establishment of a second contract between Massey University and Te Mangai Pliho included a section within the contract regarding academic use of the collected data (see Appendix 1). This section stated that material gathered from the project could be used by Massey University for academic research and educational purposes. Once the idea of using the Te Reo Paho research for a PhD thesis began to grow in my mind, I began to realise how important this section of the contract was to my study. Te Reo Pliho began its journey with two staff members. I was project manager and Te Mauri Apiata was research assistant. The project came under the directorship of Professor Taiarahia Black, who had been key in the implementation of the Kia Ora FM pilot study. Other than a copy of the Kia Ora FM pilot study report and an empty room, there was little else to work with. However, it was the expertise of the staff at Te Piitahi­ a-Toi, and the support they willingly gave to Te Mauri and I, that allowed us to launch our new project. In particular, those who were involved in the pilot study - Professor Taiarahia Black, Eljohn Fitzgerald, Or Ian Christensen and Brendon Stevenson supported the Te Reo Paho venture and gave time and effort to see it come to life. With the support of many, Te Reo Pliho began to take shape. Once a methodology was fonnulated and data-collection processes finalised, a database had to be created. For this 3 Many of the stations involved in this research are often termed iwi (tribal) radio stations, because they broadcast to a tribe or tribal group. However, other stations are pan-tribal, broadcasting to all Maori. While not all the stations in this study can be labelled iwi radio stations, all can be called Maori radio stations, and this is the term I have applied. 4 Aotearoa is the Maori term for New Zealand. - 13 - purpose Audrey MacDonald was employed. Audrey's expertise in interpreting the many permutations produced in the reports saw her employed by Te Reo Paho as information manager. Audrey's importance to the project became apparent when we realised she was not only qualified to create and maintain the database, but also to produce the various graphs, tables and statistics from the collected data. Together, Te Mauri, Audrey and I developed an individual survey questionnaire and processes to conduct focus-group discussions. During this period the empty office we occupied began to fill with computers, files, phones and a collection of papers and related documents. What became apparent in my role as project manager was that once the information began to flow into the office, it had to be entered into the database and then stored systematically for future analysis. In addition, the focus-group feedback was to be transcribed, analysed and filed. To fill this role, Kellie Curtis was employed as the final member ofTe Reo Paho, and she moved into the position of research/administration manager. Final office and systemic issues were completed by March 2001 upon which Te Reo Paho began the process of surveying and collecting data. I decided to split the remaining twenty Maori radio stations into four clusters, with five stations in each. Cluster one included, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Kahungunu (Te Rongo 0 Te Reo, Radio Kahungunu Report, 2001) located in Hastings, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Tiiranga nui a Kiwa (Te Rongo 0 Te Reo, Turanga FM Report, 2001) in Gisborne, Radio Ngati Porou (Te Rongo 0 Te Reo, Radio Ngtiti Porou Report, 2001) in Ruatoria, Atiawa Toa FM (Te Rongo 0 Te Reo, Atiawa Toa Report, 2001) in Waiwheru, Wellington and Te Upoko 0 Te Ika in central Wellington. Research with the first cluster of stations began with initial difficulties. It became clear to Te Reo Paho that although we had established a relationship with Te Mangai Paho, we had not formulated bonds with the stations themselves. On meeting with the first cluster of stations and station managers we quickly learnt that the Maori radio arena is extremely complex. There were historical issues of which we had no knowledge regarding station internal relationships as well as fundamental operational friction between the stations and Te Mangai Paho. I felt that the stations initially viewed us as part of Te Mangai Paho, or even in some cases as an auditing type of body with the central purpose of gathering data to discredit the stations and to recommend that they lose funding or even close. It took some time to build strong relationships and trust with stations, and to explain to them we were an independent - 14 - group concerned only with research. During the first cluster there were a number of uneasy moments, probably the worst being when Te Upoko 6 Te Ika chose to withdraw from the process because they were unsure about the intent of the project. These issues aside, the first cluster of reports were completed by July 200 1 . The reports were given the title: Te Rongo 6 Te Reo (the sound of the language), keeping with the theme of Te Reo Paho. Cluster two consisted ofNga lwi FM (Te Rongo {j Te Reo, Nga Iwi FM Report, 200 1 ) in Paeroa, Te Reo Irirangi 6 Te Arawa (Te Rongo {j Te Reo, Pilmanawa Report, 200 1 ) in Rotorua, Te Reo Irirangi 6 Tauranga Moana (Te Rongo (j Te Reo, Moana AM Report, 200 1 ) in Tauranga, Raukawa FM (Te Rongo (j Te Reo, Raukawa FM Report, 200 1 ) in Tokoroa and Te Reo Irirangi 6 Te Manuka Tiitahi (Te Rongo (j Te Reo, Te Manuka Tutahi Report, 200 1 ) in Whakatane. These stations were surveyed and reports completed between July and December 200 1 . By the time we began cluster three, we had already presented our preliminary findings to Te Mangai Paho and a group of station managers. These presentations gave us an opportunity to share our initial findings with Te Mangai Paho staff, the Te Mangai Paho Board, and various station managers. It was around this time that I began building a relationship with Te Whakaruruhau 6 Nga Reo Irirangi Maori (Whakaruruhau), which is the representative body of nineteen Te Mangai Paho-funded Maori radio stations. Betty Hauraki, who is the administrator for the Whakaruruhau (Te Whakaruruhau Annual Report, 2002 : 3), became a trusted colleague and friend. It was through Betty that Te Reo Paho was able to make real progress in building positive relationships with the stations. Therefore, by the time cluster three began, the stations were expecting us to begin work, and in most cases they welcomed us into their broadcast areas. The cluster three stations were Radio Waatea (Te Rongo (j Te Reo, Radio Waatea Report, 2002) in Auckland, Radio Tainui (Te Rongo (j Te Reo, Radio Tainui Report, 2002) in Ngaruawahia, Tautoko FM (Te Rongo (j Te Reo, Tautoko FM Report, 2002) in Mangamuka, Radio Ngati Hine (Te Rongo (j Te Reo, Ngati Hine FM Report, 2002) in Whangarei and Te Reo Irirangi 6 Te Hiku 6 Te Ika (Te Rongo {j Te Reo, Te Hiku (j Te Ika Report, 2002) in Kaitaia. Surveys for this cluster began in March 2002 and all reports were completed by September 2002. - 1 5 - The final cluster of stations included Tiiwharetoa FM (Te Rongo jj Te Reo, Tilwharetoa FM Report, 2002) in Turangi, Radio Maniapoto (Te Rongo jj Te Reo, Radio Maniapoto Report, 2003) in Te Kuiti, Te Korimako 6 Taranaki (Te Rongo jj Te Reo, Te Korimako Report, 2002) in New Plymouth, Awa FM (Te Rongo jj Te Reo, Awa FM Report, 2002) in Whanganui, Tabu FM ( Te Rongo jj Te Reo, Tahft FM Report, 2002) in Christchurch and Te Upoko 6 Te Ika ( Te Rongo jj Te Reo, Te Upoko jj Te Ilea Report, 2003) in central Wellington. Te Upoko 6 Te Ika had decided to once again include themselves in this survey. This suggested to Te Reo Paho that by the end of the process the stations were generally happy with the work of the project, and the building of strong relationships between Te Reo Paho and the various stations had been successful and worthwhile. By March 2003 a final report was produced which included all the data collected by the project ( Te Rongo jj Te Reo, Final Report, 2003). This final report was launched by Te Reo Paho and Te Mangai Paho at the offices of Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori (Maori Language Commission) in Wellington in April 2003. The launch was attended by a number of station managers, staff and board members of Te Mangai Paho and Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori as well as the Chairperson of the Whakaruruhau, Hone Harawira, the Deputy Chairperson of the Whakaruruhau, Te Maumako August, Professor Mason Durie, Professor Taiarahia Black and the Minister of Maori Affairs, Hon Parekura Horomia. TV3 covered the project's findings on TV3 news, TV1's Maori news programme Te Karere also carried a report on the launch, and many radio stations ran stories about Te Reo Paho. It was during this launch I was influenced by some insightful words from Professor Taiarabia Black, who pointed out that Te Reo Paho had built up a wealth of knowledge, expertise and relationships in the field of Maori radio. At this stage we had completed nearly 30,000 individual survey forms and I had personally conducted over 100 focus-group discussions throughout the country (Ibid.: 9-12). With such a vast body of research and knowledge pertaining to the Maori radio sector, the next logical step was to use this information in an academic sense. Hence, the notion of a PhD study in this field was born. - 16 - Map 1 : Location of Miori Radio StationsS 5 Map I shows the location of the twenty-one Maori radio stations examined within this thesis. There are only twenty locations named on this map because two stations are situated in Wellington. - 17- While having a vast body of research is one thing, shaping it into a PhD is another. When beginning this process, Te Mangai Paho decided it wanted to rerun the survey, and develop the project into a longitudinal study. The process of managing the second run of the survey and undertaking doctoral studies created a heavy workload. Yet the benefits of completing another round of surveys came from growing the original findings of the project, increasing my own knowledge of the sector and gaining a comprehensive understanding of the developments of Maori radio broadcasting across a five year period. From June 2003 to October 2005 a second run of audience surveys was undertaken. Another twenty-one Maori radio station reports were compiled, along with an additional final report. For the second survey, 8,499 Maori people were surveyed and 93 focus­ group discussions were conducted. This study is not limited to the first Te Reo Paho survey, and includes the most recent findings from the 2003-2005 survey. Finally after five years of in-depth research within the field of Maori radio, this thesis has come to life. 1.2 Purpose This study concentrates on two major subjects, Maori radio and Maori-Ianguage revitalisation. While the purpose of this thesis is to examine the impact Maori radio is having on the Maori language, a wider examination of Maori radio, Maori language and various related topics is presented within this study. Sections within this thesis are dedicated to discussing: • the evolution of radio broadcasting within New Zealand, • the rise of Maori broadcasting, • the struggle for language survival, • the current position of the Maori language, • findings from the Te Reo Paho research project, • the process of establishing a Maori radio station for the tribe of Tiihoe, and • providing a comparative study of Maori- and Irish-language radio. Collectively these different sections combine to tell the story of Maori radio and its journey to revive the Maori language. This narrative explores Maori radio at a micro level by discussing the possibilities of establishing a Maori radio station for the tribe of - 18 - Tiihoe, and at a macro level by exploring the similarities between Maori radio and Irish radio, giving this thesis an international context. What gives credibility to this study are the many findings produced after five years of in­ depth research on Maori radio broadcasting by Te Reo Paho. These findings give an accurate assessment of the current position of Maori radio (Te Reo Piiho, Final Report, 2003; Te Reo Piiho, Final Report, 2005) as well as the contribution of this medium to Maori-Ianguage revitalisation. This unique and groundbreaking study has produced both exciting and perplexing findings which are further examined and discussed within this thesis. These data are used to spearhead the findings and conclusions drawn in additional chapters of this study. This thesis is primarily concerned with the impact Maori radio is having on Maori­ language revitalisation. Therefore the vast majority of the findings, graphs, tables, quotes and discussions presented within this study are based on Maori language. Yet the data collected by Te Reo Paho was actually more extensive than just Maori-Ianguage issues. The research also included infonnation on listening preferences, programming, music, preferred listening times, frequency and satisfaction levels. However, for the purposes of this thesis most of this information has been excluded, and findings related to the Maori language have taken precedence. 1 .3 The Thesis This opening chapter establishes the nature of this study. It is here that the origins of this work are examined and the background of this thesis is revealed. Once an understanding of the background and origins of this work are captured, the next logical step is to explain the purpose of this thesis. Therefore, much of this chapter will describe the process of how this research project developed into a PhD study. The second component of the first chapter is the establishment of the structural framework of this paper. The structure will determine the shape and style of the study, as well as the major issues discussed. This section deals with the unique Tiihoe methodology that has been applied to this thesis, and its relevance to the author as well as the subject matter. Chapter Two is a historical overview of radio broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand. This section explores the emergence of radio in Aotearoa New Zealand and its evolution - 19- over the decades since its inception. Much of this history is closely related to the political atmosphere of the time; key personalities responsible for shaping New Zealand radio will be examined. This chapter deals with period from the emergence of the first Maori broadcasters and Maori radio personalities through to the eventual establishment of twenty-one Maori radio stations. It is in this chapter that the rise of Maori broadcasting and Maori radio will be discussed, along with the establishment of Te Mangai Paho. Chapter Three concentrates on the central topic of this entire thesis, which is the Maori language. To begin, this chapter briefly examines the Maori language, exploring its origins and situation before colonisation. Chapter Three moves on to discuss the impact colonisation had on the Maori language and how the language was pushed to the brink of extinction. This section further describes the renaissance of the language and the development of Maori-Ianguage initiatives. It is within this section that the birth and spread of kohanga reo (Maori-Ianguage preschools) and kura kaupapa (Maori-Ianguage schools) are examined, leading into the growth of Maori studies at universities and the opening of wananga Maori (tribally based universities). The enactment of the Maori Language Act ( 1987) is crucial in understanding the push for acknowledgement and respect for the Maori language, and includes the establishment of Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori. It was within this context and environment that modem Maori radio was born. The purpose of Maori radio was to broadcast the language, to ensure its survival and to include it as part of everyday life. Chapter Three is in fact the underpinning section of this thesis, which is about the Maori language. While the subject may be Maori radio, the common thread connecting all these different aspects is language. Therefore Chapter Three will be vital in explaining why Maori radio developed as it has, and understanding the importance of Maori radio in ensuring the perpetuation of the language. Chapter Four is concerned with the methodology used by Te Reo Paho for collecting its data and compile its findings. The Te Reo Paho project is based on a Maori methodology. Chapter Four discusses the importance and relevance of Maori research and the implementation of Maori-specific methodologies. This section also deals with Maori research principles and Te Reo PallO'S compliance with Massey University'S human ethics policies. - 20 - Chapters Five and Six reveal the quantitative and qualitative findings respectively. Both chapters are interconnected, with the fifth chapter concentrating on the statistical findings from the research with graphs and various permutations giving a percentage response to questions posed in the survey sheets. This is different from Chapter Six which deals more with themes, feelings and the general comments that arose from the 1 95 focus­ group interviews. Chapter Seven is perhaps a study in its own right. The Te Reo Paho project provided a basis for beginning to establish a Maori radio station for the iwi of Tiihoe. Tiihoe is the sixth largest iwi in the country, and the only tribe (out of the seventeen numerically largest tribes) that doesn't receive funding from Te Mangai Paho for a radio station. Chapter Seven explores the journey that has been undertaken by the Tiihoe Waikaremoana Maori Trust Board to create an iwi radio station for Tiihoe. This section discusses the processes, trials and tribulations in securing a station for the tribe and how this project has developed. Chapter Eight deals with Irish-language radio, and its interconnectedness with Maori radio. This chapter briefly examines similar indigenous language broadcasters who use radio as a means to transmit their language to listeners. Specifically, this chapter concentrates on over eighty years of Irish-language broadcasting in Ireland and examines the impact Irish radio is having on language revitalisation. While there are polarised differences between the culture and language of the Maori and the Irish, there are also shared experiences and similar circumstances, especially around language revitalisation. These shared encounters reveal an interconnectedness between these two different cultures. By examining these links, both cultures can learn from each other, and better understand how radio might be used for strengthening indigenous languages. For Maori, understanding the Irish experience - which has seen another indigenous culture use the radio as a tool for language revitalisation - might hold vital clues for the future of Maori radio. Chapter Nine completes this thesis, re-exammmg my arguments, and providing conclusions to the various issues raised throughout this study. It will answer questions related to Maori radio, Maori language, a Tiihoe radio station and the international - 2 1 - context of Maori radio with regard to its shared experience with Ireland. Finally this thesis will answer the question; what impact is Maori radio having on Maori-Ianguage revitalisation? 1 .4 Thesis Methodology The methodological structure of this thesis is based on a unique Tiihoe model, which uses the wharenui (traditional Maori meeting house) as a framework. I attribute this methodology to Professor Pou Temara who, in his MA thesis, 'Te .Ahua 6 Nga Kupu Whakaari' ( 1 991), implements this structure. However, for the purposes of my own study I have further developed and extended this model to better suit my own particular research area. I must stress that while I attribute this structure and its academic application to Pou Temara, its origins are actually found within my own tribal group, Tuhoe. Using the wharenui as a framework is a traditional Tiihoe convention, and has been applied by Tiihoe in a number of different fonus. In this thesis I have expanded on Pou Temara's work in adapting a traditional structure created by our ancestors and applied this to an academic environment. The questions must be posed, what is a wharenui? What is its purpose? To answer these questions Simmons (1997: 8) writes that: The Maori view of the world can be characterised by a figure holding out his arms to encompass the past while the unknown future lies behind his back . . . The key to the Maori universe is te whare riinanga, the meeting house, on its marae. It is the focal point for the spiritual, ancestral, chiefly and tribal values of the marae. It is the place called the Tiirangawaewae, a place on which to stand, where grievances are laid out and solutions found. It is a place where the dead are farewelled and the living praised. The central focal point of Maori society is the wharenui. Nearly all community activities are conducted in or around the meeting house, and it is a multipurpose structure fulfilling the role of community centre, sleeping quarters, meeting room, church, classroom, court, dance hall and at times even dining room. These ancestral houses give related kin an identity and spiritual connection to a particular area. When Maori gather they will often recite their history, announcing the names of local landmarks, mountains, rivers, the name of their marae and also the name of their ancestral house as a means of establishing identity. - 22 - Figure 1: Wharenui Interior and Exterior The wharenui is in essence the anthropomorphic representation of an ancestor. It is constructed in the shape of the human body, with the front of the house having a face (koruru), and outstretched arms and hands (mahau) welcoming people inside (see figure 2). The interior of the house has a visible spine (tahll) and rib cage (heke) forming the internal shell of the house and the body of the ancestor. When wharenui are constructed, a strict spiritual process is followed and is even applied to the collection of building materials: 'before cutting down a tree in the forest for building a house, a Tohunga (priest) would chant a rite to pacify nga atua (the gods) before cutting and killing one of the children of Tane with human hands' (Papakura 193 8 : 290). All aspects of building the house, the materials, tools and workers must adhere to certain spiritual protocols while the wharenui is being constructed (Taylor 1966: 1 1 ). Its eventual completion and ceremonial opening is a widely celebrated event involving final incantations, ceremony and the gathering of extended kin. The building of wharenui is the apex of Maori carpentry, architecture and art, drawing on the resources of the whole - 23 · - community in its establishment. This community involvement has seen the development of unique wharenui particular to an area or tribal group. The whare whakairo formed the peak of Maori architectural development and, as every tribe had its expert builders, many differences occurred in technical details and in the terms applied to the various parts. (Buck 1977: 122) In light of the unique differences between areas and tribes, and the fact that this methodology is based on a traditional Tiihoe framework, the structure for this thesis is modelled on an actual TUhoe wharenui. I have used Te Whai a Te Motu, the wharenui that stands on Mataatua Marae in Ruatahuna as my model. 6 This particular wharenui has been chosen for three reasons. First, this carved house is acknowledged as the central wharenui for the whole tribe of Tiihoe. Adorning the internal walls of this wharenui are carved figures that represent the many ancestors of TUhoe. It seems only appropriate that I use this house to model my theory. Second, this house is a fine example of a wharenui, with each component of the house visible to all. This is important in explaining the interconnectedness of the various sections of the house that create a complete wharenui. And finally, I have chosen Te Whai a Te Motu because it is my ancestral house that stands on my ancestral land. My family descend from generations of people who have lived in Ruatahuna, and we have always called the area our home. The house is a rallying point for my kin, my family and I, and we are all connected to this wharenui. The wharenui is a manifestation of who we are as a people, and we are descendents of our ancestor TUhoe who is personified in the wharenui. Essentially, this actual wharenui is a perfect structure for me to base my thesis upon. 1 .4.1 Tabu Most architects and builders would suggest that the mainstay of a building or any structure is the foundation, and the building of a house would start at the floor and finish at the roof. The traditional Maori mind would disagree, and in fact work in reverse. To the Maori it was not the foundation that supported the house, but rather the ridgepole: ' . . . the ridge-pole may be said to support the house' (Best 1952: 243). 6 F igures I and 2 of this thesis are not exact diagrams of the Te Whai a Te Motu wharenui in Ruatahuna. However, these images do illustrate the different components of a wharenui, and the general structure is not drastically dissimilar to Te Whai a Te Motu. - 24 - This is not to say Maori gave no consideration to the building' s foundation. Rather it suggests that the initial goal was to establish a solid ridgepole. Once the general area had been marked out and pegs placed in the corners, the most important task was to erect the ridgepole. This was done by erecting two posts, one where the front of the house was to be, and one at the rear. Buck explains this process by stating the rear pole was called the pou-tuarongo and the front the pou-tahu (Buck 1 977: 1 23). It was on these two posts the ridgepole or tabu was placed, and it was on this ridgepole that the whole house rested. Makereti Papakura ( 1 93 8 : 296) describes the connection between the pou-tuarongo, pou­ tabu and the tabu when she writes: ' . . . the two poutauhu supported the ridgepole which was the mainstay of the whole house' . Therefore the particular Maori mind believes the house i s built on the ridgepole as opposed to being built on the foundation. Likewise, the structure of this thesis will follow the construction of the wharenui, and all the separate components of this work will be suspended from the ridgepole or the tabu. So the tabu of this PhD thesis will be the first chapter. It is in this chapter that the purpose and scope of this work will be established along with the structure and methodology. A prime example of how the first chapter of a thesis can be related to the tabu of the wharenui is given by Pou Temara ( 1 991 : 2 1 ) : Tuatahi ka whakatakotohia e au ko te tabu 0 te whare. No konei nga kupu e ki nei 'te tabu 0 te korero. ' Ko te tabu 0 te korero he rite ki te timatanga, ki te upoko ranei 0 ta te Pakeha tauira. Kei konei e whakapuakina ana nga tino take o te kaupapa. (Translation: First I will establish the ridgepole. This process is the origin of the saying, te tabu 0 te korero. The tabu 0 te korero is like an opening chapter if you were to follow a western academic structure. This is where the major themes are explored.) 1 .4.2 Heke Descending from the tabu inside the house are the rafters or heke. The heke symbolise the ribs of the ancestral house, and they are often painted with various Maori designs. It is not unusual for TUhoe wharenui to have scenes painted on the heke (Mead, 1 986: 1 05) as is the case for Te Whai a Te Motu. The top of the rafters rested on the ridgepole and - 25 - the base was settled on the head of the poupou, or carved figures on the walls of the house. As stated by Pou Temara ( 1 99 1 : 20) in relation to whaikorero (formal Maori speeches), the second speaker is referred to as the whakaheke, or heke. Often his role included genealogy and history. On the basis of this theory, the heke of my methodology will be the second chapter. I have done this primarily because this chapter discusses the history of radio in Aotearoa New Zealand and the evolution of Maori radio. It is Chapter Two that identifies prominent people who influenced the development of Maori radio and radio in general. The point could be raised that Chapter Two is linked to the heke because it is the chronology and history of Maori radio. 1 .4.3 Pou-te-rangianiwaniwa The vertical pole at the back wall of the house has a number of terms depending on which tribal area you are in. To some it is called pou-tauhu-i-te-tungaroa (Papakura, 1 938 : 295); to others its correct label i s pou-tuarongo (Buck, 1 977: 1 24). In Tiihoe this portion of the wharenui is called pou-te-rangianiwaniwa, and on this pole rests one end of the tabu. The whole back wall of the house is generally carved with vertical figures called epa. When wharenui are to be constructed, the back wall of the house is where the mauri, or life essence of the wharenui is deposited. This mauri is normally represented by a special whatu mauri or spiritual rock that is buried where the pou-te-rangianiwaniwa will stand (Temara, 1 99 1 : 22). This means the back wall of the wharenui has a special quality, making it unique. Pou-te-rangianiwaniwa is the third chapter of this study. This chapter is formulated around the Maori language, which is the essence, or the mauri, of this thesis. Without this special and unique language there would be no need for Maori radio, and this thesis would fail to exist. Likewise, without a mauri or life force in the wharenui, it is nothing more than a building and fails to live. - 26 - 1.4.4 Pou-te-wharau The pou-te-wharau is the Tuhoe tenn for the post situated on the front wall, to the right hand side as you enter the door of the wharenui (Ibid. : 2 1 ). This post holds up the front end of the ridgepole while the pou-te-rangiiiniwaniwa holds the back end. Within this thesis the pou-te-wharau is represented by Chapter Four, which is based on the methodology used by the Te Reo Pabo project. The research completed by Te Reo Pabo plays a significant role within this study, and the findings and feedback are crucial in supporting the issues raised in following chapters. Because the tabu is the structure and everything is connected to it, the posts on the back and front walls are fundamental to supporting the tabu and keeping it in place. Therefore it is important that in my wharenui methodology the pou-te-rangianiwaniwa and pou-te­ wharau are major aspects of the thesis and support the structure. This is why the pou-te­ rangianiwaniwa is the Maori language, which is the essence of this thesis, and the pou-te­ wharau is the research methodology from which many of the findings of this paper are derived. 1 .4.5 Poupou Arguably the most aesthetically appealing features of the interior of the wharenui are the poupou, or the carved figures that line the walls. The general style of poupou, its shape, size and manner in which it is carved may depend on the region you are in, the materials available and even the ability of the carver. Tuhoe has a uniquely recognisable style of carving that is very similar to that of other Mataatua tribes, but in particular N gati Awa (Mead, 1 986: 1 0 1-2). More work by Roger Neich at the National Museum has uncovered evidence indicating a defined Tuhoe style of carving. While the poupou had a structural purpose in supporting the lower end of the rafters (Papakura, 1 938 : 3 0 1 ) they were also symbolic and were carved to represent ancestors. On this dual role of the poupou Sir Peter Buck ( 1 977: 1 23) comments that: The side walls (tara, pakitara) were supported by wall posts (poupou) of wide, thick slabs from one to three feet in width and three to nine inches in thickness. The outer surface was flat and the inner surface slightly convex and carved in human fonns named after ancestors. - 27 - The poupou of this house are the quantitative findings from the Te Reo Paho project represented in Chapter Five. Like the poupou, it could be argued that these findings are the most aesthetically appealing feature of the thesis, especially from a scientific research point of view. The data collected and the consequent findings within this study will more than likely attract the most attention, as it gives direct answers to questions, and produces evidence that supports the position of this thesis. 1.4.6 Tukutuku Situated in the wall spaces between the poupou are the tukutuku, or reed-woven patterns on a lattice-like frame. Similar to the poupou, the tukutuku panels are artistically attractive and rather eye catching. Erenora Puketapu-Hetet ( 1 999: 29-30) outlines the process of constructing tukutuku: Traditionally, tukutuku are woven with kiekie and pingao on to a lattice-like frame of kakaho and wooden slats, the wooden slats being coloured with wood stain or paint. The kakaho form the vertical weaving material, while the wooden slats are the horizontal weaving base. The vertical kakaho and the horizontal wooden slats are set into a wooden frame. The tukutuku is normally woven with a person in front setting the pattern or guiding the person at the back of the panel. Threading the kiekie or pingao through the kakaho and slats backwards and forwards from front to back is a game of patience. Because of its proximity to the poupou and its connected artistic beauty, the tukutuku represents Chapter Six of this research. Chapter Six presents the qualitative findings based on the feedback from the Te Reo Paho focus-group discussions. These findings are closely related to the information in Chapter Five just as the tukutuku are closely related to the poupou. 1 .4.7 Mahau The mahau is Chapter Seven where the establishment of a radio station for Tiihoe is discussed. The mahau of the wharenui is the open porch area in front of the door and window of the wharenui. There are suggestions that this is at times built slightly less in width than the rest of the house (Buck, 1 977: 128-29). - 28 - The mahau is an area of the house where many activities happen and much discussion takes place. Often this discussion is of an informal nature, and virtually any topic is open for debate and rebuttal. Hence I have included the mahau to symbolise the discussion around the formation of a radio station for TUhoe. Figure 2: Wharenui as viewed from front 1 .4.8 Maihi/Raparapa �.------ T ekoteko Marae nui atea o Tumat8luenga Chapter Eight examines the international context of Maori radio, and explores the interconnectedness with another indigenous-language broadcaster. Chapter Eight is the maihi and the raparapa of the wharenui . A good explanation of the maihi and raparapa is given by Buck ( 1 977: 1 29): The barge-boards (maihi) were wide planks which were dubbed out with a longitudinal flange (papawai) on the back near the lower edge. The flange rested on the front rafter and the barge-board thus covered the front edge of the roof. The upper ends were cut obliquely so as to form a vertical j oin at the - 29 - gable apex. They were supported near the lower ends by upright slabs termed amo which covered the front edges of the side walls. The barge-boards projected beyond the amo uprights and these parts termed raparapa were covered with pierced carvings. From an anthropomorphic viewpoint, the maihi and raparapa are the arms and hands of the ancestor open wide in a welcoming embrace. They speak out, no matter who you are or where you come from, saying ' Welcome' , ' Haere mai ' . For this reason the maihi and raparapa are Chapter Eight. Regardless of the fact that this section of the thesis is concerned with another culture and indigenous broadcaster, the open nature of the wharenui ensures a place for this topic within the methodology of this thesis. 1 .4.9 Tekoteko The tekoteko projected above the gable apex as a finial and it was usually named after an ancestor. (Ibid. : 129) The final chapter is the conclusion, which re-examines the major themes raised in this study and concludes the main arguments. It would be safe to suggest that the conclusion is the ' icing on the cake', or where the whole thesis is gathered together into a final synopsis. Again, this is just what the tekoteko on a wharenui is, a smaller version of the wharenui, which is the personification of an ancestor. It too is the finishing touch to the building, holding the supreme vantage point at the front, on top of the house. 1 .4. 1 0 Pou-toko-manawa The final component of my wharenui is the pou-toko-manawa or the central pole in the middle of the house, connecting the tabu to the floor. The purpose of this post is to support the middle of the tahu to ensure that it does not break and the house collapse in on itself (Temara: 1 99 1 : 20). One translation of pou-toko-manawa is the post which supports the heart (Papakura, 1 938: 304), so it could be concluded that it is the heart of the house. F or the framework of this thesis, the pou-toko-manawa is the hypothesis, which like the pou-toko-manawa, connects the house together. The hypothesis is at the heart of the thesis, and is the common thread running through the complete document. Without this vital element the thesis will become unstable and collapse, just like the house. The - 30 - hypothesis of this thesis is to examine the impact Maori radio i s having on Maori­ language revitalisation. 1.5 Conclusion This first chapter has established the tabu or ridgepole of this thesis. The origins of this PhD have been explained and the purpose of this study described. As previously discussed, this study is primarily concerned with the Maori language, and the hypothesis of this research is to understand the impact Maori radio is having on Maori-Ianguage revitalisation. This first chapter has established the framework upon which this entire work is structured. Using a distinctive TUhoe methodology, the wharenui, this first chapter has set in place the tabu or ridgepole. It is on the tabu that the following chapters shall rest, and the construction of the remainder of this document will follow the process of building a wharenui. If I am able to emulate the efforts of my ancestors and construct a thesis in a similar fashion to how they constructed wharenui, then it is my belief that my thesis shall weather the rigour of academic scrutiny, just as the wharenui weathers the harsh winds of Tawhirimatea (Maori god of weather). - 3 1 - CHAPTER TWO HEKE 'Hokia ki to maunga kia purea ai koe e nga hau 0 Tiiwhirimatea ·7 2. 1 Introduction 2.2 History of radio broadcasting in New Zealand 2.3 History of Maori radio 2.4 Te Mangai Paho 2.5 Te Mangai Paho 1993 to present 2.6 Conclusion 2.1 Introduction This chapter explores the history of radio broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand, from its infancy at the turn of the twentieth century, through to its present position. This exploration discusses early attempts made to establish radio in Aotearoa New Zealand, examines the role played by the Government, and profiles a number of people who were influential in shaping radio into the medium it is today. This chapter then concentrates on the history of Maori radio broadcasting, tracing its origins and historical path through to the current structure. Finally this chapter examines the development of Te Mangai Paho, the Maori broadcasting funding agency, its role and its contribution to Maori radio. The aim of this chapter is to recount the history of radio in Aotearoa New Zealand, including Maori radio, and to give the reader some background to the subject matter. 2.2 History of Radio Broadcasting in New Zealand It would be an impossibility to disconnect the history of radio broadcasting from Aotearoa New Zealand's political past. To understand this communication medium and how it took its present shape, a broad approach must be taken in order to fully comprehend its complex nature. Politics was not alone in influencing the evolution of 7 My translation: ' Return to your mountain and let your spirit be healed by the winds of Tawhirimatea (Maori god of wind). ' For me this Tiihoe proverb directs people to return to their origins and embrace their past. By understanding our history we will better determine our future. - 32 - radio broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand. Prominent people and organisations, as wel l as the everyday listener, all influenced its development. When these factors are combined and seasoned with government motives, individual agendas and the view of the society of the day, radio broadcasting can be viewed as more or less the result of many contributors. The same can be said about Maori radio and its development, which was, and continues to be, dependent on the mainstream broadcasting establishment. Regardless of one's personal feelings about Aotearoa New Zealand's broadcasting establishment, it was through the mainstream media that Maori broadcasting became a reality. However, this was the last thing on the minds of those innovative pioneers who began to experiment with sound waves more that 1 00 years ago. Broadcasting itself owes much to New Zealanders such as Ernest Rutherford (Airey, 2005 : 99) who, in 1 894, was conducting experiments on wireless transmissions at Canterbury University College in Christchurch by sending Herzian waves from one end of the physics laboratory to the other and through walls. However, while Rutherford continued to experiment with magnetising and demagnetising steel and iron, by rapidly alternating electric currents and receiving a wireless signal, he fai led to pursue this science further than the lab. Rather, it is an Italian physicist, Guglielmo Marconi, who is acknowledged as the father of radio waves (Wedlake, 1 973). In 1 895, one year after Rutherford conducted his own experiments, Marconi successfully transmitted long-wave radio signals. More significant was the sending of a radio signal across the Atlantic by Marconi in 1 90 1 , and his efforts were rewarded when he received the Nobel Prize for physics in 1 909. But the endeavours of Rutherford have not been forgotten as Hall (Hall, 1 980 1 0) records: 'Rutherford began . . . what Marconi completed ' . Still, many New Zealanders were continuing to experiment with radio waves, and III Dunedin, in 1 899, two teachers were sending energy waves to each other (Day, 1 994: 1 1- 1 2). While there was no sound involved, this was still another step in the direction of radio broadcasting. It was only appropriate that such experiments be conducted in Dunedin, for some years later it was in this southern centre that Aotearoa New Zealand radio would be born. Amazingly, some seventeen years before radio emerged onto the scene, the Aotearoa New Zealand Government moved to legislate for state control of radio waves. In fact, - 33 - Aotearoa New Zealand was the first country to establish government control over radio. It was Richard John Seddon, Prime Minister at the time, who introduced the New Zealand Wireless Telegraphy Act ( 1903), and while it may have primarily focused on wireless telegraphy, it would have far-reaching effects for radio some twenty years later. The Act stipulates : . . . establish stations for the purpose of receiving and transmitting messages by what is known as 'wireless telegraphy' , including in that expression every method of transmitting messages by electricity otherwise than by wires, whether such method is in use at the time of the passing of this Act or is hereafter discovered or applied.8 This Act was to be the first of many politically motivated moves by the Government in assuming control over broadcasting. As the above Act indicates, even before radio was invented, the Aotearoa New Zealand Government had begun to establish a framework for it to be administered. It was from this point that the Aotearoa New Zealand Government would play the central role in the creation of broadcasting within this country. By 1 91 4 research into broadcasting had taken an academic turn, and students were experimenting in institutions such as Canterbury University College. Initial experiments were concerned with receiving signals, but soon after, students were examining the possibilities of transmitting them (Mackay, 1 95 3 : 20). Progress, however, was slow, as is to be expected when working with a total ly new phenomenon, but more so because the nation was preoccupied by the perils of World War One. While wireless telegraphy or the transmission of radio waves (Morse code) had become common, the transition to voice transmission was another issue. By the end of World War One, many countries returned to a settled lifestyle and it was in this environment that radio broadcasting became a reality (Wilson, 1994 : 1 1 4). While experiments into voice transmission were taking place all over the world, it was America that led the way in establishing radio broadcasting. In 1 920 the Westinghouse Company opened the world' s first radio station, KDKA in Pittsburgh Pennsylvania (Wood, 1 992 : 1 3 ). This pioneer station began broadcasting voice and music to listeners lucky enough to build, and then eventually buy, receivers. It was only one year after the establishment of KDKA, that the first Aotearoa New Zealand station began broadcasting 8 NZ Wireless Telegraphy Act 1 903 - 34 - from Dunedin. In the evening of 1 7 November 1 92 1 Professor Robert Jack and his two assistants, John Sutherland and Edgar Finlayson, broadcast their first programme. The programme was put on air on a small transmitter that the trio had assembled at Otago University, and was the beginning of a series of two-hour-Iong broadcasts that occurred on Wednesdays and Saturdays until Christmas. Many kilometres north in Wellington, Clive Drummond, a member of the public, was listening to his homemade receiver when he suddenly heard 'Come into the Garden Maud' , a popular song of the time. He realised later that this broadcast had come from Professor Jack in Dunedin. The actual frequency was received as far north as Hamilton. Soon after, Professor Jack and his team were issued with a broadcasting licence from the New Zealand Post Office. The tenns of the licence were to: ' . . . engage in research connected with wireless transmission of vocal and musical items' (Downes & Harcourt, 1 976: 1 0). In only three months Wellington saw its own station come to life. Charles Forrest began broadcasting speech and music from Courtenay Place in February 1 922. This was closely fol lowed by Douglas Shipherd and Robert Burrell in April 1 922, who began operating a service from the Strand Arcade in Auckland. Both new stations had commercial motivation as they were linked directly to companies and shops that sold radio equipment. Looking to cash-in on a possible untapped market, they moved to supply both the equipment and the service. Two more electrical finns opened stations in Dunedin, followed by a second station for Wellington in August 1 922 and a further station in Christchurch before the end of the year. By the end of 1 922, seven stations were in operation in Aotearoa New Zealand and official pennits had been issued for 5 72 receivers. Before 1 923 a receiver or transmitter owner had to apply to the Post and Telegraphy Department for broadcasting purposes. Under the Post and Telegraphy Act 1 920 there was no charge, even though applicants were scrutinised by the Department. As this new phenomenon of radio began to take shape, government officials became concerned with the possible influence stations could have over the public. Questions were raised about government control and censorship. Responding to a question in the House, Postmaster General Gordon Coates stated that the Government had no intention of operating broadcasting, and that it would be left to the private sector to detennine how the medium developed (Ibid. : 69). However, this did not mean the Government would not regulate what programmes could be broadcast by radio stations. In 1 923 there was - 3 5 - further political intervention into the broadcasting arena, and Coates gazetted the first regulations for radio broadcasting. The regulations required all private individuals who operated stations to comply with a set of conditions under new licences issued by the Post and Telegraphy Department. The regulations stipulated that: . . . prospective broadcasters had to satisfy the Government as to their character, and undertake to give priority to religious programmes for a period of three hours each Sunday. Broadcasts were restricted to matters of 'an educative or entertainment character such as news, lectures, useful information, religious services, musical or elocutionary entertainment and other items of general interest that might be approved by the minister from time to time' . (Mackay, 1 953 : 2 1 ) Under the new regulations owners of receivers were made to pay an annual fee of Ss, and stations paid £2. Stations were instructed on what material they could broadcast, and astonishingly, they were denied the right to advertise. The prohibition of advertising and strict government control would haunt private radio in Aotearoa New Zealand for many years, and eventually forced many stations out of business. For many, the actions of 1 923 would echo for the next fifty years, and as Mackay comments: 'This timidity associated with the control of New Zealand broadcasting was certainly exemplified in these first regulations, for nowhere else in the English speaking world was broadcasting so rigidly controlled' (Ibid. : 2 1 ). By the end of 1 923 there were eleven stations operating in the country. They were: 1 Y A Radio Services Ltd, Auckland 1 YB Auckland 2YM Gisborne 2AH Wanganui 2YA Nelson 2YK Wellington 2YB Wellington 3AC Radio Society of Christchurch 4 Y A British Electrical & Engineering Co, Dunedin 4YO Radio Supply Co, Dunedin 4AB Otago Radio Association, Dunedin - 36 - By 1 925 the Government decided to enter into a contract with any party willing to operate a station in each of the four main centres (Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch, Dunedin). The Government felt that the time had come to assemble all the fragmented stations under one authority. To fund this proposed company, licence fees increased from five shillings to thirty shillings on 1 April . Four stations - I YA, 2YK, 3AC and 4YA - were chosen and offered a government subsidy. These four stations would eventually be assimilated by an organisation created by the Government. On 30 August 1 925 the Radio Broadcasting Company of New Zealand Ltd (RBCNZ) was established, being the first Aotearoa New Zealand radio broadcasting service. William Goodfellow was RBCNZ Chairperson and A. R. Harris the General Manager. The RBCNZ then took control of the four subsidised stations broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand' s main centres. The RBCNZ quickly made improvements to the national radio service by increasing signal coverage, ensuring better listening quality and improving the standard of programmes. By March 1 926 the RBCNZ had 3,588 registered listeners, and this figure had risen to 30,000 by September 1 927 (Downes & Harcourt, 1 976: 33). While those stations protected by the RBCNZ continued to grow, privately owned and operated stations, or ' B stations' as they were commonly known, felt the economic pinch of the Government' s control. These stations did not benefit from the licence fee paid by listeners, nor were they allowed to use advertising to raise revenue (Day, 1 994: 63). By 1 928 there were only a handful of B stations still in existence. The B stations banded together to lobby the Government to lift the advertising sanctions. While it was never confirmed, the Government did suggest that advertising regulations would eventually be lifted allowing B stations to generate an income. This saw an increase of 30 B stations over the next three years, all prospecting on the hope that advertising would offer a solution to their problem (Downes & Harcourt, 1 976: 8 1 ). This hope was to be in vain, and the Government would spend many more years restricting private stations. Changes were again on the table after 1 929, when unexpectedly the United Party were elected into Government. This period was also affected by the New York stock market crash of 1 929, which saw the world's economy slump into a depression. By 1 93 1 the Coalition Government moved to take control over the RBCNZ. In August, a Bill was - 37 - introduced into Parliament, which saw the end of the RBCNZ and the introduction of the New Zealand Broadcasting Board (NZBB) under the 1 93 1 Broadcasting Act. The Act stipulated that: The Board, if and when required by the Minister so to do shall require from him . . . any broadcasting stations, plant, and other assets that the Minister may acquire from the Radio Broadcasting Company of New Zealand.9 Authority was passed from the RBCNZ to the NZBB at the stroke of midnight, 3 1 December 1 93 1 . Its new General Manager was E. C . Hands who set about increasing the numbers of radio listeners. Under the new regime there were frequency reallocations, signal improvements and audience-survey research. By 1 93 3 there were thirty-nine stations operating in Aotearoa New Zealand. Thirty-one stations were privately owned B stations and eight were controlled by the NZBB. In 1 934 the Government introduced the Broadcasting Amendment Act. This particular piece of legislation gave the NZBB authority over all programmes broadcast in Aotearoa New Zealand, including those from the private B stations. Section 6, subsection 2 of the Act states that: . . . the Board shall have the duty of supervising all programmes to be transmitted from broadcasting stations, and for that purpose may prohibit either absolutely or subj ect such conditions as it thinks fit to impose the transmission from any broadcasting station of any programme or part of programme which in its opinion is unsuitable for broadcasting. 1 0 Furthermore, it restricted any form o f advertising o n air. Section 7 o f the Act reads: No advertisement intended for the pecuniary benefit of any person shall be transmitted from any broadcasting station, whether operated by the Board or by any other person. 1 1 At this time Reverend Colin G. Scrimgeour, or ' Scrim' as he was known, had become an enormously popular and influential announcer on Auckland' s l ZB. Scrim decided to take up the B-station cause and campaigned vigorously against the Government' s new policies. He released pamphlets such as 'The Scandal of New Zealand Broadcasting', 9 New Zealand Broadcasting Act 1 93 1 10 New Zealand Broadcasting Amendment Act 1 934 1 1 New Zealand Broadcasting Amendment Act 1 934 - 38 - and used his station to gather support in the country 's biggest city. As the 1 935 elections loomed ever closer, Scrimgeour increased his attacks on the Government to the del ight of the opposition parties. This bitter struggle came to a sensational head on 24 November; just one day before poll ing began. It was expected that Scrimgeour would conclude his fight with the existing Government by trying to influence listeners to vote in a new Government and save the plight of B stations. However, just before he took to air, his station' s signal was purposefully jammed by another outside transmission. The next day rumour ran wild about who was responsible. The finger was pointed at the Government and the Prime Minister at the time, William Coates. Coates denied any knowledge or involvement, but the situation worsened for the Government when a portable transmitter was found on the grounds of a Post and Telegraph property in Newmarket. Ultimately Scrim got his wish, and in 1 935 the Labour Party, with a twenty-six seat majority, became the Government (Day, 1 994 : 204- 8). Newly elected Prime Minister M. J. Savage conferred on himself the role of Minister of Broadcasting immediately after the election. He made the decision to control radio by making two strategic moves. First, the NZBB was disbanded and the National Broadcasting Service (NBS) established. Professor James Shelley was appointed as Director, and the NBS represented the Government's established stations. Second, Savage acted to acquire the B stations. This was done by offering them the choice of selling their stations directly to the Government, or remaining private without the right of advertising. The B stations that agreed to sell to the Government were administered by a new body, the National Commercial Broadcasting Service (NCBS), and to appease Scrim, Savage made him Director. So by the end of 1 936, there were two separate services responsible for broadcasting and both were answerable directly to the Prime Minister. Unfortunately for the NCBS, Michael Savage died in the early 1 940s, and not long after, so did the service. The new Prime Minister, Peter Fraser, unlike Savage, was not fond of Scrimgeour and did all he could to have him removed. In 1 943, after a number of attempts, the Government finally removed him and both services were amalgamated under James Shelley and the NBS. - 39 - For the next twenty years, the structure of broadcasting remained relatively unchanged. Shelley remained in charge of the NBS until 1 949, when he resigned and returned to Great Britain. He was succeeded as Director of Broadcasting by William Yates, who saw listening numbers increase to 450,000 by 1 950 (Downes & Harcourt, 1 976: 1 45). By 1 953 the Post and Telegraph Department had in place high-fidelity lines which dramatically increased the coverage of radio signals. Then by 1 959 the Post Office had taken over the responsibil ity for granting broadcasting licences. There were no major changes until the introduction of a new Broadcasting Act in 1 96 1 . The Broadcasting Act ( 1 96 1 ) heralded a new beginning for Aotearoa New Zealand broadcasting. Influenced by the emergence of television in 1 960, the Government looked for a new authority to control both media. So, on 3 1 March, after nearly twenty-six years of operation, the NBS closed its doors, and power passed to the New Zealand Broadcasting Corporation (NZBC). The NZBC was an autonomous organisation responsible for all radio stations as well as the new television service. Under a new Director, Gilbert Stringer, the NZBC established the first broadcasting news service in 1 962. In 1 964 the National Programme began broadcasting out of Wellington, which was followed by the creation of an Overseas Programme Exchange in 1 965. However, the NZBC encountered a problem when in 1 966, a group of friends formed Radio Hauraki. This pirate station began broadcasting from the Tiri, a vessel equipped with broadcasting equipment and transmitting from international waters near Great Barrier Island. Radio Hauraki did its best to protest over the monopoly the Government had over the broadcasting industry (Cushens, 1 990: 43). The issue of monopoly was eventually solved when the National Government promised to provide for private broadcasters. It had taken the desperate efforts of Radio Hauraki to liberate the many private stations that had been held under the control of the Government for over thirty years. The National Party was defeated in the 1 972 election by the Labour Party, and Roger Douglas became Minister of Broadcasting. It was Douglas who granted autonomy to a separate radio network, the existing television channel and the new television channel TV Two. The whole broadcasting sector was restructured under the supervision of a - 40 - Broadcasting Council. By 1 975 government control had been removed from the radio stations, and the totally independent radio network was established, its name was Radio New Zealand. The Broadcasting Act ( 1 976), was passed on 9 December, and established the Broadcasting Corporation of New Zealand (BCNZ). Its role was to oversee all radio and television broadcasting. The BCNZ was to last until 1 989, when the Broadcasting Act ( 1 976) was replaced by the Broadcasting Act ( 1 989) and formed the Broadcasting Commission. The Commission, which became known as New Zealand on Air (NZOA), was divided into two separate state-owned enterprises, Television New Zealand (TVNZ) and Radio New Zealand. NZOA became part of a bigger government policy of deregulation and privatisation (Dougherty, 1 997: 202). One year after the establishment of the new broadcasting authority, the Government announced all radio frequencies would be put up for tender. This process, while disputed in particular by Maori, brought to an end the stringent government control of radio broadcasting. While the Government sti ll maintains an interest, and often plays a guidance role, the industry was now able to operate in an autonomous manner In 1 995 the Government opened the door for an independent Maori broadcasting agency, Te Mangai paho. This organisation assumed the responsibility from NZOA to administer funding for Maori broadcasting. Te Mangai Paho will be examined in more detail within fol lowing sections of this thesis (see 2.4 & 2.5). From crude experiments to modern broadcasting, the history of radio within Aotearoa New Zealand had been an intriguing journey to say the least. From humble beginnings at the turn of the century, it rose to become the most influential communication medium of its time. Radio broadcasting became intertwined with political agendas, individual motives and scandal on the often-bumpy road to its present situation. However, regardless of the many issues encountered by radio, it evolved into a powerful tool, with the ability to communicate, educate and motivate. Now having briefly described the rise of radio broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand, I want to return to examine the role played by Maori throughout its evolution. The next section of this study will concentrate - 4 1 - on the origins of Maori broadcasting and its struggle - for more than half a century - for recognition. 2.3 History of Maori Radio It could be argued that throughout its long history within Aotearoa New Zealand, radio broadcasting, and broadcasting in general, has paid l ittle attention to Maori aspirations. Radio began in Aotearoa New Zealand in 1 92 1 , but Maori radio would not be given an independent voice until 1 988 with the establishment of Te Opoko 6 Te Ika in Well ington. So, for wel l over sixty years Maori struggled to gain a foothold within the broadcasting arena. This section concentrates on the origins of Maori broadcasting and its growth through the decades. It wil l analyse the contribution of various people who established themselves within radio, and focus on the activities of the Maori organisations that created a legacy within the Maori broadcasting arena. This section will conclude by examining the fonnation of Maori radio and its expansion from one station in Well ington, to twenty-one spread throughout the country. It is unclear who the first Maori voice on radio was, yet it is known that Maori songs were being broadcast on air as early as 1 927, just five years after the first radio station went to air. During the opening programme of 2YA in Wellington in July 1 927, two Maori songs were perfonned by the Petone Maori Variety Entertainers. The songs are recorded as 'Pokare kare' and 'Waiata Maori ' . Later that year i n December, 2Y A devoted a whole evening's entertainment to Otaki Maori College. Included in this party was Kingi Tahiwi (Downes & Harcourt, 1 976: 45) who would become a well-known radio personality in Wellington. Such was the response to the programme that another took place in 1 928, and its impact is recorded by Downes & Harcourt ( 1 976: 46) : Reaction to that first programme was so good that a much more ambitious presentation was broadcast on 6 February 1928, Waitangi Day. A group of 30 perfonners from Wanganui took part in an elaborate pageant of Maori history, song and story. All four stations carried the programme, which was repeated at a later hour the following night for l isteners in Australia and the Pacific Islands. It was thought that no previous broadcast had reached so wide an audience. The above quotation shows that Maori programmes were welcomed by a wide audience, and before 1 930 had become international. But regardless of the success of such programmes, Maori inclusion into radio broadcasting was limited to songs, the occasional evening show and a few programmes. One of the first Maori-related programmes was - 42 - presented by J . F. Montague, a Pakeha 1 2 speaker of Maori. Montague broadcast a number of programmes in 1 928, dedicated to improving what he said to be the ' atrocious' pronunciation of Maori words (Day, 1 994: 1 24). In January 1 929 Montague was replaced by the first Maori radio announcer, Hare Hongi (Henry H. Stowell). Hongi was from the N ga Puhi tribe, and continued to broadcast his programme focused on Maori pronunciation and the meanings of Maori placenames and phrases (Ibid.). Nevertheless, it was not until 1 936, and the creation of the NZBS, that Maori gained a recognisable . . VOIce on alr. Uramo Paora (Lou Paul) began working for Auckland' s l ZB in 1 936. Paul broadcast a series of Maori legends based on Maori place names. His appointment was followed by three others : Kingi Tahiwi in Wellington to 2ZB, Te Ari Pitama in Christchurch to 3ZB and Arini Grennell in Dunedin to 4ZB. Veteran Maori broadcaster Henare Te Ua attributes these original Maori appointments to Professor James Shelley, Director of the NZBS: Ahorangi James Shelley, Tumu Matua 0 te whakapahotanga hou i roto i nga tau kotahi mano, iwa rau, tofU tekau, nana i tohua nga Maori tokowha, tokotahi i ia taone nui. I Tamaki Makaurau ko Lou Paul 0 Ngati Whatua, tetahi kaiwaiata, whakatangitangi pakakau hoki, i Te Whanga-nui-a-Tara a Kingi Tahiwi 0 Ngati Raukawa no te whanau Tahiwi e rongonui ana ki te whakatangitangi pakakau-i mate a Kingi i Awhirika ki te Raki i a ia i te Ope Taua Rererangi, i tohua a Te Ari Pitama 0 Ngai Tahii i Otautahi, me Airini Grennell 0 Wharekauri, ki Otepoti. (Translation: It was Professor James Shelley, Director of the new broadcasting authority in the 1 930s, who appointed four Maori announcers, one in each main centre. In Auckland there was Lou Paul from Ngati Whatua, who was a singer who played the xylophone, in Wellington there was Kingi Tahiwi from Ngati Raukawa from the well-known musical family Tahiwi . Kingi was killed in North Africa while serving in the air force, Te Ari Pitama from Ngai Tahu was appointed in Christchurch, and Airini Grennell from the Chatham Islands in Dunedin.) 1 3 Two other well-known broadcasters of the time were Henry Ngata and Charles Bennett, announcers in Wellington who went on to become well respected within Maoridom. 12 Pakeha is the Maori term non Maori or person of predominantly European descent (Wil l iams, 1992: 252). 1 3 Henare. Te Ua, Irirangi.net.nz-personal recol lections, p. I . - 43 - While these announcers were not employed to deliver any programmes in Maori , they did give Maori a presence in a Pakeha-dominated environment. They were the pioneers of Maori broadcasting, and much is owed to their efforts in breaking down the barriers for Maori within radio. The first Maori-I anguage programme was not broadcast until early 1 940. This was as a result of a col lection of Maori elders who lobbied the Government to broadcast the activities of the Maori Battalion during their campaign overseas in the Second World War. This request was granted and the doyen of Maori broadcasters, W iremu Parker of Ngati Porou, became the programme' s announcer. At the time Parker worked within the Education Department and was acknowledged for his language expertise in both English and Maori . H i s Maori programme lasted for fifteen minutes, was conducted total ly in Maori, and was the first of its kind. H owever, the Office of the Prime Minister control led the content of the programme. Parker translated the official releases that came from the Prime M inister' s office and broadcast this information on air. This changed after Wiremu Parker was approached by Maori leader B ishop Frederick Augustus Bennett, who requested he announce the death of a well-known Maori leader from Ngati Kahungunu. Henare Te Ua believes that Parker agonised over this request, then at the end of his broadcast, announced the message given to him by the Bishop. 14 The following day Parker informed Professor Shelley of what had occurred and expected to be discipl ined for straying from the format. I nstead he was given the authority to formulate his own programme content. Parker stayed broadcasting in Maori for forty years, and announced death notices, hui (Maori gatherings) information and other Maori-related activities. Following the example of Parker, Ted Nepia began broadcasting twenty minutes of Maori language each week on radio in Napier. Nepia was a returned serviceman of the 2 8 Maori Battalion, and was known to many Maori listeners for his Maori-Ianguage ability and ease of delivery. 14 Henare, Te Ua, Irirangi.net.nz-personal recol lections, p. l . - 44 - In 1 964 the NZBC formed a Maori programme section (Te Reo 5 Te Maori). It was headed by Leo Fowler who, along with Wiremu Kerekere of Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki, col lected recordings of Maori music and lore that had been assembled for over thirty years. Fowler and Kerekere were recognisable at many Maori gatherings around the country, broadcasting from various hui to listeners. The establishment of this section introduced a number of new Maori announcers to radio. As Te Ua states: Ko etahi 0 nga kaiwhakapaho Maori i uru atu ki tera wahanga ko Selwyn Muru o Ngati Kuri raua ko Haare Williams 0 Ngai TUhoe me Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki, i Tamaki Makaurau raua tahi e noho ana, i Te Whanga-nui-a-Tara ko Whai Ngata 0 Ngati Porou, ko Hamuera Mitchell 0 Te Arawa Waka ratou ko John R5pata. (Translation: Other Maori broadcasters introduced under the section were Selwyn Muru from Ngati Kuri and Haare Williams from TUhoe and Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki, they both stayed in Auckland. In Wellington there were Whai Nffata from Ngati Porou, Hamuera Mitchell from Te Arawa and John R5pata.) 5 Even though there was increased Maori-language broadcasting on air, the actual time allocated to Maori was minimal at best. Programmes catering for Maori needs were so few and scattered at different times on the national network, that one had to be a dedicated listener to follow them. A Maori news bulletin was heard only on Sunday evenings. There was a Maori half-hour on Wednesday evenings, a quarter-hour of Maori music on Friday, and a twenty-minute current affairs programme by Selwyn Muru on Saturday mornings. (Walker, 1 990: 269) The above quote shows the monocultural dominance of radio at the time. Maori were offered less than an hour and a half each week of Maori-focused programmes, compared with the hundreds of hours of non-Maori programmes broadcast for the same period. By 1 973 a collective of Maori organisations including the Auckland District Maori Council, Te Whare Wananga Maori Committee (Auckland), Te Reo Maori (Victoria University of Well ington), Nga Tamatoa (Victoria University of Wel lington), and Te Reo Irirangi Maori, banded together and made a submission for a Maori radio station to the Government's new Committee on Broadcasting. In the Committee' s report to Government, which became known as the Adams report ( 1 973), the under-representation of Maori on radio was noted and three major recommendations made: 15 Ibid., p. 2. - 45 - • That a Polynesian commercial station be set up in Auckland for the expression, enjoyment and understanding of New Zealand' s Polynesian cultures by New Zealanders for all cultures; • That as many as practicable of those operating the station should themselves share in one of the Polynesian cultures; • That a system of committees representative of Auckland's Polynesian communities be set up to furnish guidance on programme policies. (Te �angai Paho, 1 994: 1 2) Yet the recommendations contained m the report were disregarded by Government, which believed there was insufficient advertising revenue to justify a separate Maori radio station. Instead of a separate radio station, Maori and Pacific Islanders were granted a voice under a new section of Radio New Zealand. Te Reo 0 Aotearoa - 'the voice of New Zealand' began broadcasting in 1 978 and was dedicated not only to Maori language, but all languages and peoples of the Pacific. It was managed by Haare Williams and his Maori team which consisted of Te Piirewa Biddle and John Turei of Tiihoe, Te Pere Curtis of Te Arawa and Whai Ngata of Ngati Porou. Te Reo 0 Aotearoa continued to broadcast for the next twenty years, and it gave rise to another generation of Maori broadcasters including Hohua Tutengaehe of Ngai Te Rangi, Hahona Paraki from the far north, Pou Temara of Tiihoe, Te Awaroa Nepia of Ngati Hauiti and Ngati Porou, Te Maehe Pokipoki of Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki, Rongowhakaata and Ngati Porou, Hemana Waaka of Tiihoe and Te Arani Pe ita. Another influential Maori broadcaster of the time was Henare Te Ua, who began work with the NZBC in 1 960. After working stints in radio stations in Whangarei and Rotorua, he relocated in 1 978 to join the Te Reo 0 Aotearoa broadcasting team (Te Ua, 2005 : 1 93-1 98). While Te Reo 0 Aotearoa did improve the position of Maori radio broadcasting, it fell well short of the desire of Maori to operate their own autonomous radio station. In fact, the Royal Commission on Broadcasting criticised the limitations of Te Reo 0 Aotearoa in 1 986 when it reported that: 'Te Reo is, in essence, a truncated version of the Radio Polynesia recommended in the 1 973 Adam's Report' (Te Mangai Paho, Report on 1994 Consultations, Context and Policy Jor Funding Maori Broadcasting, 1 994: 1 6). - 46 - The 1 980s were an era in which Maori began to apply pressure on the Government to allocate more resources to Maori broadcasting. During the Hui Taumata (Maori exclusive summit) gathering of 1 984, the Minister of Maori Affairs, Koro Wetere, created a Maori Economic Development Committee to report back on a number of issues related to Maori development. Broadcasting was identified as an essential issue because of its ability to communicate to large numbers of Maori, and a subcommittee was formed. This broadcasting committee was chaired by Toby Curtis of Te Arawa, and included Donna Awatere of Ngati Porou and Te Arawa, Graeme Edwin, Derek Fox of Ngati Porou, Ernie Leonard of Te Arawa, Merata Mita and Don Selwyn of Ngati Maniapoto, Haare Williarns and Henare Te Ua. The Chairman, Toby Curtis, was scathing in his criticism of Radio New Zealand for providing less than 0.5% of Maori programmes in fifty years of broadcasting. In 1 985 the Maori Broadcasters' Association was formed which was subsequently fol lowed by the release of the Royal Commission on Broadcasting report in 1 986. This report urged the Crown to recognise the need for Maori to have a separate broadcasting medium. The Commission emphasised the need for Maori-language broadcasting, and stated that the media were partly responsible for the deterioration of Maori language because of their lack of support for its development. The mid to late eighties was a time of litigation for Maori in their pursuit of Maori broadcasting. In 1 984 Maori laid a claim to the Waitangi Tribunal based on the Maori language, and the Tribunal' s recommendations were released in 1 986, which supported Maori (Waitangi Tribunal, 1 986). Much of the Tribunal ' s report focused on Maori­ language support and the need for broadcasting to be a foundation for Maori-Ianguage survival. An additional claim was made to the Tribunal when the Crown moved to privatise radio frequencies in 1 989 and 1 990 (Waitangi Tribunal, 1 990). When the Government decided to separate the BCNZ into two state-owned enterprises, Maori again felt aggrieved enough to place an injunction on the Crown. Maori felt that the Government' s actions would prejudice future opportunities for Maori-Ianguage broadcasting, and that this was inconsistent with the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi . The case went to the High Court, then the Court of Appeal and finally the Privy Council in England. While unsuccessful, the case did add further momentum to the plight of Maori broadcasting. - 47 - With no government support, Nga Kaiwhakapfunau i Te Reo Maori (Wel lington Maori Language Board) acquired a non-commercial broadcasting licence and established Te Reo Irirangi 0 Te Opoko 0 Te Ika radio station in 1 988. Wellington's Te Opoko 0 Te Ika is acknowledged as the original Maori radio station, and became the catalyst for the establishment of additional Maori stations. Te Opoko 0 Te Ika's main concern was language broadcasting and as soon as it was launched began broadcasting continuous bilingual programmes. Te Opoko 0 Te Ika was accompanied in late 1 988 by Radio Aotearoa in Auckland. Radio Aotearoa was broadcasting for eight hours a day by June 1989 (Walker, 1 990: 270). Under the Broadcasting Act ( 1 989) the authority for broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand was vested in New Zealand on Air. Two state-owned enterprises then emerged, Radio New Zealand and Television New Zealand. New Zealand on Air also became responsible for Maori radio and began funding this medium in 1 990. New Zealand on Air was directed by the Minister of Broadcasting to support the development of Maori radio, and a certain percentage of the country's broadcasting fee was allocated for this purpose: NZ on Air has a special responsibility for broadcasting which promotes Maori language and culture. The Minister directed that at least six percent of the fee income (net of collection costs) be applied to Maori broadcasting. This six percent translated as $4.6 million. (NZ on Air Annual Report 1989-90: 6) By 1 990, the number of Maori radio stations had grown from two stations - Te Opoko 0 Te Ika and Radio Aotearoa - to include Radio Ngati Porou in Ruatoria, Radio Tautoko in Mangamuka, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Tainui in Ngaruawahia and Radio Te Arawa in Rotorua. At this stage Te Reo 0 Aotearoa was still in operation on Radio New Zealand, and the Mana Maori Media News Service had been established. The number of Maori stations had increased again by 1 99 1 from five to eighteen. The new additional stations were Te Reo Iriraki ki Otautahi in Christchurch, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Maniapoto in Te Kuiti, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Te Manuka Tlitahi in Whakatane, Te Reo Irirangi 6 Raukawa in Tokoroa, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Ngati Whatua in Auckland, Te Reo Irirangi 6 Pare Hauraki in Paeroa, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Te Hiku 0 Te Ika in Kaitaia, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Tiiwharetoa in TUrangi, Te Reo Irirangi 0 Whanganui in Whanganui, Te Reo 0 Ngati Hine in Whangarei, Te Reo - 48 - Irirangi 6 Tauranga Moana in Tauranga and Te Toa Takitini Trust in Taradale. By 1 992 Te Korimako 6 Taranaki in New Plymouth and Te Reo Irirangi 6 RangiUme in Palmerston North j oined the Maori radio network, brining the total number of Maori radio stations to twenty. By 1 993, New Zealand on Air was funding twenty-two Maori radio stations, but more significantly that year saw the introduction of the Broadcasting Amendment Act ( 1 993). For Maori this Act was noteworthy because it founded a separate Maori broadcasting authority, Te Reo Whakapuaki Irirangi . Section 5 3 B of the Act stipulates the function of the new agency: The function of Te Reo Whakapuaki Irirangi is to promote Maori language and Maori culture by making funds available, on such terms and conditions as Te Reo Whakapuaki Irirangi thinks fit, for broadcasting and the production of programmes to be broadcast. 1 6 Te Reo Whakapuaki Irirangi would become better known as Te Mangai Paho, and would assume responsibility for Maori broadcasting from 1 January 1 99 5 . Until this time, New Zealand on Air continued to manage Maori broadcasting while supporting Te M angai Paho in preparation for the hand-over. When it eventually occurred, there were twenty­ one Maori stations in operation. Nineteen stations were identified as tribal stations, or iwi radio, broadcasting to a particular tribal group. The remaining two stations, Radio Aotearoa and Te Opoko 6 Te Ika were based in Auckland and Wellington respectively, and viewed themselves as pan-Maori broadcasters. The further development of Maori radio broadcasting from 1 995 onwards is primarily li nked to Te Mangai Paho, and will be examined in the next section of this chapter. Therefore, in summarising the evolution of Maori broadcasting from its beginnings to 1 995, some important issues become apparent. Chronologically Maori were introduced to radio relatively shortly after its conception. By 1 927 Maori programmes were popular on some stations and whole evening programmes were dedicated to Maori music and stories. Then by 1 93 6 pioneer Maori announcers were introduced on air in the four main centres. While not necessarily employed for their Maori-Ianguage ability, they did add a Maori dimension to an otherwise Pakeha-monopolised environment. In the 1 940s Maori 16 New Zealand Broadcasting Amendment Act 1 993. - 49 - were allotted time to broadcast in Maori, and seized the opportunity to communicate via radio to Maori listeners. This was followed by Te Reo {j Te Miiori in 1 964 and then Te Reo {j Aotearoa in 1 978. While these developments may seem impressive, in retrospect they were mere morsels spread out over more than sixty years of radio broadcasting. For the seemingly endless hours of non-Maori broadcasting that had occurred from 1 92 1 onwards, including music, culture and programmes from around the world, Maori were given what were in effect only brief moments. This, however, should not detract from those people who struggled for decades to promote the position of Maori within the broadcasting industry, for their efforts do justify acknowledgement and praise. Generally, Maori representation within the radio broadcasting spectrum has been either little or nothing. True progress for Maori took place after 1 988, when Te Opoko 6 Te Ika went to air in Wellington. That was followed by an explosion of Maori radio. By 1 995 there were twenty-one Maori radio stations broadcasting in Aotearoa New Zealand, servicing both urban areas and rural settlements, and broadcasting to both young and old listeners. The future for Maori radio after 1 995 was entrusted in the hands of Te Mangai Paho. This new government agency became responsible for the medium's development and growth, and it controlled funding allocations for Maori radio. The emergence of Te Mangai Paho, and their moves as an agency from 1 995 to the present, will be evaluated in the next section of this chapter. 2.4 Te Mangai Paho Te Mangai Paho is the manifestation of many years of hui, tribunals, commissions, proposals, litigation and work by Maori on broadcasting. Te Mangai Paho can trace its origins as far back as 1 973 , when a collection of Maori organisations including the Auckland District Maori Council, Te Whare Wananga Maori Committee, Te Reo Maori (Victoria University), Nga Tamatoa (Victoria University), Manaaki Society (Victoria University), Te Reo Irirangi Maori and other Pacific Island groups, approached the Committee on Broadcasting seeking a radio station for the Auckland area. For some time Maori had become disillusioned by the under-representation of Maori language and culture on radio. In fact, as early as the 1 930s Maori leaders such as Eruera Tirikatene (Member of Parliament for Southern Maori), had complained about the poor position of - 50 - Maori within the media. 1 7 The Committee on Broadcasting welcomed the submissions of the various organisations and presented its findings in the Adams Report - The Broadcasting Future for New Zealand ( 1 973). The Committee endorsed the concerns of Maori regarding the blatant lack of Maori language and culture on radio, and the report stated: On Sunday there is news in Maori, Wednesday night has a Maori half hour, Friday a quarter hour of Maori music, and from Auckland on Saturdays, Selwyn Muru presents a 20 minute 'weekly digest of Maori life in the North. ' It is scarcely proportionate to the place of Maori and other Polynesians in the national life . . . Above all, it is all disconnected. (Adams Report, 1 973 : 89) The total Maori language and culture on radio equated to less than one and a half hours of Maori focused programming per week, and was in contrast to the hundreds of non-Maori hours broadcast by the four Auckland-based radio stations every week. The Commission felt however that with four other commercial stations operating In Auckland at the time, there would be insufficient advertising revenue to support an extra. The Commission's report arrived at the NZBC where it was lost in the depths of government bureaucracy for a number of years. Many believed the financial viability of a separate Maori radio station was unfounded, while others chose to completely ignore the findings of the Adams Report. Some attempts were made in 1 975 to adapt an existing Radio New Zealand station in Auckland to Maori radio. However, the subsequent 1 975 national election saw the Labour Party removed from power, and National abandoned all hopes of a Maori radio station for Auckland. It would be another decade before Maori would have the opportunity to raise the idea of Maori radio broadcasting. The 1 984 Hui Taumata established the Maori Economic Development Commission, which was responsible for reporting to the Minister of Maori Affairs on a variety of issues affecting Maori. Broadcasting was one topic that the Maori Economic Development Commission was entrusted to review, and so a Broadcasting Committee was established. This Committee was chaired by Toby Curtis, who criticised Radio New Zealand for providing less than 5% of Maori programmes in fifty years (Walker, 1990: 269). The Committee recommended that the Ministry of Broadcasting 17 New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, Vol 248, p. 933 . - 5 1 - establish a Radio Aotearoa Network that would ensure bilingual broadcasting, Maori programming, and community involvement in radio broadcasting. 1 984 was also the year that Huirangi Waikerepuru of Ngati Ruanui, and Nga Kaiwhakapiimau i Te Reo Maori Incorporated Society, approached the Waitangi Tribunal and filed a claim regarding the Maori language. Up until this stage claims to the Tribunal had involved 'tangible phenomena' including ' lands and estates, forests, fisheries' as stated in Article Two of the Treaty of Waitangi. However, this claim had more to do with the Maori version of Article Two of the Treaty which includes the word taonga. 1 8 While language and other such intangible possessions are not listed in the Treaty, they are encompassed within the 'capacious definition' of the word taonga (Oliver, 1 99 1 : 66). The Tribunal met three times in 1 985 at WaiwhetU Marae in Lower Hutt and Te Herenga Waka Marae, Victoria University of Wellington. The claim asked for te reo Maori to become an official language with the ability to be used in all circumstances. Included in the claim was the establishment of Maori broadcasting stations and a Maori-Ianguage commission to promote the language. On 29 April 1 986, the Waitangi Tribunal's report on te reo Maori was released and was supportive of the initial claim made by Huirangi Waikerepuru and Nga Kaiwhakapumau i te Reo (Byrnes, 2004: 42). When commenting on the definition of the word 'guarantee' in Article Two of the English text of the Treaty the Tribunal stated: It means more that merely leaving the Maori people unhindered in their enjoyment of their language and culture. It requires active steps to be taken to ensure that the Maori people have and retain the full, exclusive and undisturbed possession of their language and culture. (Oliver, 1 99 1 : 67) The Tribunal' s report established the Maori language as a taonga and demanded that the Government take steps to ensure it was nurtured and protected. Furthermore, the Tribunal identified broadcasting as vital in the fostering of the Maori language, and it recommended funding and the formulation of new policy. As a direct response to the Tribunal ' s report, the Maori Language Bill was introduced in 1 987. This included the Maori language been given the status of an official language of Aotearoa New Zealand. 18 Taonga is a Maori word that is often translated as treasure or prized possession. - 52 - This also saw the establishment of Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori (the Maori Language Commission), responsible for the promotion of the Maori language. While the Waitangi Tribunal was del iberating over the Te Reo Maori claim, the New Zealand Maori Council founded the Aotearoa Broadcasting System (ABS), and made an application for a third television channel to become a Maori TV station. The A B S made a bid for a warrant to broadcast, applying to the Royal Commission on Broadcasting, in Auckland 1 98 5 . The ABS bid was supported by the BCNZ, which agreed to supply funding and a programme-distribution service (Ibid. : 1 4). The ABS was supported by over 2,000 individuals and a number of key Maori organisations. In May 1 986, j ust before the ABS was to present its proposal to Broadcasting Tribunal, the BCNZ decided to withdraw its support. In August 1 986 the Broadcasting Tribunal declined the ABS ' s application for a warrant to broadcast. As Maori broadcasting activities were increasing during 1 985 and 1 986, another organisation was debating the position of Maori within the broadcasting spectrum. Throughout 1 986 the Royal Commission on Broadcasting undertook a series of consultation hui with Maori. The role of the Royal Commi ssion on Broadcasting was to evaluate the position of Aotearoa New Zealand broadcasting with particular reference to Maori culture and language, recruitment and training of Maori broadcasters and the role of a Maori & Pacific Island commercial station. In its summary the Commission said: The principles underlying the claims for Maori access to the broadcasting media are equity and autonomy . . . The Waitangi Tribunal has emphasised the fact that linguistic continuity is essential and that the lack of input by broadcast media has contributed to the deterioration of the language . . . There is no doubt in our minds as to the validity of the demands for a greater share of resources of broadcasting and the benefits of biculturalism. (Ibid . : 1 6) Other recommendations of the Royal Commission on Broadcasting were the security of funding for Maori programming, the establishment of a Maori Advisory Board, the independent production of Maori programmes, implementation of training programmes for Maori broadcasters and j ournali sts, and the immediate implementation of the Maori Radio Network proposal by Radio New Zealand. - 53 - Frustrated by the endless reports and consultation rounds accompanied by little or no action, Nga Kaiwhakapumau i Te Reo Maori established the first Maori radio station in Wellington. The main purpose of the station was to broadcast the M aori language, and this came into effect in early 1 98 8 . Funds for the station were raised by Nga Kaiwhakapiimau i te Reo Maori, while some staff were employed under the Maori Access scheme (Walker, 1 990 : 270). In 1 9 89 the Government revealed its vision for broadcasting in the new Broadcasting Act ( 1 989), which came into force on 1 July. This Act established the new Broadcasting Commission which became known as New Zealand on Air. The role of the New Zealand on Air was to collect and administer the Public Broadcasting Fee. The Act required the Commission to : ' . . . reflect and develop New Zealand identity and culture by . . . promoting Maori language and culture . . . by making funds available' (Ministry of Commerce 1 990: 1 ) . New Zealand on Air was directed to make at least six% of the Public Broadcasting Fee available for the promotion of Maori broadcasting and Maori language and culture. In regard to Maori radio, the Commission set in place a development plan covering four areas : • community Maori radio or tribal stations, • Aotearoa Maori Radio and its network proposal, • Te Upoko 6 Te Ika in Wellington, and • an independent Maori radio news service. In addition to the Broadcasting Act ( 1 989), was the Radio Communication Bill ( 1 989). The Communication Bill established the Government's position on radio frequencies and their use. At the same time, the Radio Frequency Service of the Ministry of Commerce was directed to undertake a study into the avai lability of frequencies, including those set aside for Maori radio. The Government then decided to put all radio frequencies up for tender, bringing radio into line with New Zealand' s policy of national deregulation and privatisation. The Government moved to divide the BCNZ into two separate state-owned enterprises; TVNZ and Radio New Zealand. Consequently two Maori organisations, the Maori Council and Nga Kaiwhakapiimau i Te Reo Maori, disputed the Crown' s right to break up the BCNZ, stating this move was inconsistent with the principles of the Treaty - 54 - of Waitangi. The claimants believed such a move would restrict the Crown's abil ity to protect the Maori language, which was guaranteed to Maori under Article Two of the Treaty. This dispute found its way to the High Court which in 1 99 1 ruled in the Crown's favour. After an unsuccessful petition to the Appeal Court in 1 992 the case was taken to the Privy Council in England. While previous High Court decisions were upheld by the Privy Council, they did support the position of Maori in a number of areas. The Privy Council found: • The Maori language is in a serious state of decline. • It is an official language of New Zealand, a highly prized treasure (taonga) for Maori and also part of the national cultural heritage. • The Maori language is protected by the Treaty - the Crown has an obligation to protect and preserve the Maori language as part of taonga in return for being recognised as the legitimate government of the whole nation by Maori. • In practice, it is inevitable that the Crown would have to bear a substantial proportion of the costs of any Maori language broadcast. (Te Mangai Paho, 1 994: 22) On 30 November 1 989, the Government released its He Ara Hou mi5 Te Reo Miiori - A New Path For Broadcasting report. This document outlined the Government' s new policies regarding Maori radio and television, and was part of a larger programme of deregulation and privatisation. The report called for expressions of interest for frequencies, and put all radio frequencies up for tender (Ministry of Commerce, 1 990: 3). The Government proposed a six-month tender process which would conclude in the allocation of frequencies on or before 3 1 May 1 990. The report ensured the continuation of Maori radio by promising frequencies to five Maori l icence holders under the Radio Communications Bill . Those five Maori licence holders covered by the bill were: • Radio Ngati Porou, • Aotearoa Maori radio, • Te Opoko 6 Te Ika, • Te Arawa Maori Trust, and • Te Whare Awhina 0 Te Iwi Trust. - 5 5 - Again, the New Zealand Maori Council and Nga Kaiwhakapfunau i Te Reo Maori met with the Waitangi Tribunal in June, and asked that they recommend to the Crown to postpone the tender process. The basis of the delay was: on the broad grounds that the kawanatanga (Government) did not create property rights ' in any part of the universe' without negotiation with, and express agreement of, rangatira Maori. (Maori leaders) The spectrum was, in this claim, a taonga guaranteed by the Treaty as within the scope of tino rangatiratanga (self-determination). (Oliver, 1 99 1 : 70) The above claim focused on the role of broadcasting in fostering te reo Maori, and outlined further objectives including tribal radio stations, Maori representation in mainstream broadcasting and improved resources for Maori broadcasting (Ward, 1 999). However, the Crown continued with its tender process, and during a conference in August 1 990 the Government confirmed its position of no postponement. The Tribunal held urgent hearings during October and November 1 990 and of particular exception to the Tribunal was the allocation of only AM frequencies for Maori. Jonathan Hunt, the Minister of Broadcasting, refused to delay the tender and continued with the Government's broadcasting policy. At the same time the claimants took the case to the High Court and sought an injunction to delay the tender. They were successful and the ruling was upheld by the Court of Appeal in November. The court gave a six-week timeframe for the Tribunal to complete its finding and make its recommendations. The Tribunal 's report echoed its support for Maori and made four major recommendations: • a six-month suspension of the tender, • government technical advisers to help iwi (tribes) prepare their applications, • the allocation of FM frequencies to Maori broadcasters, and • award of costs to the claimants. The proposal to delay the tender for the sale of radio frequencies was not accepted by Government. Government agreed to provide technical assistance to iwi in assessing their broadcasting needs, provide assistance in the establishment of Maori radio stations in Auckland and Wellington and discuss the matter of the costs of the claimants. The tender process went ahead and frequencies became privatised after 1 990. - 56 - Under the Minister of Communications, Maurice Will iamson, the new National Government proposed four hui in early 1 99 1 , inviting interested Maori to air their views on broadcasting policy. The hui were to be held in Christchurch, Rotorua, Whangarei and Porirua during February and March. The Te Whakapaho Me Te Reo a Mua Ake Nei - Broadcasting Te Reo and the Future report, was released in January 1 990, and provided a background for issues that were raised at each hui. The report in itself is interesting as it acknowledges Maori radio as being 'the backbone of policies designed to promote Maori language and culture' (Ministry of Commerce, 1 99 1 : 4). Issues covered by the report and prepared for discussion were national Maori radio, tribally based radio, frequencies, policy, licences, AM and FM, Maori television and funding. During the four broadcasting hui Maori gave submissions, offered opinions and began formulating a blueprint for future Maori broadcasting policy. Importantly for Te Mangai Piiho was the argument that Government should provide more support for Miiori control of Maori broadcasting. Speakers stated that there was insufficient Miiori representation in organisations responsible for decision making and influencing Miiori broadcasting, which included the Broadcasting Commission, the Ministry of Commerce, the Radio Frequency Service and the Broadcasting Standards Authority. At one hui, Miiori leader Sir Kingi Ihaka rose to address the meeting and stated: Maori control is also an important feature of Maori broadcasting. No longer is it appropriate, if ever it was, to rely on Piikehii benevolence for inclusion of a Miiori dimension in public broadcasting. Maori broadcasting must mean nothing less than broadcasting for Miiori by Miiori . Such considerations do not obviate the possibility of Piikehii participation, nor indeed, the need for Piikehii technical skills. It is equally important to note that the main purpose of Miiori broadcasting is not to change Piikehii attitudes but rather reflect Miiori ones, and not to counter the presence of Piikehii-orientated messages but to repair the damage caused by the absence of Miiori-oriented ones. In view of this definition I say that no significant improvement has occurred to recognise, protect and secure the Miiori language in broadcasting . . . 1t is time, and I believe it should be an immediate priority, for the establishment of a Miiori Media Authority whose role would be to plan, co-ordinate and police the orderly development of Miiori broadcasting and other media projects. The Government needs to be able to listen to one informed, authoritative voice on the matter of Miiori radio and television. (Ministry of Commerce, 1 99 1 : 1 5) This point of view was indorsed by Professor Whatarangi Winiata, who went further to say: - 5 7 - A Maori Broadcasting Commission, appropriately funded and with members elected/selected by Maori, could be created and charged with the task of developing and maintaining broadcasting within tikanga Maori. It would work closely with the existing Broadcasting Commission in the early days of its existence. (Ibid. : 1 6) These words were to prove prophetic for Te Mangai Paho, and on 1 5 July 1 99 1 , cabinet approved a work programme for Maori broadcasting. Hiwi Tauroa was invested with the task of reviewing the submissions made at the four hui on broadcasting, and formulating a template for future broadcasting policy. This working programme released the Miiori Broadcasting: Principles for the Future Report in 1 99 1 . This document proposed a set of guiding principles for future Maori broadcasting which included: • the protection and promotion of te reo and tikanga Maori, • a funding increase for Maori radio, • Maori control of Maori funding, • suitable frequencies for Maori radio and television, • technical advice for iwi, • Maori access to best technology, • training for Maori broadcasters, • support for both nationwide and iwi-based radio. However, it was not until 1993 that the Crown moved to realise the idea of an independent Maori broadcasting body. It was the Broadcasting Amendment Act of the same year that established Te Reo Whakapuaki Irirangi, which was to become Te Mangai paho. The role of this new agency was ' to promote Maori language and Maori culture by making funds available . . . for the broadcasting and production of programmes to be broadcast' (Te Mangai Paho, 1 994: 29). A board was formed to oversee the activities of Te Mangai paho. The chairman was Hiwi Tauroa, and other members were Timoti Karetu, Katerina Mataira, John Dyall , Annette Sykes, Bill Nathan and Frank Solomon. An executive body lead by director Ripeka Evans was in charge of day-to-day operations. The Act states that the nature and scope ofTe Mangai Paho would be to: Fund programming for broadcast on radio and television which is produced for and about Maori interests and [which] : - 58 - • ensures an increase in Maori programming and Maori audience shares, • extends and develops the strands of programmes produced, • promotes the use, learning and profile of Maori language in prime time and in mixed programming format, • encourages the growth of Maori music and oral and performing arts, contemporary and traditional arts and music, and • provides a range of programming to both specific Maori interests such as whanau, hapu and iwi, to general Maori audiences and to audiences with an interest in Maori programming. So after twenty years, in which Maori were searching for some type of equality within the broadcasting spectrum, and seemingly endless reports, debates, hui, legal actions and policy amendments, Te Mangai Paho was finally born. While most Maori were aware that another government agency would not correct the many problems facing Maori and broadcasting, most believed it was a step towards reclaiming some type of Maori self­ determination. However, so much hope was vested in the fledgling agency it would only be a matter of time before a decision about its success or failure was made. 2.5 Te Mangai Paho 1993 to present Funding for Maori radio was jointly shared by Te Mangai Paho and New Zealand on Air throughout 1 993 and 1 994. It was not until 1 995 that Te Mangai Paho assumed full responsibility for Maori broadcasting funding. At this stage Te Mangai Paho continued to fund twenty Maori radio stations as well as Radio Aotearoa. Two objectives were implemented in 1 995. The first was the commissioning of a Maori radio survey by AGB McNair to determine the number of Maori listening to Maori radio. The survey's key finding was ' . . . that 44 per cent of Maori households listen to Maori radio at least once a week . . . ' (Te Mangai Paho, 1 995 : 8). The second objective was based on the Proudfoot New Zealand Maori radio system review, which was critical of the lack of technology and human resources avai lable for Maori radio broadcasting. As a result of the review, Te Mangai Paho sought means to help replace obsolete equipment and formed a submission to Government for an increase in technological funding for radio. Unfortunately no strategy was implemented to - 59 - address the issues surrounding human resources, including the recruitment and retention of staff for Maori radio. In 1 996 Mike Hollings was appointed Chief Executive Director of Te Mangai Paho, replacing Ripeka Evans. His appointment coincided with the launch of Ruia Mai, the national Maori radio service. Ruia Mai began broadcasting five hours a day of Maori­ language programming, including news. This service was made available to stations via the Stamet system, the national distribution service, and enabled stations to supplement their broadcasts with external programmes. Subsequently, the distribution service itself was found to be obsolete and Telecom was contracted to provide an improved system. Up until 1 996, the minimal Maori-Ianguage content that all stations receiving funding had to comply with was 20%. In a move to increase this quantity, with a long-term desire to achieve 1 00% Maori-Ianguage programming, Te Mangai Paho offered language­ incentive payments. These were offered to stations exceeding the 20% requirement and were also in recognition of the problems faced by stations attempting to produce Maori­ language programmes with limited resources. By 1 997 this funding incentive was again offered to stations broadcasting over 30% Maori-Ianguage content. Incentive funding was quickly fol lowed by language monitoring by Te Mangai Paho to ' . . . determine whether or not stations achieve their targeted hours of Maori language broadcast' (Te Mangai Paho, 1 998 : 4). Questions around the effectiveness of 1 00% language broadcasting and language­ incentive funding were asked of Te Mangai paho. There was an argument that for broadcasting to be effective, a higher concentration on bilingual broadcasting must be implemented. However, Te Mangai Paho defended itself, stating: While there may be some validity in this argument, it is Te Mangai Paho's view that if broadcasting is to have an impact on Maori language revitalisation, it is essential that there is a much greater visibil ity of Maori on both radio and television than is the case at present (Te Mangai Paho, 1 999: 5). In 2000, Te Mangai Paho, and Maori radio, underwent a number of changes. There was the appointment of a new Chief Executive, Trevor Moeke, who was to manage the agency through some exciting and extremely challenging times. A new Maori radio station based in Auckland was added to the existing group. Using the frequencies - 60 - previously used by Aotearoa Maori radio and managed in a joint venture by Waipareira Trust and the Manukau Urban Authority, Radio Waatea was born. This expanded the number of Maori radio stations funded by Te Mangai Paho to twenty-one. Furthennore, in 2000 a Radio Review Team was established which included members of the Whakaruruhau 6 Nga Reo Irirangi Maori and Te Mangai Paho. This review team became responsible for supporting the development of stations by making industry-related recommendations to the Te Mangai Paho board. Of greater importance to this study was the fact that 2000 was the year Te Mangai Paho initiated its policy for improved research into Maori radio broadcasting. In deciding to discontinue its current surveying process, Te Mangai Paho opted to focus on establishing an overall strategic research framework for the 2000 to 2005 period: 'The purpose of the framework is to access how best to measure the objectives Te Mangai Paho was set up to achieve, and to provide a foundation for all future research undertaken by Te Mangai Paho' (Te Mangai Paho, 2000: 1 0). To complete this task, Te Mangai Paho approached Massey University, and in particular Te Piitahi-a-Toi School of Maori Studies, to assist in the creation of a research framework. Te Piitahi-a-Toi was subsequently commissioned to conduct a pilot study of one Maori radio station, and its findings were released later that year. Following on from the pilot study, five years of continuous research has been conducted into Maori radio, including number of listeners, listening preferences and the impact the Maori radio is having on Maori-Ianguage revital isation. The findings of this research are presented in later chapters of this thesis. Currently Te Mangai Paho continues to fund Maori radio and television broadcasting, which now includes the newly established Maori television station. The agency has survived its first ten years and in that time has seen the growth of Maori radio to twenty­ one stations. At times there have been some questions raised about the role ofTe Mangai Paho, its policies, especially in relation to funding, and its management processes. Recently opposition politicians have sought to cast doubt on the role of Te Mangai Paho, discrediting its function and calling into question the purpose of Maori-Ianguage broadcasting in general. At the same time, various Maori broadcasters have struggled with the restrictions imposed on them by Te Mangai Paho, and it is often criticised as just another government agency. Still, through all the difficulties, Te Mangai Paho has - 6 1 - remained and continues to administer funds to the stations. Questions around the success ofTe Mangai Paho are undetermined. However there is no doubt that during the ten years of its operation, Te Mangai Pabo has been involved in the most expansive and successful era of Maori broadcasting. 2.6 Conclusion Maori radio broadcasting is part of Aotearoa New Zealand's broadcasting history, which began with Ernest Rutherford in 1 894. Throughout the majority of the twentieth century, Maori struggled to gain a foothold within broadcasting, and were only ever granted limited time and resources. Still, within these limitations Maori broadcasting emerged, and much of its subsequent development can be attributed to those Maori individuals who pioneered the cause. Towards the latter decades of the 1 900s, resurgence in the Maori language and culture saw a united push for independent Maori broadcasting. It was in 1 988 that the first Maori radio station was established, and some eighteen years later, twenty-one Maori radio stations broadcast throughout the country. The evolution of broadcasting, and in particular Maori broadcasting, in Aotearoa New Zealand has been an interesting and at times, an exciting journey. Woven into its past are politics, individual agendas, litigation, scandal and the desire of listeners for a quality service. Maori have now entered the most successful and expansive era for Maori broadcasting. What now needs to be addressed is the impact this medium is having on Maori listeners and, for this study, what impact Maori radio is having on Maori-Ianguage revitalisation. - 62 - CHAPTER THREE pou-TE-RANGIA.NIWANIW A 'Ko le reo le poulawha i whakairia e koro mii ii riitou taonga kaloa ,19 3 . 1 Introduction 3.2 Te Reo Maori 3 .3 Contact and language erosion 1 769-1 900 3.4 Language loss 1 900-1 970 3.5 Language revitalisation 1970-2006 3.6 Maori language surveys 3.7 Current status ofte reo Maori 3.8 Language revitalisation 3 .9 Maori radio and language revitalisation 3 . 1 0 Conclusion 3. 1 Introduction While the title of this thesis may suggest that this study is primarily concerned with Maori radio, in truth, the mauri (essence) of this work is the Maori language itself. Maori radio is just one component of a much larger movement in operation with the expressed . purpose of revitalising the Maori language. Therefore, this study is based on research that examines the impact Maori radio is having on Maori-language revitalisation. Language is the central component to this thesis, for without this element there would be no Maori radio in existence, and arguably, Maori might not even exist as an identifiable race (Waitangi Tribunal, 1 986: 34). Such is the importance of te reo Maori (the Maori language) to the survival of Maori in general ; it is discussed here in this chapter. 19 My translation: 'The language is the shelf on which all the treasures of our ancestors are elevated. ' This statement was written by Tilhoe leader John Rangihau ( 1 993; 1 04), and expresses his feelings about the importance ofTe Reo Maori. - 63 - This chapter explores the Maori language from origins to the traditional pre-European Maori-Ianguage society. Within this section I will examine the importance of te reo Maori to Maori customs, traditions, identity and even to the existence of the race itself. This chapter will also explore the impact colonisation had on the language as well as its historical development throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Finally this chapter wil l examine the role Maori radio has in the greater scheme of language revitalisation. Predominantly this section seeks to answer certain questions. What is the Maori language? What is its significance to Maori? Why is there a need for Maori­ language revitalisation? Finally, what is the role of Maori radio within the context of Maori-Ianguage revitalisation? 3.2 Te Reo Maori The Maori language is part of a vast language family known as Austronesian (Davidson, 1 984: 1 4) which encompasses the Pacific including Polynesia, Micronesia and Melanesia. The actual spread of the Austronesian language is as far west as Madagascar and eastward to the shores of South America (Dalley & Mc Lean, 2005 : 29). The fact that this huge geographical area is included in one language family means that the languages of the peoples of this enormous region have a common origin. Mainstream anthropology suggests that the Pacific was settled by explorers from the Western Pacific, most likely from South East Asia (Wright, 2004: 1 1 ; Irwin, 1 992 : 37). These people spread across the Pacific Ocean migrating from the west to the east. As the explorers moved, they introduced their language to the many islands they settled. Then as they moved further into more uninhabited regions and became isolated into smaller groups, different island languages emerged. 'In the course of their separation then, every Polynesian island had developed a different dialect . . . ' (Duff, 1 977: 3). According to Davidson ( 1 984: 1 5) the Maori language is part of the Proto-Central­ Eastern language family, which is a SUb-grouping of the Proto-Polynesian language family, which is again a smaller sub-grouping of Proto-Austronesian. Included in the Proto-Central-Eastern language family are those languages most closely related to Milori which include Hawai ian, Marquesan, Tahitian, Tuamotuan, Mangarevan, Rapan, Tongarevan, Rarotongan and Maoriori. - 64 - Proto Fijian proto Tongic I T01gan Niuean Austronesian Language Family Proto Austronesian I Proto Oceanic Proto Eastern Oceanic I Proto Central Pacific I Proto Polynesian I Proto Nuclear Polynesian I Proto Samoic Outlier I Samoan Proto East Polynesian H I . . E ' l I d awallan aster s an I TOkflauan Ellice Uveb I Futuna I Pukapukan All dutliers I M,quesan Tahitian Tudmotuan I Mangarevan I Rapan T orlgarevan I Rarotongan , Mapriori MAORI20 Polynesian explorers arrived and settled Aotearoa introducing their culture and language to these islands. It is in Aotearoa that the Maori language evolved and became a unique linguistic structure, different from any other language in the world. While Maori continued their exploration of these new islands, settled new areas, interacted with each other and at times became isolated, their language continual ly developed. By the time the 20 This table is incomplete, as it does not include other language fam il ies that originate from Austronesian. However this table shows those languages most closely related to Maori, and the descent of the Maori language from Proto Austronesian. - 65 - first Europeans arrived in Aotearoa, Maori had become a dynamic society with a strong set of social structures based on the hapu (sub-tribe) (Schwimmer, 1 990). At the core of this society was language, which varied slightly from region to region and spawned diverse tribal and sub-tribal language dialects. By the time the English explorer James Cook first arrived in Aotearoa New Zealand in 1 769, the Maori language with its various dialects was the only language spoken. At that moment in time, would Maori have been able to comprehend that in a little over two hundred and thirty years their language would be pushed to the brink of extinction, marginalised as a minority language in a sea of English mixed with the sounds of cultures from across the globe? 3.3 Contact and Language Erosion 1 769-1900 Captain James Cook and his fellow explorers, on board the Endeavour in 1 769, made the first non-Maori observations of the Maori language. Before arriving in Aotearoa New Zealand, Cook had visited Tahiti, where he befriended a local named Tupaia. Tupaia accompanied Cook on his voyage to Aotearoa New Zealand and acted as a translator with the different tribes they encountered. The ability Tupaia had in conversing with coastal tribes of Aotearoa New Zealand astonished many on board the Endeavour, leading some to suggest a common link between these two different people (Evans, 1 998: 2 1 ) . In just over twenty years after Cook's initial voyage to Aotearoa New Zealand, European interaction and early European settlement began. By 1 792 sealers were operating on the coast (Wright, 2004: 32), and by 1 794 whalers were visiting the Bay of Islands (Dalley & McLean, 2005 : 65) and timber was being taken from the Thames area (Ibid.: 70). At the start of the nineteenth century missionaries started arriving in the country with the expressed purpose of converting the ' savage Maori' to Christianity, and by 1 8 1 4 a mission station had been established in the Far North (Ibid . : 65). However, whi le there were an increasing number of European immigrants to Aotearoa New Zealand, control was firmly in the hands of Maori. For the new settlers to live among Maori they had to become as native as possible, accepting Maori culture and Maori language in order to survive: 'Pakeha Maori were the first to settle permanently among Maori and to adopt most if not all of their customs' (Ibid. : 88). Maori control over the culture and language of the new settlers did not last long. Increased poverty, industrialisation and dislike for the class system in England forced - 66 - many people to seek their fortunes in another country. In turn this building pressure led many to seek land abroad and settlers began pouring into Aotearoa New Zealand during the nineteenth century (Wright, 2004: 65). At first there was only a slight increase in settler numbers, and by the time of the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1 840 Maori were said to outnumber Europeans by fifty to one (Christiansen, 200 1 : 1 5) . The Maori population was said to be somewhere between one and two hundred thousand, while the European numbers were around two thousand. By the first government census in 1 85 1 , the European population had increased to 26,707. This number had doubled by the 1 85 8 census, and settler numbers were at 1 7 1 ,000 by 1 864 (Thorns & Sedwick, 1 997 : 33) . By 1 858 the European population had already surpassed that of the Maori (Ibid. : 32), and it was at this stage that Maori and their language became a minority in the land to which they were indigenous. While Maori suffered extreme hardship, settler numbers continued to increase throughout the rest of the century. The arrival of the Europeans had instigated a rapid decline in the Maori population. The introduction of new technologies like the musket saw tribal warfare spiral out of control . New diseases and illnesses to which Maori has no immunity or treatment saw an alarming drop in population. This vulnerability was evident in 1 9 1 8 when, during the influenza pandemic of the time, Maori casualties were estimated to be seven times higher than non-Maori (Belich, 200 1 : 1 93) . In addition, there were the devastating effects for Maori in the aftermath of the New Zealand Wars that engulfed the North Island in the 1 800s. Belich describes the difficult position for Maori when he writes : 'The Maoris lost in the end, and this had grave consequences for them, of which casualties, economic damage and some demoralization were only the most obvious' (Belich, 1 998 : 305). Combined with massive land alienation and land confiscation, Maori society in the last half of the nineteenth century had suffered enormous tribulations. For Maori, these combined circumstances were a backdrop to major language and culture loss. As the new immigrants began to establish themselves Maori were displaced as the dominant people in Aotearoa New Zealand, and they receded into the background of society, with their language and culture increasingly under threat. Still, it was not war or disease that proved to be the major cause of language loss for Maori during this time. The true enemy - 67 - of the language was the new institutionalism introduced to Aotearoa New Zealand by pakeha. This new threat came in the form of parliaments, schools, courts, laws, statutes, bills, religion and the greater infrastructure that became part of the Maori world. Of all these new elements, the church and schools would prove to have the greatest detrimental impact on the Maori language. Perhaps the first true colonisers to Aotearoa New Zealand were the missionaries, who came on a civilising, soul-saving adventure, planning to convert as many Maori as possible to Christianity (Kaai-Oldman, 1 988 : 22). In the early part of the nineteenth century the missionaries had very little impact on Maori life, and many became increasingly frustrated by the lack of enthusiasm shown by Maori towards new religions. In many cases, Maori chiefs welcomed missionaries into their communities for the sole purpose of trade, or for reading and writing (Alves, 1 999: 1 4), and little interest was taken in the matters of the church. However with the establishment of a mission in the far north in 1 8 1 4, and the opening of the first mission school by Kendall at Rangihoua in 1 8 1 6, the authority of the church began to increase. Influenced by the doctrines of the church and Darwin's popular theory of human evolution, the church looked to help Maori to quickly become more Pakeha and discouraged Maori from continuing their traditional practices (Ibid. : 1 3) . Before the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, most communication between Maori and Pakeha seems to have been conducted in the Maori language. In 1 820 the grammar and orthography of the Maori language was formulated (Simon, 1 998: xv), and then in 1 827 the Gospels were translated into Maori (Ibid.: 1 3 ). The Treaty of Waitangi itself was translated by missionary Henry Williams and his son into Maori. Maori were quick to grasp the importance of literacy (Markham, 1 963: 95), and by the late 1 850s half the Maori population could read in Maori (Simon, 1 998: 5). Still this respect for both languages did not last, and four years after the Treaty of Waitangi was signed, the first of many steps towards the Pakeha assimilation of Maori emerged. This process started with the 1 844 Native Trust Ordinance. While this ordinance was never ratified, it lead to the 1 847 Education Ordinance where subsidies were paid to the Catholic, Anglican and Wesleyan mission schools to provide industry training and to teach in the English language (Ibid. : xv-xvi). This ordinance was - 68 - continued by the Native Schools Acts of 1 858 and 1 867, which effectively established a national state-controlled schooling system. The Education Act ( 1 877) established the Department of Education, which in 1 880 introduced the Native School Code. In essence the code was introduced as a direct means of assimilation for Maori into Pakeha society. Simons discusses this point: The Code emphasised that . . . teachers would 'by their kindness, their diligence, and their probity exercise a beneficial influence on all the natives of the district' . . . thus demonstrating clearly the 'civilising' intentions behind the setting up of schools. (Ibid. : 1 4) The code required that teachers in the native schools instruct Maori children to read, write and speak only in the English language. The code reads: In all cases English is to be used by the teacher when he is instructing the senior classes. In the junior classes the Maori language may be used for the purpose of making the children acquainted with the meaning of English words and sentences. The aim of the teacher, however, should be to dispense with the use of Maori as soon as possible. (Native Schools Code: 1 880) By the beginning of the twentieth century the Maori population figure was approximately 45,000 (Belich, 200 1 : 466). Maori independence, influence and land were gone along with many traditional Maori practices. Maori had become a people 'effectively segregated' (King, 1 997: 96) from the general society, living mainly in rural communities. Christensen (200 1 : 1 6) explains how English quickly replaced Maori as the dominant language in Aotearoa New Zealand: In a short time, the relationship between the two languages had been completely reversed. English had become the dominant language of the country - the language of government, law, commerce and education. 3.4 Language Loss 1900-1 970s Throughout the early twentieth century, Pakeha New Zealand believed that Maori would eventually die out as intermarriage, individualisation, modernisation and assimilation made them into 'brown Britons' (Belich, 200 1 : 1 89). The 1 920s did see a renewed focus on some aspects of Maori culture, including carving, art, singing and dance (Wright, 2004 : 338), but language was not part of this movement. The general belief was that - 69 - Maori would struggle to hold on to their individuality, becoming totally assimilated by Piikeha (Daily Telegraph, 1 92 1 ). Many Maori themselves subscribed to these beliefs, and prominent Maori leaders of the time supported the civilising crusade of the new culture. A famed quote by Maoridom's most influential leader of the era, Sir Apirana N gata, indicates how the English language was viewed as salvation for all Maori . While discussing the development of a curriculum for schools, Ngata stated that if he were in charge he would make: 'English first, second, third, fourth and the rest of the subjects fifth' (Barrington & Beaglehole, 1974: 206). The general view was that speaking English and adopting European culture would give Maori some sense of equality with Piikeha (Kaai-Oldman, 1 988 : 24). However, while many Maori leaders, including Ngata, advocated for the perpetuation of the Maori language within homes, many Pakeha were happily anticipating the disappearance of the language along with Maori themselves: ' I look forward to the next hundred years or so, to a time when we shall have no Maoris at all, but a white race with a slight dash of the finest coloured race in the world' (Stokes, 1 980: 3 l 3). In spite of the above sentiment, Maori did survive in isolated communities well away from the major centres (Durie, 2005 : 20). In 1 936, Maori made up 5% of the total population and 87% of Maori lived in rural communities (Thorns & Sedwick, 1 997: 54). It was within these small country areas that the Maori language continued to survive, being spoken in homes and on the marae. Still, even these communities were not beyond the reach of assimilation, with many children being punished within schools for speaking Maori . This sad injustice was inflicted on a generation of Maori children, who were often physically punished for using their native tongue within the school grounds. Yet Maori were sti ll able to keep their language alive by maintaining a high number of speakers within their homes. Unfortunately for Maori this was to change, as the mid-twentieth century saw a mass drift for Maori from rural communities into urban centres. At the end of World War Two, Maori began to migrate from their rural, tribal strongholds into the urban centres. In the space of twenty-five years, 80% of the Maori population had moved from the country into the cities (Durie, 1 998 : 54). This mass urbanisation had major implications for Maori . Many lost contact with their tribal communities, and a new generation of Maori were being born outside of their tribal areas. This internal migration - 70 - caused a shift in identity for Maori, creating a new generation who identified less with their tribal origins, more with a pan-Maori identity. Furthermore, the policy of 'pepper potting' , where Maori families were placed among Pakeha within the suburbs, meant Maori would more than l ikely speak English to their neighbours. High numbers of Maori lost crucial contact with native speakers and the process of intergenerational language transmission was lost. A new Maori population was now growing up in the urban centres, isolated from their tribal areas, and not speaking Maori . By the 1 970s the Maori language was in dire trouble. In 1 9 1 3, about 90% of all Maori schoolchildren spoke Maori. This number had decreased to 26% in 1 953, and by 1 975 it was sitting around 5% (Ibid. : 60). The Maori language had been brought to its knees by a legacy of race-based policies, assimilation and the notion that Maori could integrate better if they spoke English. The complete eradication of the Maori language had nearly come to pass. 3.5 Language Revitalisation 1 970-2006 For Maori, the 1 970s were a time of rediscovery and renaissance. The dissatisfaction with the social inequality between Maori and non-Maori manifested itself in protest and l itigation. Maori who had become isolated in the urban areas banded together and searched for ways to rekindle their culture. Life was once again breathed into the Treaty of Waitangi and the catchphrase of 'honour the Treaty' was frequently heard. In 1 975, Whina Cooper led a spectacular land march from the Far North to Wellington. While many saw the march as a protest for land rights, it actually came to represent the many struggles Maori had endured since colonisation, across every spectrum of society, including health, justice, education, housing, social welfare and language. After the land march, Auckland tribe Ngati Whatua occupied Bastion Point in defiance of the large­ scale land alienation that had been imposed on them. There was a rise in 'Maori activists' - groups like Nga Tamatoa and Matakite CAlves, 1 999: 40), and Maori began to challenge Pakeha law in the courts. 1 975 saw the establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal, which was vested with the role of making recommendations to Government on issues where Maori had been prejudicially affected. The Waitangi Tribunal would become instrumental in furthering the cause of Maori-Ianguage revitalisation in the commg years. - 7 1 - While the 1 970s were a time of increased activism for Maori (Sharp, 1 990: 6) it also ushered in a time of development for language and culture (Kelsey, 1 993). An amendment to the Maori Affairs Act ( 1 974) officially recognised Maori as the ancestral language of the Maori people. Primary schools began various Taha Maori (Maori interest) programmes teaching arts and crafts and basic Maori language (Christensen, 200 1 : 20). While these programmes may have had very little if any impact on students, they were a huge leap forward from the previous regime, which had physically punished children for speaking Maori at school. In 1 978 the first bilingual school was founded in Ruatoki, and in that same year the new Tu Tangata programme was launched urging Maori to empower themselves. This vision led to the establishment of the first kohanga reo (Maori-Ianguage preschool), teaching Maori to preschool students. By 1 983 there were 94 kohanga reo teaching 1 ,377 children, and this number grew to 8 1 9 kohanga reo catering for 14,027 children by 1 993 (Durie, 1 998: 64). Soon after kohanga reo began, it became apparent that many parents with children attending kohanga reo lacked the Maori language. In many cases, kohanga-reo children were more advanced at speaking Maori than their parents, meaning they were speaking Maori at kohanga reo but not at home. To help remedy this problem various Maori-Ianguage classes began operating, including those of the Te Ataarangi movement. Te Ataarangi used native speakers to teach adults and parents of kohanga-reo children. With a growing demand for Maori immersion education, kura kaupapa Maori (Maori immersion schools) were established. Kura kaupapa gave kohanga-reo graduates a natural pathway to a schooling system where Maori language was the norm. From the late 1 970s and early 1 980s there was an increase in Maori studies activities within the tertiary sector. Universities and teachers' colleges began to create Maori Studies departments, with language and culture being part of the teaching programme. This new growth in the Maori tertiary sector eventually saw the establishment of wananga Maori (Maori universities) including Te Wananga 0 Awanuiarangi, Te Wananga 0 Raukawa and Te Wananga 0 Aotearoa. Astonishingly Maori had reshaped the entire education sector, with the Maori language becoming a more significant part of Aotearoa New Zealand society. - 72 - During this period of Maori language recognition within education, Maori were making further inroads with the language via the public arena. Maori sought to have their language acknowledged as part of everyday society and demanded that the Government move to protect the language. In 1 986, Huirangi Waikerepuru on behalf of Nga Kaiwhakapumau i Te Reo Maori (Wellington Maori Language Board) brought a claim before the Waitangi Tribunal, stating that the Crown had been neglectful towards the Maori language, and that its actions had contributed to massive language and cultural loss. The claimants' case rested on Article Two of the Treaty of Waitangi and the definition of the word ' taonga' (treasure). They felt the Crown had an obligation to protect the language as it was surely a treasure. The Tribunal agreed and it determined that ' the language is an essential part of culture and must be regarded as a valued possession' (Waitangi Tribunal, 1 986: 20). The Tribunal went on to make five recommendations, including making the Maori language a lawful language in all courts, government departments and any public body, establishing a language authority and reviewing the Crown's broadcasting policies and the obligations this medium has in nurturing the language. These findings were largely implemented in 1 987 with the Maori Language Act ( 1 987). The Act itself declared that the Maori language was to be an official language of Aotearoa New Zealand, and that the language could be used in legal proceedings. Furthermore, the Act established Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori (the Maori Language Commission). The role of Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori is to promote the language across all fields, and to advise and support the Crown in the implementation of its language strategies. By the 1 990s, Maori were working to establish an alternative Maori-Ianguage television station. Frustrated by the lack of support from mainstream television, which was broadcasting just a few hours of Maori language each week, Maori once again took court action against the Government. In 1 99 1 , Nga Kaiwhakapumau i Te Reo Maori went to the High Court to stop the transfer of state-owned television to TVNZ (see 2.3) . Although their actions were unsuccessful, the litigation did emphasise the lack of interest television broadcasters had for Maori. The Government were sparked into action after a series of hui held by Te Mangai Paho examining the possibilities of Maori television. In 1 996, Aotearoa Television Network - 73 - commenced broadcasting. The station was only a pilot and, because of financial problems and political pressure, it eventually closed in 1 997. Then in 1 999, the Labour Government pledged to re-establish the station, and by 2001 the Maori Television Service was founded (Durie, 2005 : 49). The Maori Television Act (2003) enabled the Maori language to be broadcast via a Maori-operated television station and Maori TV went to air. Initial results have shown that Maori television is attracting a large Maori and non-Maori viewership,2 1 yet its impact on Maori-Ianguage revitalisation is still to be measured. Throughout the latter part of the twentieth century Maori united to confront many social issues, including Maori-Ianguage revitalisation. For more than thirty years Maori had protested, argued and fought for the right to speak their language and have it recognised. The tireless work of many people has seen the establishment of kohanga reo, kura kaupapa, wananga Maori, Maori radio, Maori television, Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori and many other language initiatives. The language, which was once actively discouraged by the Aotearoa New Zealand Government, is today being promoted by many of the institutions that historically worked to eradicate it. Now the language is protected by legalisation and has its own Crown agency, Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori, working on promoting Maori-language use. On examination, it seems as if the language is in good hands with a working infrastructure promoting its revitalisation. However, with al l the support systems and after more than thirty years of language initiatives, the questions must be posed, has it worked? Has the Maori language been able to recover from decades of oppression or is it still in decline? 3.6 Maori Language Surveys It is believed that in the mid-twentieth century 95% of Maori households spoke Maori (Ball, 1 940: 278), yet by 1 975 only 5% of the Maori population were speakers of the language. In the 1 970s Maori set in motion the wheels of language revitalisation, establishing a number of initiatives to resurrect the Maori language. The first comprehensive survey of the Maori language was instigated by the New Zealand Council for Educational Research (NZCER), and was conducted between 1 973 and 1 978. The survey involved over 30,000 Maori people from more than 6,000 North Island 2 1 Maori Television 2004 Media Release, 3 1 August 2004. - 74 - households. Results showed that approximately 50,000 people in the North Island were fluent speakers of Maori, while 28,500 were marginal speakers (Waite, 1 992: 30-3 1 ). The next extensive survey was not undertaken until 1 995 when Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori released its National Maori Language Survey. 1 ,904 households were included, with 2,24 1 Maori individuals being interviewed. The finding showed that over half the Maori population - 59% - spoke Maori; however, less than 8% indicated that they were fluent speakers (Te Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori, 1 995 : 1 ). Of those fluent speakers, 73% were forty-five years of age or older ( Ibid . : 2). The 1 996 and 2002 New Zealand censuses also included a question about the Maori language. The question asked participants to indicate the languages in which they could have a conversation about everyday topics. In 1 996, around 1 29,000 Maori stated they could speak Maori and by 200 1 this number had slightly risen to 1 30,500 (Te Puni Kokiri, 2002: 1 8) . These results indicated 25% of the Maori popUlation spoke Maori, however there was no evidence to suggest to what level. Te Puni Kokiri compiled a more comprehensive breakdown of language levels in 200 1 . After surveying around 5,000 Maori adults and collecting information about their ability to speak and understand the Maori language, Te Puni Kokiri released its finding in The Health of the Miiori Language in 2001 Report. Findings indicated that 42% of Maori adults spoke Maori to some level, however only 9% were fluent or very competent speakers. 1 1 % were able to speak Maori fairly well, while 22% were only able to give simple instructions. 5 8% of the Maori population only knew very simple words or phrases ( Ibid. : 20). Findings from a Te Hoe Nuku Roa (Massey University Maori Research Unit) study into language levels in the Manawatil and Whanganui regions had shown a similar breakdown of language levels. 1 1 % stated they were advanced or native speakers of the language, 39% had a basic level of Maori language while 50% had no or limited Maori-Ianguage ability (Durie, 1 998 : 75). From 2000 to 2005, Te Reo Paho conducted two comprehensive surveys into Maori radio. The second survey, conducted between June 2003 and October 2005 , included a - 75 - question about Maori-Ianguage ability. 8,499 Maori individuals were surveyed and on a scale of 1 to 1 0, asked to rate their Maori-Ianguage level, with 1 representing no Maori­ language ability and 1 0 indicating fluent or native speaker. The following table (Table 1 ) is taken from the Te Reo Paho 2005 final report, and gives the station breakdown as well as language levels of listeners (Te Rongo 0 Te Reo Final Report, 2005 : 20). Table 1 : Listeners' Maori-Language Ability Station 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Tauranga Moana 0 92 43 59 62 73 27 46 3 3 1 7 Sun FM 1 1 1 9 27 33 29 36 1 5 1 5 1 8 1 2 Piimanawa 5 128 75 77 60 49 1 6 1 4 28 1 1 Ifiranga FM 3 50 63 48 5 1 44 30 23 23 6 Radio Ngati Porou 5 75 48 27 69 76 46 36 1 5 6 Kia Ora F M 0 58 67 67 47 49 30 34 2 1 1 4 �aukawa F M I 1 23 1 36 66 47 26 1 8 1 7 9 1 0 [riiwharetoa F M 0 46 38 60 49 97 35 1 7 1 2 5 INgati H ine F M 8 37 8 1 88 9 1 74 3 1 37 24 1 2 INgati Kahungunu 1 3 28 54 73 49 46 28 1 4 2 1 1 2 INga Iwi FM 9 39 54 64 34 30 35 1 1 20 6 lRadio Tainui 4 22 29 39 50 52 25 36 32 1 7 lRadio Maniapoto 2 30 33 75 84 57 62 26 20 1 4 lRadio Waatea 4 1 1 3 36 8 1 60 53 50 2 1 29 1 9 iAwa F M 6 1 7 1 9 35 44 86 25 37 33 2 Opoko 6 te Ika 3 48 42 77 63 34 37 40 26 8 Atiawa Toa 0 53 64 6 1 45 4 1 30 38 24 1 0 Te Hiku 0 te Ika 0 30 36 58 40 42 42 48 36 1 4 Tautoko F M 3 1 20 36 62 4 1 3 1 2 1 2 1 28 1 2 Korimako 0 32 38 66 62 49 37 53 34 1 9 Tahu F M 0 50 92 76 49 5 1 1 8 26 20 7 Total 77 1 2 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 292 1 1 26 1 096 658 6 10 506 233 Percentage 0.9 1% 1 4.24% 1 3 .07% 1 5 .20% 1 3 .25% 1 2 .90% 7.74% 7. 1 8% 5 .95% 2.74% The Te Reo Paho Survey indicates that 6.82% of Maori who listen to Maori radio are fluent speakers, 42.5 1 % of listeners rated their language ability between 1 and 3 , 40.07% indicated their ability was between 4 and 7, and 1 4.24% stated their Maori­ language ability was 8 and above. 0 represents those who gave no response to this question. 3.7 Current Status of Te Reo Maori At this time the Maori language is in a state of re-establ ishment and regrowth. Certainly the efforts of the last few decades have seen the language claw its way back from the brink of extinction, but there continue to be major issues that need addressing. While - 76 - 1 0 26 33 8 1 2 5 1 9 1 6 35 1 8 46 1 5 6 1 8 1 3 68 1 4 1 9 58 70 29 7 580 6.82% survey results show that there are ever-increasing numbers of Maori speakers, with over 50% of the Maori population currently being able to speak Maori, there is concern with the low number of actual fluent Maori speakers. The 1 995 Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori National Maori Language Survey, the 1 996 Te Hoe Nuku Roa Survey, the 200 1 Te Puni Kokiri Health of the Maori Language Survey and the 2005 Te Reo Paho Survey all show fluent Maori speakers to be between 6% and 1 1 % of the total Maori population. While this is an increase from the estimated 5% of 1 975, it is not enough of a shift to suggest that the language is out of danger. In addition, the majority of fluent Maori speakers tend to be grouped within the older age bracket. In 1 995, 73% of fluent Maori speakers were forty-five years of age and older. The 200 1 Te Puni Kokiri survey (200 1 : 8) identified the same issue: . . . 42% of Maori adults aged 50-54 years and 58% of Maori elderly (aged 55 years+) could speak Maori. However, the Maori population is 'young' in demographic terms, with 43% of all Maori aged between 0-1 7 in 200 1 . Among this age group, only 20% (46,000) of Maori children could speak Maori. It is important for the survival of the language that a large number of young Maori are, or become, fluent speakers. As this generation age they are in turn able to revive intergenerational language transmission. Serious questions must be asked about how long a language can survive without the language being passed from one generation to the next (Fishman, 1 989: 395). This chapter has already examined the depressing results that emerged because Maori parents stopped speaking Maori to their children. While supplements such as kohanga reo, kura kaupapa and Maori radio do support the revitalisation and retention of the language, there is no substitute for Maori being the first language in homes. Therefore, while the Crown and the community have a responsibility for ensuring the language is kept alive, Maori themselves must play the major role and continue to speak Maori within their homes (Waite, 1 992: 3 1 ) . Other problems for the language include lexical expansion, where the Maori language has had to expand its vocabulary to cater for the ever-changing world in which it exists. Often native speakers of the language pass judgment on younger speakers for the use of new words. Christensen (200 1 : 30) believes this is a result of native speakers often using - 77 - Maori language for restricted purposes and not across other domains. Perhaps of greater concern is the syntactic and grammatical change of the language. With very few numbers of fluent speakers and high numbers of English speakers with varied Maori­ language abilities, the language is susceptible to change. Grammatically incorrect language structures can occur when people who don't know the correct Maori structure may follow an English structure to compensate. Christensen (200 1 : 34) explains how this can greatly impact on the language. While these may seem rather small points of contention, when they are magnified to include a large number of grammatical structures reproduced incorrectly by a large number of learners, repeatedly over time, it is clear that the impact on the language could be great indeed. The retention of tribal dialects is a further issue for the language. Currently there seems to be a dilemma between whether to acquire a standardised Maori language or maintain tribal dialects. While it is true that the unique dialects of the different tribal groups and the use of tribal idioms and vocabulary help reaffirm identity, there is a dire shortage of speakers who maintain their own dialect. The vast majority of second-language learners now subscribe to a standardised Maori language, and most of the resources available for learners are based on this standardised language format. Perhaps the only medium that is actively promoting tribal dialects is Maori radio, with many stations broadcasting to particular tribes or tribal groups (Waite, 1 992 : 42). In saying this, there is a suggestion that second-language learners are often influenced by their teachers and usually acquire the dialect in which they are taught. Problems can emerge when second-language learners of a particular area begin speaking a dialect that belongs to another tribe. The question remains, should language revitalisation be about a standardised Maori language, or the development of tribal languages? The status quo is to focus resources on a single, standardised Maori language in the interests of quality assurance, growth of the language, most efficient use of resources and lexical development. A number of language experts believe once learners are competent Maori­ language speakers, the next natural step is to pursue and maintain their tribal dialect. It is obvious to see that the language is working through serious issues including lexical development, syntactic change, dialectal maintenance, quality assurance, - 78 - intergenerational transmission, limited youth speakers and increasing the number of fluent Maori-Ianguage speakers. While the situation may seem overwhelming, the language is in a much better position than it was just a few decades ago. There has been a definite shift in focus from just keeping the language alive to ensuring it now grows in a healthy and accepted environment. No, the language is not yet out of danger. But it seems to have certainly improved from the depressing state it was in thirty years ago. 3.8 Language Revitalisation Why revitalise the Maori language? Perhaps the simple answer to this question is, to make certain Maori survive. Language is the most significant and paramount aspect of culture (Browne, 1 996: 7). It is central to the identity of an individual, a fami ly, a community, a tribe and a nation. People's perceptions about themselves and the world in which they exist are transmitted through language. It is the medium through which ideals, beliefs, understanding, values and norms are shared (Porter & Samovar, 1 99 1 ). In essence, the language is the people. Who they are and how they understand themselves is woven into the language that they speak. Without the language, what understanding do people have of themselves? If Maori were to cast aside their language and define themselves by speaking English, then are they Maori, or do they become something else? Professor Timoti Karetu ( 1 990: 1 9) expresses his ideas about what happens to Maori if the language dies: For me, language is central to my mana [prestige, power, authority] . Without it could I still claim to be Maori? I do not think so for it is the language which has given me what mana I have and it is the only thing which differentiates me from anyone else. The sobering fact is that as the world becomes a smaller place, as technologies, communications and global travel develop, minority languages will be put under increasing pressure. As we move towards a single world culture many languages will cease to exist, and as they die so will the cultures they represent. At present there are about 6,000 languages spoken throughout the world, but in one hundred years only half will remain (Swerdlow, 1 999). The purpose for revitalising the language is to make sure that in one hundred years the Maori language continues to survive. For if the language is alive and in good health, it will reflect the status of the Maori people as a whole. - 79 - Language revitalisation involves increasing the number of native speakers, increasing the domains in which the language is spoken and accepted, developing and increasing the resources involved in supporting the language, expanding the vocabulary of the language (Waite, 1 992: 30) and creating language-support systems to help promote and maintain the language. Acceptance of language by society is vital in revitalisation, and for the Maori language it means not only acceptance from Maori but also non-Maori. The reality is the Maori language, more than any language in Aotearoa New Zealand, is fighting for its survival. Maori is a minority language in a country where English is dominant. This has been the situation for well over one hundred years. In more recent times there have been increasing numbers of migrants into the country, many of them choosing to speak their native tongue with English becoming their other language. These various languages, including English, maintain strongholds in other parts of the world, so if their particular language dies out here, it wil l continue to survive. The Maori language is not in this position, and if it is not spoken here, it is not spoken anywhere. To revitalise, therefore, the language needs acceptance from non-Maori. Both the community and Crown need to embrace the importance of the language and its position within our nation. When all people accept the language and support its continued use across all spheres of society, the language will certainly endure. 3.9 Maori Radio in Language Revitalisation Maori, along with other indigenous peoples, view radio as a significant vehicle for education and language development (Browne, 1 996; Molnar & Meadows, 200 1 ). The idea of using radio as a means to revitalise the Maori language first appeared in the early 1 980s. Since that time, a number of Maori radio stations have emerged, being charged with the responsibility of broadcasting language and culture. Since the first Maori radio station went to air in 1 988, its defining quality has been the Maori language. It was with the purpose of perpetuating the language that Nga Kaiwhakapiimau i Te Reo Maori chal lenged the Crown in the courts to use broadcasting as a medium to protect te reo Maori. Subsequently, Nga Kaiwhakapiimau i Te Reo Maori established the first Maori Radio station, Te Opoko 6 Te Ika to realise their vision of Maori-Ianguage revitalisation through radio (Grant, 1 998: 1 ). - 80 - Te Mangai Paho, who are responsible for funding the twenty-one Maori radio stations, do so on the basis of amount of Maori language broadcast. Te Mangai Paho' s statutory role is : 'To promote the Maori language and Maori culture by making funds available on such terms and conditions as Te Mangai Paho thinks fit, for broadcasting and the production of programmes to be broadcast' (Te Mangai Paho, 2003). The above vision clearly states the role of Te Mangai Paho in promoting the language through broadcasting. Maori radio was established to support language revitalisation, and it is language revitalisation that drives the funding body. While Maori radio today may have expanded its role into other fields such as entertainment, education, music and community promotion, its primary function must be the language. Perhaps the role of Maori radio is best explained in the sentiments of the late Sir Kingi Ihaka, when giving evidence in the High Court preventing the transfer of assets to TVNZ and Radio New Zealand. When explaining the importance of radio broadcasting for Maori he stated it was: ' . . . an essential component of institutional support for the maintenance and revival of the language' (Durie, 1 998 : 68). There must be no doubt about the function of Maori radio. It was established for the purpose of language revitalisation in a time when the language was fading from existence. As Whaanga ( 1 994: 1 4 1 ) states : 'Maori radio was born through neglect of Maori language and tikanga in New Zealand, Aotearoa. ' While Maori radio has grown to twenty-one stations, from Kaitaia in the north to Christchurch in the south, and while the stations may differ from one another In broadcasting styles and programmes, they are stil l bound by their obligation, to Te Mangai Paho and to Maori, to promote the language. 3.1 0 Conclusion At the beginning of this chapter I quoted John Rangihau ( 1 993 : 1 04) who remarked: 'Ko te reo te poutawha i whakairia e koro ma a ratou taonga katoa. ' (The language is the shelf on which all our treasures are elevated. (My translation.)) - 8 1 - This statement outlines the position of the language within Maori society. The Maori language underpins all customs and traditions, all understanding and values, all notions of identity and beliefs, and all that Maori treasure. The imagery of a shelf supporting the culture is rather pertinent, because it makes it clear that by removing the shelf the culture will fall. The Maori language is the central theme to this thesis. While it may seem that this study is focused on Maori radio, the true purpose is to understand what impact this medium is having on the language. Maori radio is only one component of a much larger movement working towards Maori-Ianguage revitalisation. This chapter has examined the origins of the language and its importance to Maori. Furthermore, this section has discussed the catastrophic effects of colonisation on the language and how it came so close to extinction. Fortunately for the language, over the last thirty years Maori have banded together to revive their native tongue. Maori radio appeared during the course of this revival, and was championed by many who worked tirelessly to ensure the language survived. It was the language that made it possible for Maori radio to come into being, and for this research to exist. Future chapters will reveal exactly how Maori radio is impacting on the revitalisation of the Maori language. - 82 - CHAPTER FOUR POU-TE-WHARAU 'E mau DU ringa ki te aka matua. kiiore ko te aka tiiepa .22 4. 1 Introduction 4.2 Maori research 4.3 Maori methodologies 4.4 Te Reo Paho methodology 4.4. 1 Research questions 4.4.2 Quantitative research 4.4.3 Sample 4.4.4 Fieldworkers 4.4.5 Questionnaire 4.4.6 Quantitative data collation and analysis 4.4.7 Qualitative research 4.4.8 Qualitative analysis 4 .5 Maori research principles 4.6 Human ethics 4 .7 Conclusion 4.1 Introduction This thesis and associated research is part of a longitudinal study undertaken by Te Reo Paho, at Te Putahi-a-Toi School of Maori Studies, Massey University. Te Reo Paho came to life to help address the considerable lack of research into Maori radio stations (Grant, 1 998 : 49). In comparison with the research conducted for television, Wilby and Conroy ( 1 994: 1 5) write : 'Radio on the other hand, has tended to be the "Cinderella" of academic research and study. ' 2 2 M y translation: ' Hold firm to the rooted vine and not the loose one . ' This saying comes from the story of Tawhaki who c l imbed into the heaven to collect the baskets of knowledge. Before his ascent, the above statement was directed at him to ensure he followed the correct path. This proverb suggests that when undertaking any activity, the correct process should be followed (Grey, 1 97 1 : 40- 1 ). - 83 - Maori radio stations themselves had proposed a national research programme to examine the position of Maori radio, in terms both of the stations' regional performance, and of Maori radio in a national context. This proposition was supported by Te Mangai Paho, who approached Te Putahi-a-Toi to conduct the research. In 2000 a pilot study to look at Maori listenership and listening preferences was completed for Kia Ora FM, based in Palmerston North. Such were the findings of the project that Te Mangai Paho decided to contract Te Putahi-a-Toi, to complete similar studies for the remaining twenty Maori radio stations. To accomplish this assignment Te Reo Paho was formed. From 200 1 to 2003, Te Reo Paho produced twenty individual reports, one for each Maori radio station, and one final report, which compiled the total findings from all the stations. This process was repeated during 2003-2005, with another twenty-one station reports and one final report being produced. In all, more than 37,000 Maori individuals were surveyed and focus-group discussions were completed for 1 95 Maori groups and organisations nationwide. This study enabled Te Reo Paho to examine the development of Maori radio from 2000 to 2005, and report on the evolution of Maori radio during this timeframe. Hence, this study developed from being a stand alone research project to a longitudinal project. Whilst this thesis is concerned more with the broadcasting of the Maori language and its impact on Maori-Ianguage revitalisation, the Te Reo Paho project had alternative outcomes. Both the stations and Te Mangai Paho were interested in their own particular research needs, of which language broadcasting was just one component. The stations were keen to better understand their listeners' preferences, in order to enhance their product. Maori radio operates in a commercial environment, and for many stations, the surveys were an opportunity to conduct some type of market research. A number of stations were interested in understanding where they were positioned in relation to other radio stations in their region, what their listeners' preferences were and how the survey could be used for attracting advertisers to the station. Likewise, Te Mangai Paho had its own vested interests in the research. The paramount concern for Te Mangai Paho was to report back to Government on its statutory obligations, which included knowing the number of Maori people listening to Maori radio. The language component, while important to the stations and Te Mangai Paho, - 84 - was more difficult to quantify and analyse, and was only one segment of the Te Reo Paho project as opposed to its primary goal . Nevertheless, large amounts of data were collected in relation to the Maori language, and they have been further analysed within this thesis. This chapter is concerned with methodology, and in particular the methodology used by Te Reo Paho for collecting the data that support the findings held within this study. This section attempts to discuss the growing debate around Maori research and Maori methodologies. Before Te Reo Paho began conducting its research, a considerable effort was invested in ensuring the study was not only suitable for Maori, but also beneficial for Maori. Here in this chapter the wider issues of this Maori research project are discussed, including human ethics, research process and the dissemination of the project findings. 4.2 Maori Research Research is in essence the pursuit of knowledge, which is 'the key to the world and everything in it' (Mutu, 1998 : 5 1 ). Professor Mason Durie (2005 : 1 43) states that at the heart of all research is the discovery of new knowledge. While the above statements may apply to all research, in the last twenty years there have been major shifts in what constitutes Maori research. This has been a result of the increasing number of research projects involving Maori, and the need to examine and critique the methodologies, processes, ethics, intentions and findings of such research. Maori have become increasingly suspicious of researchers and their objectives when attempting to examine Maori. The two major areas of concern for Maori have been the manner in which the research is conducted and the use of the findings (Smith, 1 99 1 : 47-49). Dissatisfaction for' Maori has come about by being examined and studied in terms of western scientific knowledge. The application of ethnocentric methods to analyse and describe Maori is seen by many as unacceptable and can often produce inaccurate findings. In recent times Maori academics have moved towards exploring Maori research methodologies and kaupapa Maori research projects, which better suit the needs of the group under investigation. Some academics have placed Maori research into four categories. - 85 - • Research not involving Maori (research where Maori participation is neither sought nor considered relevant and Maori data are neither sought nor considered relevant, and the methodology is mainstream). • Research involving Maori (research where Maori are involved as participants or possibly members of research team, and the methodology is mainstream);. • Maori-centred research (research where Maori are significant participants and members of research team, and methodology is mainstream and Maori). • Kaupapa Maori research (research where Maori are significant participants and research team is Maori with a Maori mainstream methodology) (Cunningham, 1 998 : 398-99). There are fundamental differences between western science and Maori understanding. While western science is about deconstructing and departmentalising knowledge, Maori understanding is concerned more with the interconnectedness that knowledge has with the rest of the world in which Maori exist. Christensen (200 1 : 94) describes the difference between western scientific research and Maori research: 'While western scientific inquiry is based on breaking down areas of study to ever smaller and narrower fields, Maori would be more l ikely to look at the ways the pieces of the whole picture relate to each other. ' Maori have a holistic world-view (Bevan-Brown, 1 998 : 23 1 ) and this is the basis for understanding Maori knowledge and research. Cunningham ( 1 998: 396) refers to this as the concept of 'wholism'. Maori research includes accepting Maori concepts and understanding, culture and traditions and even language. Moreover it is the understanding of how the research is connected to the wider Maori community, and what benefits Maori will obtain through the sfudy. Russell Bishop ( 1 994 : 1 75-88) suggests that seven questions need to be answered before undertaking Maori research. These questions are: 1 . Who initiates the research and why? What are the goals? Who will benefit? Is the research for the betterment of Maori? 2. Who is going to design the work? 3 . Who i s going to do the work? 4. What will the rewards be? 5 . Who is going to have access to the research findings? 6. Who is the researcher accountable to? - 86 - 7. Who has control over the distribution of the knowledge? Many of these questions are concerned with the benefits of the research, and the outcomes for Maori . Whilst respecting Maori concepts within a research project is advantageous, Maori research needs to be beneficial to Maori. Research needs to 'empower' (Taiepa, 1 998: 1 47) the Maori community involved in the study, and produce positive outcomes that are readily available. Arohia Durie ( 1 998 : 259) supports the need for outcomes from Maori research, suggesting that: 'Quite apart from the means or methodology used to achieve the research ends, the vitality or worth of new knowledge will be validated through its contribution to Maori progress and development.' Therefore, results of any research are of little use to Maori if they are not made available, and become part of a Maori knowledge base. The data collected need to become useful by supporting the development of Maori. It is vital that research produces Maori knowledge and not mainstream knowledge of Maori (Cunningham, 1 998 : 397). Mainstream knowledge of Maori is likened to placing Maori under a microscope and using a western scientific method to explain a Maori situation. Often these research projects have few benefits for Maori as the findings have little relation or benefit for the people being studied. The researchers are often viewed as intrusive, demanding and insensitive with their personal agendas at the forefront of their minds. This situation is described by Molnar & Meadows (200 1 : ix): The arrival of yet another researcher in most indigenous organisations these days is not usually a time for celebration. There is a sense that l ittle, if anything, is returned to the community for the time and effort they put into looking after another inquisitive visitor. 4.3 Maori Methodologies Research methodologies are concerned with the gathering of data and the systematic investigation of findings uncovered by the research. Methodologies are the measures, methods and procedures used in research. In more recent times there have been moves to develop new methodologies for Maori research, and those researching within Maori field are encouraged to help in this development (Smith, 1 998 : 1 2) . - 87 - Maori research needs to be implemented within a 'Maori cultural framework' (Bevan­ Brown, 1 998 : 23 1 ). Therefore researchers must incorporate the holistic world-view of Maori when constructing their methodologies. These methodologies need to accept Maori cultural concepts and understandings. Maori research methodologies must include culturally safe practices, and Te Awekotuku ( 1 99 1 ) believes this includes aroha ki te tangata (human respect and understanding), kanohi kitea (fronting up in person) and titiro, whakarongo, k6rero (look, listen then speak). In addition, Arohia Durie ( 1 998: 262) incorporates mana (respect for Maori needs), maramatanga (enlightenment through explanation and the enhancement of mana) and mahitahi (co-operation and collaboration). Mason Durie (2005 : 1 42) includes mutual respect, shared benefits, human dignity and discovery as additional principles for Maori research. The inclusion of Maori principles within research methodologies does not exclude western scientific methods from the research. Rather it is a fusion of two methods, one indigenous and the other western in order to produce the best possible results for Maori (Ibid . : 1 40-1 4 1 ). This collaboration between western science and traditional Maori culture can produce both robust research and beneficial outcomes for Maori. In fact there are suggestions that traditional Maori society had many similarities with western research practices, 'albeit subject to their own methodologies, philosophies and world view' (Cunningham, 1 998: 394). 4.4 Te Reo Paho Methodology Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used in the Te Reo Pliho research project. This combination, or multiple-method (Minichello, Aroni, Timewell & Alexander, 1 996) approach to the research, can strengthen the findings by compensating for the limitations of a single-method approach (Fielding & Fielding, 1 986). It was felt that using more than one method to gather the data would give additional support to any findings, as issues that arose within the quantitative research could be further examined in the qualitative section. Also, when findings differed between methods it indicated areas that needed further research (Brewer & Hunter, 1 989: 1 7). The two approaches that were used for collecting information were as follows : - 88 - (i) The first was a quantitative survey of a random sample of 37,357 Maori normally resident in the stations' primary broadcast area. (ii) The second was to collect qualitative information from a series of focus-group discussions. One hundred and ninety-five focus groups were conducted with key Maori groups and organisations. The actual findings within this thesis are the result of two runs of the same survey. The first Te Reo Paho project began in 2000 and was completed by early 2003. Over that time 28,858 Maori individuals were surveyed and 1 02 Maori focus groups interviewed. The project was subsequently extended during 2003-2005, and using the same methodology, a further 8,499 Maori were surveyed and 93 extra focus-group interviews were conducted. The findings within this report include both surveys. 4.4. 1 Research Questions There were two factors that limited the number and breadth of the research questions that could be _ investigated. First was the requirement that the survey questionnaire take no longer than five minutes to complete. It was felt that if the survey required more than five minutes of people's time, then participation rates would fall dramatically. The second factor was Te Mangai Paho's requirement to include a set of questions to meet specific needs. Because of this, the survey was limited to participants of Maori descent normally residing in the stations' primary broadcasting area. For the second run of Maori radio station surveys, it was decided to assess the Maori­ language ability of participants, by including a question about listeners' Maori-Ianguage competency. It was believed that these data would enable the project team to better determine the different ranges of language abilities of listeners, and help stations to understand the impact of language programmes on its varied listenership. The following comprised the research questions for this study. • How many Maori residing in the stations' primary broadcasting area listen to Maori radio? - 89 - • What influences Maori residing in the stations ' primary broadcast area to choose (or not to choose) to listen to Maori radio? • At what times do Maori residing in the stations' primary broadcast area listen to Maori radio? (This information is only applicable to the individual stations.) • What are the programming preferences of Maori residing in the stations' primary broadcast area? (This information is only applicable to the individual stations.) • What influence do the twenty-one Maori radio stations have on Maori- Ianguage learning and Maori-Ianguage use by Maori residing in the stations' primary broadcast area? 4.4.2 Quantitative Research 4.4.3 Sample The twenty-one Maori radio stations can be accessed from Kaitaia in the north to Wellington in the south and throughout much of the South Island. While there are some areas that have no access to Maori radio, the vast majority of Maori people can receive at least one Maori radio station signal. The stations involved in the Te Reo Paho study were : • Kia Ora FM (Palmerston North) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Atiawa Toa (Wellington) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Te Upoko 6 Te Ika (Wellington) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Ngati Kahungunu (Hastings) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Turanganui a Kiwa (Gisborne) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Ngati Porou (RuatOria) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Te Manuka Tutahi (Whakatane) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Te Arawa (Rotorua) • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Tauranga Moana (Tauranga) • Raukawa FM (Tokoroa) • Nga Iwi FM (Paeroa) • Radio Tainui (Ngaruawahia) • Radio Waatea (Auckland) • Ngati Hine FM (Whangarei) • Tautoko FM (Mangamuka) • Te Reo Irirangi 0 Te Hiku 6 Te Ika (Kaitaia) - 90 - • Te Reo Irirangi 6 Maniapoto (Te Kuiti) • Te Korimako (New Plymouth) • TUwharetoa FM (Tfuangi) • A wa FM (Whanganui) • Tabu FM (Christchurch). Within the confines of the primary broadcast areas of these stations some 524,378 Maori people reside (Statistics New Zealand, 200 1 ). To obtain a representative sample from this group, 3 7,357 Maori individuals were surveyed using a combination of simple random sampling and stratified random sampling techniques. (i) Simple Random Sampling Subjects were randomly selected from the Maori Electoral Roll for Te Tai Tonga, Te Tai Hauauru, Te Tai Rawhiti, Tainui, Waiariki, Tamaki Makaurau and Te Tai Tokerau electorates. People on the roll who live within the primary broadcast areas of the twenty­ one Maori radio stations were listed, assigned a sequential number and, using a table of random numbers, selected for recruitment. A similar method was applied to the General Roll. However because it is not possible to determine Maori ethnicity from the General Electoral Roll , only those with Maori surnames were included in the selection process. While the Registrar of Electors holds information relating to ethnicity, the provisions of the Electoral Act prevent access to this information for the purpose of this study. (ii) Stratified Random Sampling To ensure that those excluded from participation in the survey (by not being on an electoral roll) were still represented, an additional sample was obtained through random selection based on known Maori population characteristics. This method also compensated for those who did not have telephones. Since the number of Maori within each Territorial Authority is known from census data, it was possible to sample more heavily the area units with higher Maori populations. Once selected, households, organisations, Maori groups, marae and other places where - 9 1 - Maori gather in numbers were approached and asked to respond to the brief questionnaire during a face-to face interview. The questionnaire contained items identical with those used in telephone interviews. Previous research indicated that Maori prefer face-to-face interviewing and personal contact as opposed to mail or telephone techniques (Metge & Kinlock, 1 978: 1 5). The importance of oral communication for Maori (Royal, 1 992: 2 1 ) was not lost on the Te Reo Paho team, however phone surveys were still included within the study to ensure the robustness of the data collected. Te Reo Paho researchers found that generally numbers of Maori respondents to phone interviews were low. Feedback suggested this method of interview was too impersonal for many Maori, which in turn made them decide not to participate. To compensate for this factor, a higher degree of importance was placed on face-to-face interviews, or as Maori would say 'kanohi ki te kanohi ' (Soutar, 1 994). This survey method not only helped researchers to better survey Maori within the broadcast area, but also increased the depth of feedback from respondents. There were, however, negative aspects in implementing this survey technique, mainly the pressure it placed on researchers to spend long periods surveying in the field. Nevertheless, it was felt that the positives of face-to-face interviews for Maori far outweighed any problems encountered. It is acknowledged that a sample selection bias excluding Maori residing in low-density Maori population areas may have occurred. It was felt that the advantage in employing a more comprehensive sampling technique would have been considerably outweighed by the costs involved. The sampling framework is similar to that which is currently used by Statistics New Zealand for sampling Maori populations. 4.4.4 Fieldworkers Researchers based in the primary broadcast areas of the twenty-one Maori stations were employed to administer the face-to-face surveys. They were trained on matters concerning confidentiality, research ethics, appropriate research practice, research methods, data management, collation and storage, and payment schedules. All fieldworkers undertook a Te Reo Paho training session, and were given copies of relevant Massey University documentation (see Appendix 2). A number of qualities were critical in choosing fieldworkers. First, because all the survey participants were Maori, and the research subject was Maori, it was decided all fieldworkers should be Maori . I believe - 92 - this situation made our project a kaupapa-Maori research study, and enabled a more 'Maori-friendly' environment in which to collect data. Secondly, fieldworkers needed to be related to the Maori population living within the stations' primary broadcast area, or at least be a resident of that region. Fieldworkers with relationships to the Maori community in which they were surveying were more likely to have access to the Maori population. These relationships were important in having Maori of any region share their knowledge. Finally, fieldworkers were required to have some knowledge of Maori language and customs. Te Reo Paho believed that the surveying of Maori needed to be conducted in a manner that was most comfortable for the participants. In some cases that required surveys to be conducted in the Maori language and sometimes Maori customs and protocols needed to be fol lowed. The Te Reo Paho research team, based in Palmerston North, undertook the telephone surveys. A list of phone numbers for Maori residents were produced and the interviews conducted. The telephone interviews were supplementary to the quantitative data, as the vast majority of questionnaires were conducted in a face-to-face manner. To help maintain the validity of the research, a system of random checking was applied to ensure questionnaires had been genuinely completed. This was only possible for the telephone-conducted surveys as a corresponding phone number was written on the completed questionnaire sheet. Random checking was not applicable for questionnaires completed face-to-face, because ethical practice relating to confidentiality restricted names and contact detai ls of participants from being recorded. 4.4.5 Questionnaire The questionnaire (see Appendix 3) consisted of nme items designed to provide information necessary to answer the research questions. Most of these items were developed by the pilot study team in 2000 in consultation with Te Mangai Paho and a group of Maori radio station managers. The first four questions were designed to col lect demographic data that were needed for subsequent analysis. This included confirming that the respondents were Maori, as well as information about gender, age group and normal place of residence. - 93 - Question five was introduced by Te Reo Paho for the second run of Maori radio station surveys. It asked participants to rate their Maori-Ianguage ability on a scale of I to 1 0 ( 1 indicating no Maori-Ianguage ability, 1 0 indicating a fluent Maori speaker). These data were essential in determining the different language abilities of listeners and how this factor influenced their listening preferences. Also, this question helped the stations to understand what different listeners with varied language abilities thought about the stations' quantity and quality of Maori language broadcast. Question six was asked to establish whether the participants listened to the radio as a normal part of their everyday lives. This enabled the number of Maori radio listeners to be expressed both as a percentage of all Maori in the primary broadcast area, and also as a percentage of all Maori in the primary broadcast area who normally listen to the radio. If participants indicated they did normally listen to the radio, they proceeded to question seven, which asked if they had listened to Maori radio in the previous seven days. If they had not they were asked why; if they had, they proceeded to questions eight and nine that asked about their listening times and broadcast preferences. The questionnaire was designed to collect quantitative data only. There were no qualitative questions in the questionnaire, as this information was acquired during focus­ group discussions. 4.4.6 Quantitative Data Collation and Analysis All data gathered from the questionnaire were collated using a Microsoft Access 2000 database specifically designed for the purpose of this survey. Analysis of the data has been confined to a descriptive account of the overal l responses to specific questionnaire items, and a correlation between particular items of focused inquiry. 4.4.7 Qualitative Research The qualitative data of this research are the result of 1 95 in-depth interviews, conducted with various Maori groups and organisations throughout the country. The focus groups provided an opportunity for participants belonging to various associations with a Maori focus, to discuss aspects of their Maori radio station in-depth. The discussions were largely unstructured, although they were prompted at times with questions from the - 94 - researcher. All focus-group interviews were recorded onto audiotape and later transcribed for subsequent analysis . The discussions focused on a number of issues relating to a particular Maori radio station, including program preference, community impact, identity and the contribution of Maori radio to Maori-Ianguage learning and maintenance. The advantage of in-depth interviews is the amount of detail they can provide (Grant, 1 998 : 52). The focus groups enabled particular issues to be examined in greater detail, and this increased feedback was added to the survey' s findings. Between four and eight focus groups were conducted for each radio station survey. The groups were chosen to represent a demographic cross-section of the Maori population. Typically, focus-group discussions lasted between thirty minutes and one hour, and focus-group numbers ranged from as little as six participants to as many as twenty. The key discussion points were: • programme preferences, • broadcasting quality, • community impact, • importance for Maori, • quantity and quality of Maori language, and • the impact Maori radio has on Maori-Ianguage learning and Maori-Ianguage use. At the conclusion of each focus group, a transcript was written up and the main themes were identified for subsequent analysis. During 2000-2003 , 1 02 focus groups were conducted. These groups were: Te Aka Toki - Canterbury University Maori Students (Christchurch) Ngai Tahu Language Development (Christchurch) Nga Hau e Wha Marae (Christchurch) Aranui High School - Maori Students (Christchurch) Huakirangi Maori Rangatahi Maia Computer Training Programme (Porirua) Whitireia Community Polytechnic Maori Students Association (Porirua) Orongomai Marae (Upper Hutt) Te Herenga Waka Marae (Wellington) - 95 - Te Kawa a Maui - Maori Studies, Victoria University (Wellington) Skill New Zealand - Pukenga Aotearoa Maori staff (Wellington) Tu Te Maungaroa (Wellington) Te Riinanga 0 Raukawa (Levin) Muaiipoko Tribal Authority (Levin) Te Piitahi-a-Toi Maori Studies, Massey University (Palmerston North) Col lege of Education Massey University (Palmerston North) Highbury Whanau Youth Group (Palmerston North) Te Whanau 0 Te Awhina Kohanga Reo (Palmerston North) Rangimarie Marae (Palmerston North) Te Ropu Taura Here 0 Te Taitokerau ki Manawaru (Palmerston North) Whakapai Hauora 0 Manawatii Line Dancing Group (Palmerston North) Te Kura Kaupapa 0 Ngati Rangi (Ohakune) Te Oranganui lwi Health Authority (Whanganui) Te Kura Kaupapa Maori 0 Te Ati Haunui a Paparangi (Whanganui) St Augustine's College (Whanganui) Maunga Tu Maunga Ora (Hawera) Atea Consultants ( Hawera) Te Puni Kokiri (New Plymouth) New Plymouth Girls' H igh School (New Plymouth) Owae Marae (Waitara) Hlrangi Primary School (Turangi) Waitahanui Bilingual School (Waitahanui) Tuwharetoa Maori Trust Board (Turangi) Te Whare Wananga 0 Aotearoa (Taupo) Taupo-nui-a-tia College (Taupo) Whanau of Dannevirke P rimary School (Dannevirke) Te Opokoiri 0 Omahu - Parents and Kaiako (Hastings) KNEECAP Kimiora School (Hastings) Omahu Primary School - Standard 4, Form 1 & Form 2 pupils (Hastings) Omahu Primary School - Staff and Teachers (Hastings) Hukarere Maori Girls' School - Form 3 & Form 4 students (Napier) Whakato Marae Committee (Manutuke) Turanga Health (Gisbome) - 96 - Tiiranga Ararau (Gisbome) Tiiranga FM Focus Group (Gisbome) MRIF group (Gisbome) Wairoa College Junior Maori Class (Wairoa) Wairoa College Senior Maori Class (Wairoa) Waipiro Bay School (Waipiro Bay) Te Whare Wananga 0 Ngati Porou (RuatOria) Ruatoria Community Group (Ruatoria) REAP Office (Tikitiki) Tokomaru Bay Community Group Charitable Trust (Tokomaru Bay) Whakatohea Maori Trust Board (Opotiki) WINZ Group - Ropii Wahine (Kawerau) Piiao Te Atatu ki Ruatoki (Ruatoki) Te Kaokao 0 Takapau (Taneatua) Whakatane High School - Bilingual Unit (Whakatane) Rotorua Boys' High School (Rotorua) Rotorua Girls' High School (Rotorua) Te Wananga 0 Aotearoa ki Rotorua - Te Tohu Matauranga i Te Reo (Rotorua) Waiariki Polytechnic - Certificate Community Social Work (Rotorua) Waiariki Polytechnic-Te Atarangi Pokaitahi (Rotorua) Housing New Zealand (Rotorua) Tauranga Boys' High School (Tauranga) Tauranga Girls' High School (Tauranga) Tauranga Moana Maori Trust Board (Tauranga) Paeroa College (Paeroa) Thames/Hauraki District Council (Paeroa) Matai Whetii Kohanga Reo (Paeroa) Thames College (Thames) Tokoroa High School (Tokoroa) Te Kohanga Reo Tuarua 0 Tokoroa (Tokoroa) Matamata Piako District Council (Matamata) Whakaaratamaiti Marae (Putaruru) Te Kuiti High School (Te Kuiti) Te Whare Wananga 0 Aotearoa (Te Kuiti) - 97 - Te Kohanga iti a Rata (Otorohanga) Te Kopua Marae (Te Awamutu) Kool for Kids - Youth Group (Hamilton) Te Riinanga 0 Kirikiriroa (Hamilton) Tfuangawaewae Kohanga Reo (Ngaruawahia) Te Wananga 0 Aotearoa (Hamilton) Waikato Polytechnic (Hamilton) Manukau Urban Maori Authority (Auckland) Te Whanau 0 Waipareira (Auckland) Ropu Kaurnatua 0 Tamaki (Auckland) Te Puna Hauora 0 Te Raki Pae Whenua (Auckland) Te Ha 0 te Oranga 0 Ngati Whatua (Auckland) Whangarei Boys' High School (Whangarei) Whangarei Girls' High School (Whangarei) Te Kohanga Reo 0 Te Reo (Whangarei) Te Wananga 0 Aotearoa (Whangarei) Age Well (Kaikohe) Te Kura Kaupapa 0 Kaikohe (Kaikohe) Te Kotahitanga E Mahi Kaha Trust (Kaikohe) Northland College (Kaikohe) Te Puna Hauora 0 Kaikohe (Kaikohe) Te Hauora 0 Te Hiku 0 Te Ika (Kaitaia) Te Riinanganui 0 Te Rarawa ((Kaitaia) Kaitaia Primary School (Kaitaia) Kaitaia Intermediate School (Kaitaia) Children and Young Persons (Kaitaia) During 2003-2005, another ninety-five focus groups were interviewed. These groups were: Ropu Rangatahi (Kaitaia) Kauhanga Kohanga Reo Parents (Peria) Ropii Pakeke (Kaitaia) - 98 - Rangiawhia Kura Kaupapa Maori Students (Kaitaia) R6pii Kaumatua (Waitangi) Ngati Hine Health Trust (Kawakawa) R6pii Rangatahi (Kaikohe) K6hanga Reo Parents (Ohaeawai) Northland Disability Centre (Whangarei) Ngati Hine Health Trust (Whangarei) Nga M6rehu Whaiora Trust (Whangarei) R6pii Rangatahi (Whangarei) Te Ha 6 te Oranga 6 Ngati Whatua (Auckland) Te Puna Hauora 6 Te Raki Pae Whenua (Auckland) R6pii Pakeke Otiihuhu (Auckland) Te Wiinanga 6 Aotearoa Mangere Students (Auckland) Te Wharekura 6 Rakaumanga Parents (Huntly) Te Wiinanga 6 Aotearoa (Hamilton) Waikato University Maori Students (Hamilton) Te Wiinanga 6 Aotearoa (Tokoroa) Te Rau Oriwa Parents (Tokoroa) R6pii Rangatahi (Tokoroa) Papa 6 Te Aroha Marae (Tokoroa) R6pii Rangatahi (Hamilton) Te Wananga 6 Aotearoa Maori Class (Whangamata) Te Wiinanga 6 Aotearoa Maori Class (Paeroa) Paeroa College Maori Students (Paeroa) Matai Whetii K6hanga Reo Parents (Paeroa) Te Kuiti Primary School Parents (Te Kuiti) Te Kuiti Te K6hanga Reo Parents (Te Kuiti) Te Wiinanga 6 Aotearoa (Te Kuiti) Rereamanu Marae (Te Kuiti) Ahorangi Matauranga Matua (Tauranga) Te Matahaurariki 6 Tauranga Moana (Tauranga) Te Kupenga Hauora 6 Tauranga Moana (Tauranga) Harini Marae (Tauranga) Ngai Te Rangi Iwi Society (Tauranga) - 99 - Maungatapu Marae (Tauranga) Te Wananga 0 Aotearoa (Tauranga) Maungatapu Primary School (Tauranga) Te Rau 0 te Huia Trust (Rotorua) Tunohopu Marae (Rotorua) Ahorangi Matauranga Matua (Rotorua) Department of Corrections (Rotorua) Te Wananga 0 Awanuiarangi (Whakatane) Whakatane High School (Whakatane) Te Hauora a Toi (Whakatane) Te Huinga 0 te Ao Kohanga Reo (Kutarere) Kutarere Marae (Kutarere) Rangatahi College (Murupara) Waipiro Bay School (Waipiro Bay) Ropii Pakeke (Tokomaru Bay) Gisbome Girls' High School (Gisbome) Kohanga Reo Parents (Waipiro Bay) Te Whare Taonga 6 Te Tairawhiti (Gisbome) Te Riinanga 6 Tiiranganui a Kiwa (Gisbome) Waikirikiri School (Gisbome) Te Kura Kaupapa Maori 6 Nga Uri a Maui (Gisbome) Te Kura Kaupapa Maori 6 Mangatuna (Mangatuna) Hukarere College (Napier) CYPFS (Hastings) Hato H6hepa College (Napier) Te Wananga 6 Aotearoa (Hastings) Tongariro High School (Tiirangi) R6pii Kuia (Tiirangi) Te Puna Tohu Ora (Tiirangi) Pakeke 6 Tiiwharetoa (Tfuangi) Salvation Army Employment Training (Tiirangi) Tiiwharetoa Kaumatua (Turangi) R6pii Rangatahi (New Plymouth) Te Tihi Hauora 6 Taranaki (New Plymouth) - 1 00 - Maru Wehi Hauora (New Plymouth) Te Kohanga Reo (Waitara) Whanganui College Maori Students (Whanganui) Ropii Rangatahi (Oha.kune) Ropii Pakeke (Whanganui) Te Rau Puawai Adult Students (Whanganui) Hato Paora College Students (Fielding) Te Rau Matatini (Palmerston North) Te Kura Kaupapa Maori 0 Manawatii (Palmerston North) Te Rau Puawai (Palmerston North) Orongomai Marae (Upper Hutt) Te Herenga Waka Marae (Wellington) Te Ara Whanui Kura Kaupapa Maori 0 Nga K6hanga Reo 0 Te Awakairangi (Petone) Whitireia Polytechnic (Porirua) Ropii Pakeke (Lower Hutt) Kaimahi Maori Ministry of Health (Wellington) Manawanui Te Kohanga Reo (Wellington) Paerangi Maori Teachers (Wellington) Ropii Rangatahi (Christchurch) Ropii Pakeke (Christchurch) Hauora Matauraka (Christchurch) Te Kura Kaupapa Maori 0 Te Whanau Tahi (Christchurch) 4.4.8 Qualitative Analysis To analyse the qualitative data a thematic content-analysis method was applied. Content analysis is one of the leading methodologies used for researching within mass media (Frey, Botan, Friedman & Creps, 1 99 1 : 2 1 3), and it was a method that suited the Te Reo Paho project. Thematic content analysis involves counting the number of times a particular theme or issue appears in a text (Krippendorff, 1 980:6 1-63). Once the focus­ group discussions had been transcribed, a coding system was applied which indicated the frequency with which particular issues or points of discussion were raised. This allowed for the text to be broken down into categories and grouped under certain themes. Issues that appeared more often were analysed to a greater extent as opposed to those that were discussed infrequently. - 1 0 1 - Focus-group feedback was collected for each of the twenty-one Maori radio stations, and therefore is station specific. However there were many issues that overlap across most if not all stations, and these points will be discussed within this study. 4.5 Maori Research Principles The above western scientific methodology satisfied the need for a robust research process that permitted the systematic collection of data. However, the Te Reo Paho project, by virtue of its nature, needed to apply a range of Maori research principles and culturally safe practices. As research manager for the project, it was my responsibility to ensure that these processes were not only implemented, but also that they had meaning. The first Maori principle incorporated into the Te Reo Paho project was whakawhanaungatanga. While the concept of whakawhanaungatanga is described by many as family bonds, or kinship ties, for Te Reo Paho, whakawhanaungatanga came to mean the building of 'kin-like' relationships. The purpose of whakawhanaungatanga was to build and nurture strong bonds with Te Mangai Paho, the Maori radio stations, Te Whakaruruhau 6 Nga Reo lrirangi Maori and other stakeholders. To accomplish this task, I made contact with and met each of the above-mentioned parties. At Te Mangai Paho I fostered relationships with the Chief Executive Officer, Trevor Moeke, the Maori Radio Manager, Tame Te Rangi, and his deputy, Carl Goldsmith. Throughout the whole process there was constant interaction between me and Te Mangai Paho via email, phone and hui . Likewise, the Whakaruruhau 6 Nga Reo Irirangi Maori became involved in the process. The organisation's administrator, Betty Hauraki, became a vital link for the Te Reo Paho project, and she was central in introducing me to many of the radio-station managers. Through Betty I met the Te Whakaruruhau chairperson, Hone Harawira, and the deputy chairperson, Te Maumako August. Betty was able to keep the different stations informed of the progress of our research and to discuss any issue the stations had with the surveys. Relationships with the various stations were perhaps the most important because without their support the project would not have been able to progress. Before any research was undertaken with any station, I travelled to the actual radio station and met the station manager in person. This aspect of whakawhanaungatanga is crucial because it meant - 102 - managers were able to put a face to the research project, and the project respected the stations enough to meet with the managers. A whole range of issues were discussed with the managers including the survey process, timeframe and publication · of findings. However, for me it was more important that these meetings show a human side to what is usually a very clinical process. At times I was able to use whakapapa (genealogy) to make connections to the station manager or the area in which their station was broadcasting. On some occasions I spoke at length with managers about many different subjects outside of Maori radio broadcasting. This was done to show the stations that the project was not my only concern, and I was interested in the manager as a person. At nearly all stations I was introduced to staff and underwent many of the same processes that I had fol lowed with the managers. At times the meetings were very pleasant and the surveys proceeded with few concerns. Yet there were other occasions were stations and station managers were not entirely content with the research and voiced their opinions. Stil l , regardless of these issues, I met with the managers at their stations to discuss any concerns. Even if some meetings were less productive than others, I gave every station the opportunity to speak in person to the research manager. I believe this action showed respect for the mana (dignity) of each station and each station manager. The process of whakawhanaungatanga helped Te Reo Paho to establish the project, communicate with interested parties, build relationships and complete the survey. I believe this Maori principle added to the outcomes of the survey, because the stations felt more involved and were able to discuss their own concerns, desires and needs from the research. The second Maori principle introduced to the research was kanohi kitea (personal contact). As it has already been discussed, Maori have a preference for personal contact as opposed to impersonal means of communication such as phone, mail or email . Te Reo Paho understood that implementing kanohi kitea into the research project would be extremely difficult because of the large spread of Maori radio stations. Sti ll, as research manager I felt that if we did not show a physical presence in the community we were researching, we might have been described as too removed or too distanced to research the Maori population of an area. Therefore, I decided it was my responsibility to be that - 1 03 - personal contact and to spend time in every station's primary broadcast area while the research was being undertaken. The research project was in operation from 2000 to 2005, and in that time I spent over 24 months on the road, away from Palmerston North, researching within the various station areas. The logistics of this undertaking proved to be difficult in terms of maintaining contact with the project in Palmerston North, collecting data, producing reports and the personal tol l of spending extended periods away from home. Still, I believe the principle of kanohi kitea supported the collection and consistency of data while building further bonds with stations and their listeners. By spending weeks and sometimes months in any area, I was able to foster lasting relationships with fieldworkers, radio managers, radio staff and l isteners. I conducted al l 1 95 focus-group interviews, which helped me to grasp a better understanding of a particular radio station and Maori radio in general. I was involved in the administration of surveys within every station's broadcast area, and worked alongside al l fieldworkers. During my stay in different station areas I became involved in a whole range of activities including attending tangihanga (funerals) and hui (gatherings) at local marae. Hui proved to be advantageous not only in meeting the Maori community but also in collecting data. Often hui became the principal means of collecting surveys and conducting focus-group interviews. Once I had made contact with members of the community I was often invited along to hui to give presentations about the research. This usually led to surveys being completed and focus groups being arranged. The use of hui as a research tool is accepted by some academics as an important Maori-research method (Bevan-Brown, 1 998: 24 1 ). The cultural practice of kanohi kitea within the Te Reo Paho project placed much pressure on the team and me. Many days were spent travel ling from region to region to undertake the study, and for weeks at a time I lived away from home conducting research. Still there were massive benefits gained by using this process. I fostered stronger relationships with radio stations and their staff, acquired a deeper knowledge of each station and Maori radio in general , and final ly was exposed to the local Maori community and was able to collect data in a more efficient and consistent manner, which was also acceptable to Maori. I do not believe the same quality of data would have been col lected if we had not followed the cultural practice of kanohi kitea. - 1 04 - The final Maori principle introduced to the research project, and perhaps the most important, was te reo Maori (Maori language) . The previous chapter examined the importance of the language to Maori and how the language underpins Maori culture. Time and time again, during the five years of Maori radio station research, the worth of the language became apparent, and of all the research methods we possessed as a project, none were more critical than te reo Maori. Throughout the entire research process I was placed in situations where I met with Maori individuals and groups, discussed the research and interacted with Maori. In accomplishing these tasks I became involved in many hui, was welcomed onto different marae, took part in p6whiri (welcome ceremonies), was interviewed by Maori radio and television, gave presentations, interacted with the community and spoke at length with Maori-radio listeners. What made it possible to undertake these activities was my ability to speak te reo Maori. The language gave me the opportunity to work with Maori and to communicate with them in a language that they felt comfortable using. I gave participants the option of speaking either Maori or English during the interview process, and survey forms were in both languages. I felt that when speaking Maori, especially to groups that spoke or understood the language, participants were more likely to become involved in the discussions. The language seemed to make an impression on those being researched and naturally encouraged participants to speak. Even for groups who did not speak Maori, respect for the language usually remained. The ability to begin an interview with karakia (prayers) and mihimihi (greetings), endeared many to the processes of col lecting data. A large number of interviews were conducted with speakers of te reo Maori on marae, in regions with large numbers of Maori- Ianguage speakers, with k6hanga reo, with kura kaupapa and importantly with kaumatua (elder statesmen) and kuia (elder ladies). The language was therefore a natural part of the research process, and I truly believe that te reo Maori made the research more meaningful to both researcher and researchee. Some Maori research experts have suggested that Maori research must be conducted by people who speak Maori and understand Maori culture (Ibid. : 233). In terms of the Te Reo Paho project, the above sentiment seems to be correct. By implementing Maori language and customs into the project 's methodology, the process of collecting data, - 1 05 - conducting interviews and disseminating the findings became a more rewarding undertaking. Critics may state that establishing such Maori principles within research projects are time consuming, require extensive resources and have no real bearing on the data gathered. I believe the Te Reo Piiho project disproves such accusations. It was by employing Maori customs and language that Te Reo Piiho was able to complete such a large research project within a five-year period. Intensive surveying and interviewing of Maori participants must include Maori language and customs. Applying Maori principles to Maori research ensures that the research is more appealing to Maori, supports the use of scientific methodologies, increases the quality of feedback, is respectful of the group being researched and assists in the collation and sharing of knowledge gained from the research. Hence, Te Reo Piiho applied both te reo Maori and Maori customs to its methodology which supports the finding held within this thesis. 4.6 Human Ethics Understandably a large section of this thesis is based on research conduced by Te Reo Piiho, which includes questionnaires combined with focus-group discussions. The policies and processes stipulated by the Human Ethics Committee of Massey University have been vital in the collection of these data. It is important that these procedures are highlighted and some background information is given about the human-ethics process and its relationship to this study. It would be fair to suggest that the application of the methodology and the research processes were guided by the Human .Ethics Guidelines, which ensured appropriate data-collection methods. Another issue was to guarantee the research was robust and able to weather any academic scrutiny. For this purpose all research projects involving human subjects at Massey University must have Human Ethics Committee approval. The Human Ethics Committee's own Code of Ethical Conduct for Research, Teaching and Evaluations Involving Human Participants report (Massey University, 2003 : 5) indicates the Committee' s role: The Code of Ethical Conduct for Research, Teaching and Evaluations involving Human Participants has been developed to ensure that research, teaching and evaluation activities undertaken by staff and students of Massey University are consistent with Section 6 of the Education Act 1 989 . . . it also requires that institutions maintain the highest ethical standards and permit public scrutiny of the maintenance of those standards. - 1 06 - For the Te Reo Paho project an application was made to the Human Ethics Committee in May 2003 (see Appendix 4). The application included contacts of those involved in the research, a summary of the project and detailed project information. Key aspects of the project's processes were explained including interaction with participants, use of question sheets, focus-group data collection, participant consent and the project' s methodology. Details such as data collection and storage had to be explained to the Committee before approval was granted. Section 3 of the Committee's Code of Ethical Conduct for Research, Teaching and Evaluations involving Human Participants is concerned with the Treaty of Waitangi. In particular, d, subsection 17 reads: ' . . . the principle of research adequacy required that kaupapa Maori and Maori-focused methodologies be acknowledged.' This sub-section of the code became central in the argument forwarded by Te Reo Paho to the Human Ethics Committee. Te Reo Paho proposed that mainstream research methodologies were inappropriate when researching Maori, and because the research only included those who identified themselves as Maori, a Maori methodology needed to be implemented. University Human Ethic Committees have become sites of cultural negotiations (Durie A, 1 998: 259) where Maori often have to argue for cultural practices and principles to be included in research projects. However, while a Maori flavour was needed to make the process attractive to Maori participants, the Human Ethics Committees also had to ensure the protection of the participants, the integrity of the University and the accuracy of the data. Fortunately for Te Reo Paho, and many other Maori researchers, there is Maori representation on the Massey University Human Ethics Committee. Dr Huia Jahnke sits on the Committee and we were grateful to have her assistance and advice when applying for ethical approval. By having a Maori voice on the Committee, we felt there was a sympathetic ear, and someone who understood the importance of particular Maori research needs. Dr Jahnke helped to guide us through the process, and after several discussions with members of the Committee and adaptations to the application, approval was granted. - 1 07 - The Human Ethics Committee insisted on the following procedures. First, that an information sheet be handed out to all those who requested more data about the project, and to all those involved in the focus-group interviews (see Appendix 5) . Second, all members involved in the focus groups had to sign consent forms (see Appendix 6), in which they agreed to participate in the study and agreed to its being recorded. Finally, the focus-group discussion participants had to sign a confidentiality agreement (see Appendix 7). There were no such requirements for those who completed the survey sheets as their identities were not recorded. However for the focus groups, the name of the organisations to which the participants belonged was included in the various station reports. All documents were translated into Ma.ori for those who preferred to complete forms in Ma.ori rather than English. 4.7 Conclusion Ma.ori research and Ma.ori research methodologies have developed in recent times. With Ma.ori coming under the microscope of ever-increasing research projects, researchers have sought to conduct research in a manner that best suits those under investigation, and research that produces results that benefits Ma.ori. This development has seen the rise in kaupapa-Maori research, and the implementation of methodologies that include traditional Ma.ori values and customs. The Te Reo Paho research project is kaupapa­ Ma.ori research, and the methodology applied to this study is a Ma.ori methodology, which is a balance between western scientific principles and Ma.ori traditional values. The findings from this research are presented in the fol lowing chapters. - 1 08 - CHAPTER FIVE POUPOU 'Whaia le miilauranga hei oranga mo koulOU ,}3 5 . 1 Introduction 5 .2 Quantitative findings 5.2. 1 Demographic profile of sample 5 .2 .2 Number of listeners 5 .2 .3 Reasons for not listening 5 .2.4 Maori-Ianguage ability 5 .2 .5 Satisfaction with Maori-Ianguage content 5 .2 .6 Amount of te reo Maori broadcast 5 .2 .7 Quality of te reo Maori broadcast 5 .2 .8 Help with learning te reo Maori 5 . 3 Discussion 5 .4 Responses and Maori-Ianguage ability 5 .5 Responses and age 5 .6 Responses and station 5 .7 Conclusion 5.1 Introduction Chapter Five of this thesis deals with the quantitative findings produced by the Te Reo Paho Maori radio research project. Vast amounts of data were col lected during the course of the project, and various permutations, tables and graphs were created. However, for this chapter only the major findings and information pertaining to Maori language have been included. Station-specific information, such as listener preferences and preferred listening times, has been excluded because it has no relevance to this study. 23 My translation: ' Seek knowledge for the sake of your wel lbeing. ' This quote is taken from the foreword of the Rt. Rev. Manuhuia Bennett to the compi lation ofMaori statistics (Mead & Grove, 1 989: 1 94) - 1 09 - The data displayed in the following graphs and tables were collected between September 2000 and October 2005 . 5.2 Quantitative Findings 5.2. 1 Demographic Profile of Sample The sample contained within this study is broadly representative of Maori living in the primary broadcast area of the twenty-one Te Mangai Paho-funded Maori radio stations. A total of 37,357 Maori individuals were surveyed; 5 1 .45% were female and 48.55% were male (Table 2 and Figure 3) . Table 2: Total Number Surveyed Total number surveyed Number Percentage Male 1 8 , 1 38 48.55% Female 1 9,2 1 9 5 1 .45% Total 37,357 100.00% Figure 3: Participants by Gender 51 .45% 48.55% The age distribution is from under 5 years to over 65 years with a median age band of 25-29 (50% of the sample was younger than this age group and 50% was older) and is indicative of the 200 1 Census Maori population and age distribution (Table 3 and Figure 4). - 1 1 0 - Table 3: Age Distribution �ge Categories Number Percentage 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-65 66+ Total Figure 4: 20.00% 1 8 .00% 1 6 .00% 1 4 .00% 1 2 .00% 1 0 .00% 8 .00% 6 .00% 4 .00% 2 .00% 0 .00% - - - - � 4 1 2 1 . 1 0% 1 , 1 59 3 . 1 0% 3 ,733 1 0 .09% 5,200 1 3 .92% 4,663 1 2 .40% 4,800 1 2 .85% 4,420 1 1 .83% 3,23 1 8 .65% 2,678 7 . l 7% 2,403 6.43% 2, 1 47 5 .75% 1 ,072 2 .87% 832 2 .22% 607 1 .62% 37,357 100.00% Graph Showing Age Distribution - � - f-- - - f-- f-- - - f-- f-- - - f-- f-- f-- r-- - - f-- f-- f-- [J r-- - - f-- f-- f-- - - :n�n· - -I I I I 0-4 5-9 1 0- 1 5- 20- 25- 30- 35- 40- 45- 50- 55- 60- 65+ 14 1 9 24 29 34 39 44 49 54 59 64 5.2.2 Number of Listeners The 2000-2003 survey findings show that a total of 85 .46% of those surveyed had listened to the radio in the seven days before the survey (Table 4). Of that 85 .46% of Maori radio listeners, 59.05% had listened to Maori radio (Table 5) . - 1 1 1 - Table 4: 2000-2003 General Radio Listeners Response Number Percentage Yes 24,683 85 .53% No 4, 1 75 1 4.47% Total 28,858 100.00% Table 5: 2000-2003 Maori Radio Listeners Response Number Percentage Yes 1 4,493 5 8.72% No 1 0, 1 90 4 1 .28% Total 24,683 100.00% These results indicate that in 2003, 50.22% of the Maori population living in the primary broadcast area of the twenty-one Maori radio stations listened to Maori radio ( 1 4,493 people of a total 28,858 surveyed, which equates to 50.22%). This translates to 237,747 Maori listeners on the basis of a Maori population at the time of 473,4 1 2 (Statistics New Zealand, 1 996) for the broadcast area. The 2003-2005 survey findings show a total of 83 .77% of those surveyed had listened to the radio in the seven days before the survey (Table 6). Of that 83 .77% of Maori radio listeners, 63.74% listened to Maori radio (Table 7). Table 6: 2003-2005 General Radio Listeners Response Number Percentage Yes 7, 1 20 83 .77% No 1 ,379 1 6.23% Total 8,499 100.00% Table 7: 2003-2005 Maori Radio Listeners Response Number Percentage Yes 4,53 8 63 .74% No 2,582 36.26% Total 7,1 20 100.00% - 1 1 2 - The results also indicate that 53 .39% of the Milori population living in the primary broadcast area of the twenty-one Milori radio stations listen to Milori radio (4,538 people of a total 8,499 surveyed, which equates to 53 .39%). This translates to 279,965 Milori listeners on the basis of a Milori population of 524,378 (Statistics New Zealand, 200 1 ) for the broadcast area. Both the 2003 and 2005 survey results indicate that between 50% and 54% of the Milori population living within the primary broadcast area of the twenty-one Milori radio stations, listen to Milori radio. Based on the 200 1 Census data for Milori populations, approximately 250,000 Milori listen to Maori radio. 5.2.3 Reasons For Not Listening There were a range of reasons given by those who stated they had not l istened to any radio in the past seven days. Key factors to emerge were 'dislike of stations that could be tuned into' and 'no access to radio' . Table 8 and Figure 5 show the combined results from 2000 to 2005 of those individuals who had not listened to any radio in the previous seven days before the survey. Multiple reasons were given by some participants. Table 8: Barriers to Radio Access Response Number Percentage No access to radio 845 1 7 .07% Don 't like listening to the stations that can be tuned into 1 , 1 09 22 .40% Wasn 't in the right area/or radio 497 1 0.04% Other 827 1 6 .70% No answer 1 ,673 33.79% Total 4,951 100.00% - 1 1 3 - Figure 5: Barriers to Radio Access 16.70% 10.04% 1:1 No access to radio • Don' like listening to the stations tha can be tuned into o Wasn't in the right area for radio 22.40% 0 Other • No answ er Table 9 and Figure 6 show the reasons for not listening to Maori radio in the seven days before the survey. Of the respondents, 28% indicated that they had no knowledge of the station, and 36% stated they did not like some aspect of the programming on Maori radio. Table 9: Barriers to Maori Radio Response Number Percentage Don 't know about the station 3,40 1 28.00% Don 't know how to tune into the station 7 1 7 5 .90% Can 't receive the station 6 1 4 5 .06% Don 't like listening to the programmes broadcast because • Not enouKh reo Miiori 1 52 • Too much reo Miiori 563 • Don 't like the music 6 1 0 • Don 't like the announcers 3 1 9 • Don 't like the content of the proKramminf( 659 • No answer 2,07 1 4,374 36.00% Other reasons 660 5.44% No answer 2,379 1 9.59% Total 12,145 100.00% - 1 1 4 - Figure 6: Barriers to MOori radio 36.00% 5.2.4 Maori-Language Ability g Don't know about the station 11 Don't know how to tune into the station o You cant receive the station on your radio o Don't like listening to the prograrrrres broadcast because 11 Other reasons 11 No answer For the second run of the survey (2003 - 2005), l isteners were asked to rate their Maori­ language abi l ity. A total of 8,499 participants rated their Maori-Ianguage ability on a scale of 1 to 1 0 ( 1 representing no Maori-Ianguage ability, 1 0 representing a fluent Maori-language speaker). To better interpret the data, the results were separated into three categories. Those who indicated their language ability was from 1 to 3 were grouped under l imited Maori-language ability. Participants who rated their language from 4 to 7 on the scale were grouped under average Maori-Ianguage ability. Finally, those who were from 8 to l O on the scale were combined as competent Maori-language speakers. Table 1 0 and Figure 7 show the results from the 2003-2005 survey. (0 represents those who gave no answer to this question.) Table 10 : Listeners' Maori-Language Ability Level Number Percentage 0 77 0.9 1% 1 1 ,2 1 0 14.24% 2 1 , 1 1 1 13 .07% 3 1 ,292 15 .20% 4 1 , 1 26 13 .25% 5 1 ,096 12 .90% 6 658 7.74% 7 6 1 0 7. 1 8% 8 506 5.95% 9 233 2.74% 10 580 6.82% Total 8,499 100.00% - 1 1 5 - Figure 7: Listeners ' MOori-Language Ability 1 6.00% 14.00% 1 2.00% 1 0.00% 8.00% 6.00% 4.00% 2.00% -I-- 0.00% 0 0 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 Results show that the majority of l isteners to Maori radio have either little or average Maori-Ianguage ability_ There are fewer listeners in the competent and fluent category_ 42.5 1 % rated their language as l imited, 4 1 .07% felt their Maori-Ianguage skills were average and 1 5 .5 1 % thought they were competent speakers of Maori. 14 .24% of listeners had no Maori-Ianguage ability and 6.82% were total ly fluent. 0.9 1% gave no response to this question. As already shown in Chapter Three, the above results and the percentages of Maori-Ianguage abilities are similar to findings in other Major surveys including the 1 995 Taura Whiri i Te Reo Maori National Maori language survey, the 1 996 Te Hoe Nuku Roa survey and the 200 1 Te Puni Kokiri Health of the Maori Language survey. 5.2.5 Satisfaction with Maori Content The fol lowing findings are the results from Question 9 in the surveys, which asked participants to rate their level of satisfaction with regard to the amount of te reo Maori broadcast by Maori radio, the quality of te reo Maori broadcast by Maori radio and the help Maori radio gives listeners in learning te reo Maori . The results have been separated into two groups: findings from 2000-2003 , and findings from 2003-2005. These findings were unable to be combined because the 2003-2005 Maori-Ianguage results were broken down with regard to language ability, that is, findings for the amount of te reo Maori broadcast were recorded for those with l imited Maori language, those with average Maori-Ianguage ability and for those who are competent users of the language. The 2000-2003 survey did not include a question about participants' language ability, - 1 1 6 � therefore results regarding the broadcasting of language were compiled regardless of listeners' language levels. Results from both surveys have been included and examined within this chapter. 5.2.6 Amount of Te Reo Maori Broadcast Results from the 2000-2003 survey indicate that participants were more likely to be positive about the amount of Maori language broadcast on Maori radio than negative. 20.65% rated the amount of language as 'Excellent' , while 34.22% thought it was 'Very Good' . 34.70% were neutral and only 8 . 1 0% gave negative responses. The Amount of Te Reo Maori results from the 2000-2003 survey are shown in Table 1 1 and Figure 8 . Table 1 1 : 2000-2003 Amount of Te Reo Maori Response Number PercentaRe Excellent 2,795 20.65% Very Good 4,632 34.22% Okay 4,696 34.70% Not so good 889 6 .57% Poor 207 1 . 53% No Answer 3 1 6 2.33% Total 13,535 100.00% Figure 8: 2000-2003 Amount of Te Reo Milori D Excellent • Very Good o Okay o Not so good • Poor C No Answer The 2003-2005 survey results for amount of te reo Maori, indicate that participants who had little or no Maori-language ability tended to be positive about the amount of Maori language broadcast. 6 1 .39% rated the amount of language as either 'Excellent' or 'Very Good' , while 22.69% thought it was 'Okay ' . 7. 1 0% thought it was 'Not So Good' . - 1 1 7 - Listeners with more language abil ity were also supportive of the amount of Maori language broadcast on Maori radio. 32.45% rated the amount as 'Excellent ' , 29. 1 7% thought it was 'Very Good' and 25 .52% rated it as 'Okay' . 1 0.80% gave negative responses. 65 .0 1% of listeners, who are speakers of te reo Maori, rated the amount of language broadcast as either 'Excellent' or 'Very Good' . 8.2 1% thought the opposite. Results for the 2003-2005 survey regarding amount of te reo Maori broadcast are depicted in Table 1 2 . Table 12: 2003-2005 Amount of Te Reo Maori Competent/Fluent 1L0w Language Ability � vera e Lan uage Ability lLanguage Ability 0 1 2 3 0/0 4 5 6 J 0/0 fl 9 10 % 'No answer 1 8 22 1 41 2.1 1% 1 6 l e 8 5 311 2.06% 5 3 14 22 3. 1 2% 'f;xcellent 1 5 1 68 I I I 2 1 5 1 1 26.29% 229 1 83 1 0 1 1 00 61 32.45% 85 38 1 1 4 237 33.57% Very Good 8 1 8 1 20 1 29 .. 682 35. 1 0% 1 57 18<; 97 1 08 551 29. 17% 9 1 43 88 222 31 .44% Okay 8 1 62 1 69 1 0 .. 44 1 22.69% 145 1 3� 1 1 0 9 1 482 25.52% 76 22 69 1 67 23.65% 1N0t so good 7 57 38 3t 13� 7. 1 0% 34 27 32 12 1 05 5.56% 1 2 1 6 1 5 43 6.09% 1P00r 3 37 52 3E 130 6.70% 23 44 I