Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. MAORI ORGANISATION AND CONTEMPORARY MA.ORI DEVELOPMENT Strengthening the Conceptual Plait Brendon Te Tiwha Puketapu A thesis presented for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Maori Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand. January 2000 Abstract This thesis is primarily a study of organisational approaches used by Maori to achieve their development goals and aspirations. One focus is the impact of development ideas and practice~, largely driven by international and national influence, upon Maori. Another focus is the role of the state in the direction and implementation of Maori development with particular emphasis on the impact of the structural adjustment programme. As a consequence, the relationships between Maori and the state, Maori and Maori, and Maori with others are critically examined. The thesis canvasses a number of disciplines including Maori history, ecology, sociology, anthropology, environmental studies, management, and development studies. Engaging with this broad spectrum of ideas and actions and using literature based, empirical and participatory research tools, three themes are explored. They are: (i) The theme of 'development' which examines international and national perspectives of development in order to identify the merits of Shifting the praxis of Maori development; (ii) The theme of 'organisation' which explores local and wider perspectives of organisational theory and practice in order to identify the implications for Maori organisations; (iii) The theme of 'relationship' which investigates a wide range of perspectives about the dynamic relationships between Maori themselves and with others, and the opportunities to reaffinn and build new relationships. The thesis concludes with an analysis of current thought and action before presenting five major conclusions. In essence and simply stated, if Maori self-determination is the destination then the journey is best guided by a Maori centred approach to development and organisational arrangements that are cognisant of the contemporary circumstances, in particular the relationship dynamics, that challenge Maori and the' life choices they make. 11 Acknowledgements After studying part time for five years, I can only conclude that those around me must have scratched their heads at my often distant and deep thoughts (not always transparent) that have distracted my attention from other things, like mowing the lawns. But as always when all best plans are laid down you can count on a higher order to intervene. In this case, the arrival of a baby daughter, Atarea Nisga' a Hine­ Porutu, who decided that the male element in the household should be reminded about the wonders of life and the gifts it brings without concern for doctoral studies or such like. To my new director of life studies, her mother and sister, two brothers,· her sister-in-law and two nephews, thank you. There are many people whom I wish to acknowledge however, the mention of names raises the possibility for personalisation and distraction from the purpose of the thesis. More important, many participants contributed with the understanding that no references would be made to them directly. While I cannot mention them all, I can sincerely thank them for their candid and often provocative views. Without the fullness oftherr perspectives the analysis would have been less robust and rounded. There are those that say little but are happy to be there when needed. Although what they do is perceived by them as insignificant, the reality is far more telling. To all the relations, friends and family, your collective support was invaluable. Likewise, to Professor Whatarangi Winiata, Professor John Overton, Professor Wayne Edwards, Dr. James Ritchie, Dr. Godfrey Pohatu, Esther Tinirau, Charlotte Sunde and many others, the sharing of ideas and literature has contributed immensely. iii To my work colleagues, in particular, the regional staff who assisted with data collection, thank you all very much. I would like to particularly mention Pura Parata, his staff and family, Maehe Maniapoto and others, and Tony Gardiner. Just as important, over the last five years, various people from government agencies - information and legal sections, public bodies, private sector groups, and non­ governmental organisations have provided assistance from time to time. With a small concern about missing someone out, I nonetheless thank you one and all. With respect, I wish to acknowledge the professional support of Harawira Gardiner and Dr. Ngatata Love. Your respective contributions to my professional development are duly noted, thank you. Similarly to you, Professor Mason Durie, your supervision will be remembered for timing, openness, critical appraisal ~d dedication. Consequently, it is difficult not to respond decisively to the task at hand when the only remaining variable is me. The least I can do is to support others - thank you. Since 1982, I have been involved with tribal development. With guidance from various quarters, my immediate future was somewhat designed though not without some rough patches. Indeed, bearing witness to the shifts in tribal attitudes and behaviours has sharpened my intuition and skills. Along the way, education, employment and training, social services, youth support, land claims and marae development were key areas of interest. lV In 1992, I became directly involved with Maori development as a public servant whilst still participating with a number of tribal and non-tribal groups and activities. My interests extended to tribal strategy and management, Maori land and economic development, and hapu capacity building. To the people who have contributed positively to my personal development - thank you. Moreover, the completion of this thesis is about fulfilling an obligation to a number of tribal elders and mentors, many of whom have passed on while the wisdom that comes with age descends on others. For reasons that only they will understand I thank them all for their patience and persistence, and look forward to supporting future endeavours. He kaupapa kotahi he ara whakamua A shared vision is a pathway forward v Abstract Acknowledgements Tables Introduction Chapter One Chapter Two Table of Contents The Indigenous Experience Defining Maori Development Defining Maori Organisation Chapter Outline Research Perspective Turning the page Development and Determination Development Approaches Critical Theory and Development Anti-development Movement Neo-liberalism Beyond N eo-liberalism Top-Down Approach I III IX 1 5 12 15 19 22 23 24 24 29 31 33 38 40 Contemporary Maori Development 46 The Treaty Partnership - A relationship of convenience 47 The Government Economic Reform Agenda Maori Development Reform Governnient Policy Themes for Maori Contemporary Maori Social Organisation Government Outcomes for Maori 51 55 59 67 71 vi Chapter Three Chapter Four Chapter Five Chapter Six Alternative Ideas, Models and Frameworks International Perspectives In Search of Framework Design Elements Contemporary Development Themes Contemporary Development Themes for Maori Contemporary Maori Development Themes In Search of a Maori Development Framework Holism and Development Responding to Diverse Maori Realities The Treaty ofWaitangi Tino Rangatiratanga - The Face of Self-Determination Dichotomies in Maori Development Maori Development Propositions Maori Development Ideas and Practices: Some Criteria Maori Development Dilemmas Responsiveness to Maori Development Themes Research Baseline for Maori Organisations Research Design The Theory of Organisation in the Twentieth Century Maori Organisational Culture Maori Organisation in the Twentieth Century Research Results and the Wider Context Responses to a Survey of Claimant Groups Tribal Organisations and Maori Individuals Tikanga and Legally Recognised Organisations Non-tribal and Tribal Organisations Common Expectations A Random Survey of 100 Trusts Maori tikanga and legal restraints Post-1984 Trust Entities and Maori 83 83 85 90 103 112 119 120 122 124 127 130 136 140 142 149 156 160 165 176 182 196 196 198 200 204 207 213 214 217 vu Chapter Six (cont.) The Trust Entity and Maori Development Indepth Interviews about Tribal Organisation and Treaty Settlements Chapter Seven Chapter Eight Appendix One Appendix Two Glossary Bibliography Development Capacity - A Comment Responding to Maori Identity Responding to Organisational Reform Responding to Maori Needs and Aspirations Maori Organisation in the Twenty-First Century Tribal and Non-tribal Organisations - Contemporary Features Tikanga and Legal Conventions Maori Tribal Institutions - Contemporary Features The Marae Institution Development Capacity Building Capacity to Respond Summary Conclusions A Final Comment Questionnaire Interview Schedule Books Essays, Articles and Papers Reports and Official Publications Legislation and Court Cases Unpublished Sources 222 226 235 236 238 242 245 251 261 268 272 282 292 302 306 316 320 322 323 324 332 340 346 347 VllI Tables 1.1 Approaches to Development 29 1.2 Developmental Stakeholders and Benefits 45 2.1 Government Policy for Maori 66 3.l Contemporary Development Themes 102 3.2 Contemporary Development Themes for Maori 111 3.3 Contemporary Development Themes By and For Maori 117 4.1 Maori Centred Approach to Development 135 4.2 Maori Development Propositions 140 4.3 Maori Development Criteria 141 4.4 Maori Development Dilemmas 148 4.5 Responsiveness to Maori Development Themes 150 6.1 Tikanga Recognised Organisations 201 6.2 Legally Recognised Organisations 203 6.3 Features of Tribal and Non-tribal Organisations 206 6.4 Objects and Purposes 220 6.5 Key Development Areas 221 7.1 Application of Tikanga and Law Conventions 263 7.2 Best Practice Statements 267 7.3 Best Practice Statements for the Marae Institution 278 7.4 The Cultures within Maori Organisations 286 7.5 Examples of Interaction between Maori Organisations and others 292 7.6 Maori Development Stakeholders 295 7.7 Capacity requirements for Maori Organisations 301 Diagrams 7a Relational Model - Development Capacity 300 IX Introduction E te pataka kei whea to tatau kia taea ngii kai 0 tOll pllku ?1 This thesis is about Maori organisation in contemporary Maori development. This study is not a history about Maori organisation or Maori development; instead, it is about the contemporary circunistances of Maori and the organisations they operate in order to achieve their development goals and aspirations. However, references will be made to the historical relationships between Maori and the Crown, given that the Maori-Crown partnership has implications for Maori development. Nonetheless, a more important concern is the future relationships between Maori and their choice of organisations. Maori organisations are entrusted with development goals and aspirations of Maori communities. In response to change, minor adjustments if not major reforms have occurred. As Maori communities and associated organisations continually adjust to external influences, Maori development ideas and practices, and organisational approaches are being reexamined. An important dynamic is the changing patterns of relationships between Maori and the State, Maori and Maori, and Maori and others. The problematic is found in the dilemmas confronted by Maori organisations when responding to the expectations of the State, Maori and others. 1 This is often illustrated by differing views about how Maori communities should organise themselves to achieve their development goals and aspirations. A key question is how do Maori communities look after and progress what is important to them when changes occur, albeit external or otherwise? A critical issue is that development expectations of Maori communities are not always clear, nor is it always possible for Maori organisations to respond appropriately in every case. Likewise, various organisational models and practices may not always meet the expectations of all Maori, the State and others. Indeed, Maori are seeking to be clearer about Maori development ideas, practices and goals. Equally, Maori are examining the current organisational approaches being adopted to achieve this. The key question here is what development ideas and practices, and organisational approaches will respond to the changing patterns of relationships between Maori and Maori, Maori and the State, and Maori and others? Drawing on these elements the thesis presents an analysis of Maori organisational approaches in contemporary Maori development. The study cannot be readily located in one discipline or the other and may seem awkwardly placed. Yet, it contributes to both development and organisational theory and practice but it is also grounded in the body of knowledge derived from Maori values, philosophies, and aspirations. It I This Wh~ganui tribal statement seeks the doorway to the storehouse of knowledge in order to access what is inside. What follows in the introduction is an explanation about the doorway to the thesis. 2 draws on Maori knowledge and perspectives with a genuine regard for systems of knowledge and research procedures that offset the state of working relationships, inter-personal dynamics and political temperament of individual Maori and Maori collectives. It calls for an acknowledgement of the various perspectives that are shared by individual Maori and their preferred Maori collectives. In other words, Maori knowledge and'understanding are important features of the study. The study can be described in two parts. Chapters 1-4 explore the dimensions of development and organisational theory and practice with a commentary about international, national and Maori perspectives. Western worldviews are treated as a potential complement to Maori points of view though the study treads cautiously here. Seemingly, Maori initiatives, which appear contradictory to democratic principles and understanding or contrary to tikanga Maori, tend to accentuate the tension between pragmatism and idealism. Consequently, a Maori centred approach to development is offered to better understand these circumstances. Chapters 5-8 focus on situations confronted by Maori organisations that are involved in Maori development. International perspectives about the theory of organisation . contribute to a framework for understanding the nature of Maori organisations. Thereafter, the contexts and circumstances of various Maori organisations, including Trusts set up by Maori, Trust Boards and Maori claimant organisations are examined. The contemporary features of Maori organisations are highlighted through examples 3 of tribal and non-tribal Maori institutions, Maori organisational culture and Maori developmental capacity. In this thesis, the links between organisation, development theory and practice, and Maori cultural principles is found in Maori endeavour. Rather than a complete separation of the disciplines, a connection is ma:de between development outcomes and the organisational arrangements most likely to advance them. Although Western worldviews have been used in this study to critically examine Maori perspectives, a framework for development and organisation comes as much from Maori initiative that in turn has its origins in Maori conventions and philosophy. If culture and greater autonomy are central to successful development2 then tribal and non-tribal Maori will themselves guide the process and outcomes for Maori development and the choice of organisations for this purpose. Democratic principles are significant in alternative development ideas and practices but they should not detract from the importance of quality principles being derived from the ideas and practices of Maori commlmities, their institutions, values and ideologies. While Maori, like other indigenous peoples, are not completely satisfied that western models of development will achieve their goals and aspirations there is nonetheless a healthy curiosity for international knowledge and understanding about development and organisation. 2 See 'Nation-Building: Creating a Place for Business' in Reinvestment: Community Affairs Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Winter 1997. See also Hassan Zaoual, (1997), 'The Economy and Symbolic Sites of Africa', in Majid Rahnema; Victoria Bawtree, (eds.), (1997), The Post-Development Reader, Zed Books, London, pp. 30-39. 4 The Indigenous Experience Although peoples who identify as indigenous are located throughout the world, and represent diverse cultures and ethnicities, they share a sense of priority in time. They recognise inter-generational obligations to transfer cultural responsibilities, knowledge and understandings. And, they have experiences of being conquered or marginalised, or dispossessed or excluded or discriminated against by a dominant society.3 Many of the theories about indigenous disadvantage and under-development4 are founded on worldviews that are generated by observers and external experts. While theoretical models can be produced, the worldviews of indigenous peoples are not unconditionally accessible to the uninitiated. With consent, the researcher may access customs, beliefs, institutions and people dynamics grounded in a sense of belonging and interconnected relationships. They represent an accumulation and ,;sharing of knowledge and understanding acquired through insights, learning and endeavour. It can be explained as a process of cultural evolution.s 3 Paul Havemann, (ed.), (1999), Indigenous Peoples Rights in Australia, Canada and New Zealand, Oxford University Press, Auckland, p. 1. 4 See Ministry of Maori Development (1997) Maori Economic Development - Identifying Causes 0/ Disadvantage and Strategies/or Accelerating Maori Economic Development - Draft Only, Wellington, pp. 18-19. 5 Linda Clarkson, Vem Morrissette and Gabriel RegalIet, (1997), 'Our Responsibility to the Seventh Generation', in Majid Rahnema; Victoria Bawtree, (eds.), (1997), The Post-Development Reader, Zed Books, London, pp. 40-50. 5 With insights about the Ojibway people and the similarities to the creation story of other indigenous peoples, Clarkson, Morrissette and Regallet (1997) illustrate this when they point out that social interaction and experience provide a contextual framework for passing knowledge and understanding from one generation to another. Attitudes toward life and death, the inter-relationships of all-living things, and social responsibility are reflected in the institutions and systems of indigerious peoples. Zaoual (1997), an economist, provides another example based on studies in Africa. He argues that contrary to the Western model or way of seeing things, the paradigm that emerges from the cosmogonies of the African site would seem to be characterised more by relations between human beings than by utilitarian, individual, economic functions. His work suggests that the economy is not primarily an economic problem but a cultural one.6 Consequently, development is considered to have a culture that is not readily transferable to other cultural groups. In his own words; The utilitarian and productivist paradigm of development is like a telescope through which the West sees only itself, when it thinks it sees the Third World. It cannot do otherwise because it is an instrument made to measure itself and no one else. Inevitably there is confusion because it is an instrument made to measure itself and no one else.7 6 Hassan Zaoual, (1997), 'The Economy and Symbolic Sites of Africa', in Majid Rahnema; Victoria Bawtree, (eds.), (1997), The Post-Development Reader, Zed Books, London, pp. 30-39. 7 ibid., p. 38. 6 Through his work, Zaoual (1997) refers to the importance of understanding the culture of the indigenous community and the implications that a culture of development may have upon them. What is significant here is that Zaoual's research is focused on the unsaid aspects of a culture, the ways of thinking that belong to a culture and the ways of behaving within a culture. 8 The approach challenges Western standards that relegate indigenous worldviews to romantic acknowledgements of a bygone age. Indigenous development reflects a growing trend, driven by indigenous peoples, to critically examine western-based development paradigms and reaffirm the value of indigenous ideas and practices. In practice it means that western concepts and methods are not relied on but are considered, at best, alongside the knowledge and understandings of indigenous communities. Brohman (1996) refers to this as the indigenisation of development.9 He states that indigenisation rejects any attempt to organise people according to ethnocentric 'universal' models and prescribed standards. Instead, openness to difference is encouraged as a basis for learning about other peoples and their cultures. The purpose is to better understand local knowledge and cultural practices as a basis for redefining development approaches. Furthermore, it also provides a basis for critical analysis of western-based development views for indigenous peoples. 8 ibid., pp. 30-39. 7 Nonetheless, indigenous communities are mindful of the consequences when sharing their worldviews with people who may not respect the underlying cultural responsibilities. The general pattern in the western world has been to eventually disconnect the relationship between knowledge and understanding, and cultural responsibilities. The result is usually the reconstitution of indigenous knowledge and understanding to western standards and intentions. In comparison, indigenisation acknowledges the role of so-called traditional social relations, values and structures. Rather than being sidelined, indigenous institutions and practices are re examined for opportunities to align development initiatives to the contexts and circumstances of the group. The 'outsider' professional may be uncomfortable with development and organisational ideas and practices that may appear to be, at least on the surface, contradictory. The comfort zone is stretched even further when the systems of knowledge and research techniques differ from accepted scientific method. ID Perhaps the most profound insight to indigenisation is the clear intention of all indigenous peoples to achieve greater levels of autonomy. While the substance and form are not always visible to external parties there is nonetheless a shift in thinking and practice. This is illustrated by movement away from an unquestioning acceptance 9 John Brohman, (1996), Popular Development: Rethinking the Theory and Practice of Development, Blackwell Publishers Inc., Oxford, p. 337. 8 of western influence toward a shift in the balance of power and control. In reality, it would mean adjustments to the relationships shared by national institutions of wider society with indigenous peoples so that indigenous government, indigenous corporate institutions and other organisations may emerge. Research by Cornell and Kalt (1990), for instance, compared development paths among several Native American tribes and found that the greatest benefits come from tribal control of the development processY Similarly, from research studies of development and technology transfer projects for African communities, Zaoual (1997) concluded that western-based processes may unwittingly marginalise the systems and processes of the indigenous group. In Hassan Zaoual's words; It has always been important for Western science to look at things from the outside, even if it is an empty shell when seen from the inside. This is the limitation of the science of economics, which refuses to take into account the subjectivity of the people under scrutiny. It is the same analytical rigidity that is' found in those approaches to informal dynamics that are triggered by the interactions between transposed development and African sites. 12 Writers such as Cornell and Kalt (1990; 1995) and Zaoual (1997) imply that successful indigenous development is influenced by the relationship dynamics between external stakeholders and indigenous communities. Implicitly, indigenous peoples expect control of the development process. For this to happen, the re- 10 ibid., p. 339. 11 Comment on Stephen Comell and Joseph Kalt's research in Ministry of Maori Development, (1997), Maori Economic Development - Identifying Causes of Disadvantage and Strategies for Accelerating Maori Economic Development - Draft Only, Wellington, p. 58. 9 vitalisation of local institutions, networks, traditions,· values, processes and relationships is an essential requirement. Supportive of the sentiment, Cornell and Kalt (1995) concluded from their comparative study of Native American tribes that stable and appropriate institutions and structures of governance are essential for successful development. Ultimately, indigenous peoples are advised to critically examine political, social and economic priorities against tribal values, principles and relationships. Cornell and Kalt's (1998) key proposition seems to be that successful development for indigenous peoples is predicated on achieving self-determination. Virtually, it would mean political reform through a process of legitimation by sovereign nations to enable indigenous peoples to govern their own affairs. For example, self-government models have been adopted by the Canadian federal government and American senate as a means of codifying and limiting the rights of indigenous peoples. 13 The process usually includes political trade-offs but in general the package comprises a bundle of resources and localised government for the indigenous group. For indigenous peoples of America and Canada it means control of tribal affairs within a geographic area based on legally binding agreements about the extent and 12 Hassan Zaoual, (1997), 'The Economy and Symbolic Sites of Africa', in Majid Rahnema ; Victoria Bawtree, (eds.), (1997), The Post-Development Reader, Zed Books, London, p. 38. 13 Information obtained from interviews with government officials and indigenous groups in Canada and America during research visits in 1996 and 1998. 10 nature of such authority. In all cases, however, national sovereignty and federal jurisdiction remain ultimately intact. This does not prevent tribal control of tribal affairs but it certainly limits what it means. Nevertheless, Cornell and Kalt (1998) would argue that a tribe is more likely to be successful if the governing institutions reflect the cultural standards of the tribal community.14 In summary, if relevant governing institutions and organisations for public and private sector activities are to emerge then indigenous peoples should lead indigenous development. Business organisational models cannot provide for the full extent of the indigenous development agenda though corporate bodies are used extensively by indigenous peoples. Corporatisation is not completely dismissed. But indigenous communities voice a caution about the potential for development priorities and processes to be unduly disconnected from indigenous structures and cultural responsibilities. IS The link between indigenous development and indigenous organisation is not only grounded in discussions about corporate governance and management. On the contrary, the development ideas and practices, and organisational approaches that positively respond to the changing patterns of relationships between indigenous 14 See the discussion about 'cultural match' by Stephen Comell and Joseph Kalt, (1998), 'Sovereignty and Nation-building: The Development Challenge', in Indian Country Today in American Indian Culture and Research Journal, November 1998. IS See Inter-Commission Task Force on I~digenous Peoples, (1997), Indigenous Peoples and Sustainability: Cases and Actions, International Books, The Netherlands. 11 peoples and sovereign states, indigenous peoples themselves and indigenous peoples with other parties mould it. A key feature of indigenous development is self-determination. It is politically charged with implications for the nature and extent of future relationships between indigenous peoples and national sovereignty, with government, between and within indigenous communities, and in wider society. Clearly, there are strong views attributable to both developmeIJ,t researchers and indigenous communities who believe the future patterns of relationships for indigenous peoples at the local, national and international levels are somewhat contingent on whether or not they play leading roles in the development process. Defining Maori Development Development theory and practice has moved beyond strict economic models. Largely the result of critique from various quarters, there is a broader spectrum of research communities involved in development research and practice throughout the world. Accordingly, the theory and practice of development is more discursive and representative of various disciplines including sociology, ecology, and the discourse of indigenous peoples. There also exists a variety of competing development perspectives founded on ideological and other differences yet a number of common features are recognisable. 12 This situation is characterised by disagreement among development thinkers and practitioners as well as disagreement among communities. 16 Consequently, what is meant by development has come to mean different things to different people grounded in interpretations of different contexts and circumstances. Although 'development' theory and practice attracts critical appraisal from a range of disciplines, they all share an assumption that humans are active participants in 'development'. With insights from the world of microscopic interaction and natural phenomena, the human species is better understood to be part of a bigger picture. Indeed, humans continue to demonstrate an insatiable need to do more today than what was done yesterday. But whether all human activity can be treated as positive development in· relation to all other living things remains questionable. At the very least, people are inter-connected to the livelihood of other living things. In the human context, development has come to mean the advancement of the human condition though not necessarily for all to enjoy equally nor for that matter, to be at the expense of others. While most people seek to improve their position, they nonetheless live with and within socio-economic conditions that are not entirely controlled by them. In other words, people may enjoy a level of control over their lives but they cannot avoid the intrusion of external forces. Clearly, people interact 16 See Sachs (1992), Brohman (1996) and Rist (1997) for critical appraisals of development research, theories and practices. 13 with each other, organise to achieve goals, compete for scarce resources, contest for autonomy, and collaborate when necessary. It follows that a diversity of interaction between people exists on more than one level. Consequently, development is not restricted either by definition or practice to only one paradigm, context or set of circumstances. Rather, there is an acknowledgement of variability that moves away from universal ism as the only legitimate basis for understanding development and its complexities. Furthermore, there is clearly a rethink amongst theorists and practitioners about the scope for choice in development. 17 The wide ranging observations and analyses of development contribute to better understanding of the concept and provide informed critique to move beyond the impasse and promote new directions. ls In this sense, it is counter- productive to treat development levels, ideologies, strategies and actions, as if they each exist in a vacuum. On the contrary, every variation should be considered within the scope of broader perspectives. For Maori, the debate exposes a dedication to cultural affirmation, a political quest for self-determination, a resounding dissatisfaction with the disparities between Maori and non-Maori, and a demand for organisational options that make sense to the needs of contemporary Maori society. One of the most crucial issues is the organisational 17 David Booth (ed.), (1994), Rethinking Social Development: Theory, Research and Practice, Longman House, England, p. 7. 18 Frans J. Schuurman (ed.), (1996), Beyond the Impasse: New Directions in Development Theory, Zed Books, London, p. 1. 14 variations that exist in Maori communities. For various reasons, there are demands on Maori organisations to interact in ways that demonstrate inclusion while not being primarily driven by gove~nment ideals and expectations. Yet, a pragmatic approach is also evident among organisations that attempt to make the best of what is perceived to be possible 'on the day'. Consequently, Maori development is best understood by reflecting on the interaction between Maori and Maori, and Maori and others - including the Crown and the state. Defining Maori Organisation Maori organisation is often used to describe both the structures and processes, which give shape to Maori collectives that, are established for common purposes. Maori may not initiate the act of organisation in every case. However, individual and collective Maori arrangements would have been involved with decision making processes despite uncontrollable external and internal forces. While the New Zealand democracy is founded on principles that promote the 'freedom' of organisation and development, Maori are confronted with a variety of dilemmas even though they are able to organise themselves. Without reference to a particular context; an organisation can be simply described as any· unified consolidated group of elements. The notion of unity is somewhat problematic, as 'organisation' does not necessarily imply harmony in the sense of complementary existence. On the contrary, the unifying elements of an organisation 15 may precipitate chaos rather than order. It raises the potential for organisations to exist as a consequence of chaos and order rather than being necessarily the exclusive design of, or the pre-eminent response to, one or the other. Further, rather than organisations being established simply for their own sake, organisational goals and projected outcomes provide for a more legitimate developmental nexus. In this study, the term 'tribal organisation' is used to define organisations that are constructed and operated by iwi, hapu and whanau within tribal contexts. Although cooperative principles are fundamental to tribal philosophy, the influence of the individual, particularly in leadership roles, is recognised in this study to be a significant feature. For example, genealogical connections and personal interaction with iwi, hapu and whanau, and tribal affairs are particularly relevant. While the tribal territory is usually perceived as the organisational environment, the mobility of tribal members does affect tribal behaviour and how the tribe decides to organise its affairs. Consequently, tribal groups may have organisational arrangements that extend beyond strict tribal boundaries. Access and participation is restricted to descendants though some tribal groups do not regard genealogy to be a sufficient criterion when tribal members want to access tribal domains. 19 In comparison, the term 'non-tribal organisation' refers to organisations that are constructed and operated by Maori who behave as a community of interest for 19 Refers to physical tribal estate as well as tribal knowledge, language and philosophies. 16 common purposes. Tribal connections are never rejected and participation is not contingent on such connections. Consequently, self-identification as Maori is sufficient. Amongst the most well known non-tribal organisations are the urban Maori authorities, the Maori Councils and the Maori Women's Welfare League, all of which are located throughout the country. Access to, and participation in, these organisations is potentially open to all Maori regardless of tribal affiliation or lack thereof. On the other hand, the definition is blurred when Maori establish a non-tribal organisation such as a private business or social service provider but do not portray it as a Maori organisation per se. Instead, it is recognised as a private or public sector organisation albeit operated by Maori, and sometimes for Maori. For various reasons, including business networking and self-identification, Maori who own and operate private enterprises may decide whether or not to have the enterprises branded as Maori organisations. In any event, these organisations are still owned and operated by people who are descendants of Maori. Given that Maori enjoy the option to be recognised as either a Maori or mainstream organisation it is probably more accurate to acknowledge that both descriptions are relevant but remain largely dependant on the perceptions of the Maori involved and of the people around them. It reflects a condition which is essentially contingent on context and circumstances and must ultimately depend on the mission and perceived advantages of 'recognition' as a Maori or mainstream organisation. 17 Apart from tribal and non-tribal Maori organisations there are also non-Maori organisations that include and involve Maori at all levels from governance to executive management to general membership. Non-Maori organisations are not founded on ethnicity or confined to tribal genealogy. Access and participation is detennined by rules of membership which enable any person, unless there is a justifiable reason otherwise, to enjoy the privileges and responsibilities of membership. Maori participation within the Rotary Club, the Forest and Bird Society, suburban sports clubs, and local theatre are good examples. Being Maori is not a prerequisite for participation within these organisations. This study does not examine non-Maori organisations; instead, Maori organisations, tribal and non-tribal, are the primary focus. In this respect, it is perhaps gennane to sketch that focus in the following chapter outline. 18 Chapter Outline Chapter One [Development and Determination] introduces the notion of development by providing an historical analysis of international development trends and practices since the 1950-60s. A broader perspective of development theory and practice is discussed with particular attention given to the purpose and implications of such different approaches. This overview provides an international frame of reference for development and its application. Moreover, the impact of top-down models is presented in a set of concluding statements about the impact of contemporary 'development' per se. No attempt is made to segment every minute aspect. Rather, a general but focused account of international perspectives about development provides a backdrop for introducing the complexities surrounding Milori development. Chapter Two [Contemporary Milori Development] provides an analysis of development trends and practices in the New Zealand context though the post-1984 period is emphasised. Attention is given to the purposes and implications of development approaches for Milori. The influence of international and national power brokers, including the New Zealand Government, is reported. But, more important, the critical features of the Milori development debate are unpacked in order to analyse the overall impact of Milori development, particularly since the Hui Taumata held in 1984. Accordingly, issues such as the Treaty partnership, structural adjustment and Milori, Milori social organisation and government outcomes for Maori are discussed. In addition, the impact of government development approaches for Maori are 19 presented to highlight the perverse effects which followed the economic restructuring of the 1980s. One of the key issues in this chapter is about the relevance of the donor­ donee model for Maori development. Chapter Three [Alternative Ideas, Models and Frameworks] introduces alternative ideas, models and frameworks for development. The research perspective adopted for this study recognises the potential to reflect upon a wide range of perspectives and to consider their individual and collective merits for contemporary Maori development. Having reached the conclusion that a Maori conceptual framework is desirable, a search for design elements is undertaken. As a consequence, the discourse of international communities is embraced to give explanatory power to the meanings of contemporary development for Maori. Chapter Four [In Search of a Maori Development Framework] proposes a Maori centred approach to development. Reinforcing the thesis approach, discussions will centre on; a shift in conceptualising Maori development, the changing nature of Maori organisation, the Treaty contribution, and the connection between Maori development and self-determination. Furthermore, development dilemmas and propositions are demystified to better understand the responsiveness of both Maori and the government to Maori development themes. Chapter Five [Research Baseline for Maori Organisations] presents the research baseline. An examination of research design, the theory of organisation and various 20 perspectives on Maori organisation provides a foundation for analysing the data gathered from interviews and document searches. With these insights, a developmental framework is produced which aids in the understanding of Maori organisations. Chapter Six [Research Results and the Wider Context] reports the findings derived from interviews, questionnaires and document searches. One hundred Trusts were systematically examined and sixty-eight reports about Maori Trust Boards and other organisations were analysed. As well, interviews with key players in a wide range of Maori organisations were conducted so as to complement published and unpublished data. Chapter Seven [Maori Organisation in the Twenty-First Century] presents a wider perspective of the developmental framework. There is an examination of the strengths and weaknesses of Maori organisations in formulating sound policies and in implementing best practices. It draws on the aforementioned research results in order to present best practice statements that support a Maori centred approach to development. More important, the three major themes of the study are merged: Maori organisation, contemporary Maori development and the role of the Crown. This also identifies the characteristics, threats, opportunities, relationships, purposes and expectations of Maori organisations. In other words, the contemporary features of Maori organisations are characterised; tikanga and legal conventions, tribal institutions, and the organisational culture and developmental capacity. 21 Chapter Eight [Conclusions] presents a set of concluding remarks. It begins by explaining the purpose and the key features of the study and leads to a summary of the five major conclusions. In conclusion, a final comment is offered about the essential nature of development and the perspective which, in the writer's view, best services Maori needs. Research Perspective In this study a research approach has been adopted that acknowledges the existence of tribal and wider Maori community views and the changing shape of Maori organisation, leadership and identity. This research approach is based on the premise that all collectives have a recorded history and views about the world around them. In keeping with this perspective, three strands are conceptually plaited. First, the information bases of tribal members, Maori members and their respective organisations are recognised. Second, the information bases accumulated by non­ Maori research communities and the public domain (international literature) are also recognised. Third, the interweaving between the first and second strands presents a mediation point. The arrangement provides an opportunity to evaluate what is understood to be generated by Maori on the one hand and what is gained from shared time and space with a broad range of ideas and practices beyond the marae gate, on the other. 22 Turning the page As the page is turned, a multi-dimensional approach with a healthy regard for the rigour of academic analysis is presented. The narrative represents an open-ended and uncontaminated description, which does not play off discourses against each other. On the contrary, the text is cognisant of diverse ideas while ensuring that the primary focus on Maori organisations is sustained within contemporary Maori development. The thesis draws on the involvement and personal expenence of numerous contributors within Maori organisations in contemporary Maori development. It is envisaged that this study will contribute to knowledge and understanding of Maori organisation in contemporary Maori development and will play some part in the realisation of Maori aspirations. 23 Chapter One: Development and Determination The notion of development abounds with interpretation grounded in international ideas and practice, many of which tend to reflect the context and circumstances faced by diverse countries and communities. According to Rist (1997) development discourse would not be so troublesome if it were not built into relationships of power. Paradoxically, it is becoming universal, but not transcultural.20 However, one constant is the notion of interaction between people to achieve their respective and common development goals. Contemporary development models tend to focus on the processes employed, the underlying assumptions and the outcomes realised by the instigators and the communities involved. These approaches are discussed as follows. Development Approaches A number of historical accounts of the 1950-60s conclude that economic development models were widely used to progress and to monitor the effectiveness of development strategies. Brohman (1996) points out that development was narrowly defined as economic growth with little if any consideration for social and cultural factors other than for encouraging economic growth.21 The period is exemplified by Rostow's 20 See Gilbert Ris!, (1997), The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith, Zed Books, London, p. 44. 21 S ee John Brohman, (1996), Popular Development: Rethinking the Theory and Practice of Development, Blackwell Publishers Inc., Oxford, pp. 9-15. 24 model of countries movmg through a sequence of development stages from a traditional society to a modern capitalist society?2 In retrospect, the 1950-60s represented a period when FirstWorld countries could maximise their extrinsic values and minimise their intrinsic intentions to any under-developed country or third world. Consequently, social and economic changes were inevitable for under-developed23 countries, as movement toward modernity with the assistance of the 'developed' world became difficult to resist. Even so, the nature and intent of the 'development' relationship resembles little more than an advanced form of colonisation. A comment by Harrison (1988) illustrates the point: "development and underdevelopment are essentially aspects of the same economic process, and the former has been able to occur only by increasing the latter".24 Therefore, 'developed' societies will gravitate to the centre and control 'underdeveloped' countries situated at the periphery. It would seem that for capitalism to survive a relationship of inequality m power between the 'developed' and the 'underdeveloped' must be maintained. In crude terms, this period was indicative of post-war Americanism, bringing with it the exploitation of resource rich but under-developed countries. The features of this period were reminiscent of colonial rule with the acquisition of natural resources and the assimilation of native populations. As a development approach, industrialisation 22 See Gilbert Ris!, (1997), The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith, Zed Books, London, pp. 94-\03. 23 'Underdevelopment' promoted the integration of the underdeveloped with the developed as members of a single nation, community or group. It tempered the colonizer intention of extennination and exploitation but ensured the retention of power and control through integration. The idea and practice of underdevelopment is discussed by Gilbert Rist, (1997), The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith, Zed Books, London, pp. 72-75 24 See Harrison, D., (1988), The Sociology oJ Modernisation and Development, Routledge, London, p. 255. 25 accelerated (and increased) production with industrial machinery; and population shifts from rural areas. to industrial towns in search of employment opportunities and a better standard of living. During the 1960-70s, a more measured approach to economic growth and development was adopted. It was characterised by movement toward anti poverty programmes and by challenges to the 1950' s urban-industrial biases of modernisation theories and policies. Consequently, the meaning and use of such theories and policies were transformed by the mid-1970s. Development thinking and practice moved away from 'Westernisation' but still advocated industrialisation as the primary building block. The role of the state was emphasised with the advent of social welfare programmes, designed particularly for managing local processes of social and economic development. While theories of social and institutional change were used to complement theories of economic transformation, the provision of development rather than empowerment to develop was still evident in the discourse of this period. Accordingly, non-economic factors including social, cultural and political matters were expected to be located in the logic of capitalist economic growth.25 Post-Marxist literature on development accords First World companies with exploitative intentions of human and natural resources, and new markets.26 This body 25 John Brohman, (1996), Popular Development: Rethinking the Theory and Practice of Development, Blackwell Publishers Inc., Oxford, p. 15. "See writers such as Andre Frank (1970), Stuart Corbridge (1995) and others who apply Marxist ideas to Theories of Dependency and Underdevelopment. 26 of critique points to the extraction of wealth from Third World countries rather than to development to generate wealth and improved wellbeing for Third World populations.27 The translation of post-Marxism into plausible policy advice did not d 28 succee . In sharp contrast to post-Maxism, the counter-revolutionist approach to development theory that emerged in the 1960-70s has influenced development policies, particularly those that emerged in the 1980s. The counter-revolutionist research community attacked economic approaches that took shape after World War 11. Concerns centred on the influence of Keynesianism on mainstream development theory since the rise of growth theory through proponents such as Rostow (1956) and the modernisation approach. The Keynesian interventionist model was rejected by a vanguard of neoliberalism persuasion as an impediment to growth and development. 29 Its proponents cited examples such as the downturn in productivity, inefficiencies in the state sector and growing foreign debt. Writers such as Balassa (1982), Lal (1985) and Bhagwati (1993) were convinced that eliminating state intervention by reducing its development role and providing incentives then the marketplace could operate more efficiently. Their catch-cry was the need for trade not aid, privatisation not nationalisation, and the user pays philosophy. 27 See Andre Gunder Frank, (1970), 'The Development of Underdevelopment', in R. Rhodes, (ed.), Imperalism and Underdevelopment: A Reader, Monthly Review Press, London, pp. 4-17. 2. This is pointed out by SlUart Corbridge, (ed.), (1995), Development Studies, Edward Amold - Hodder Headline Group, London. 29 See John Brohman, (1996), Popular Development: Rethinking the Theory and Practice of Development, BlackwelI Publishers Inc., Oxford, pp. 26-28. 27 The counter-revolutionist approach is sometimes associated with the free-market community and limited government philosophy. Critics30 of the 'New Right' generally argue that this served only to extend First World company activities and profit generation for its financial beneficiaries. In their opinion, neo-liberalism - 'new right ideology' - reduces the world's diverse social realities into a singular economic development paradigm. This development approach at the international level is loosely called 'globalisation' where one emphasises the virtues of free market trade, less government intervention, foreign ownership and investment, and the promotion of individualism. The approach views capitalism as a global system with international arrangements of production, exchange and relations that are supported by less state- control of the economy and international mobility of capital and labour. Third World and indigenous populations are perceived as 'disadvantaged' by a global economy though peripheral benefits may be achievable?l Another way of explaining this is found in the work of Gilbert Rist (1997) who argues that development has been drained of content, so that it is now a mere residue used to justifY the process of globalisation.32 In brief, these approaches to development - as previously discussed - 30 See the contributions by various writers in Frans J. Schuurrnan (ed.), (1993), Beyond the Impasse: New Directions in Development Theory, Zed Books,London. 31 This theoretical perspective expressed by Mandel (1976), Wallerstein (1980) and others -World Systems Theory - is essentially a macro approach to development. It highlights the interconnections of a world capitalist system and attempts to explain why inequalities occur. A key argument of world systems theorists is that the gap between First and Third World countries will widen. 32 Rist, G., (1997), The History of Development: from Western Origins to Global Faith, Zed Books, London, p. 6. 28 have been summarised in table 1.1 below and include an overview of their developmental purposes and major implications. Table 1.1 : Approaches to Development Focus. Industrialisation 1950-60s Modernisation 1960-708 Globalisation 1970-19908 ,Purpose .•• Progress economic growth Establish industry based economy Improve effectiveness of economic development strategies Improve industry based economy Increase returns on capital Reduce poverty Establish free market trade Reduce government intervention Improve access to global resources Promote individualism Critical Theory and Development . implications· .. Americanisation of under-developed countries Exploitation of natural resources Social and economic upheaval of under-developed countries Increased poverty Urbanisation of under developed countries Exploitation of natural resources Urbanisation of the population Social Welfare Programmes Reduction of Welfare State Foreign Ownership and Investment Protection of Capitalist Society Significant social and economic disparities More recently, however, development approaches (particularly at the level of theory) have moved away from strict free-market principles by exploring alternative and competing views. One of approaches used to deconstruct and to demystify economic development models has been critical theory. As a form of analysis, critical theory posed questions. about the way we organise our lives or the way that our lives are 29 organised for us. However, critical theory intentionally sets out to transform society by praxis by reflecting upon the close relationship between epistemology and history. That is to say, there is good reason to reflect on the historical antecedents of all knowledge, what benefits there are accrued and for whom .. Therefore, and according to critical theorists, theories are not separated from the circumstances that surround their emergence. They tend to be characterised by disenchantment with both the successes and failures of both capitalist and socialist development strategies.33 An inquiry about the environmental costs of development and its effect on people is a key feature. In this context, the resolution of issues such as the rights of individuals and groups, and the forms of sustainable development which enhance the life chances and the wellbeing of men, women and children are significant. For some proponents, it means being more focused on development actions rather than development theories. For other proponents, it means making a space for development that relies more heavily on the skills and voices of the people who are being developed, and often with the support of non-governmental organisations?4 In this critical paradigm, human relationships are positioned amidst such structural issues as class and power, underpinned by an uncompromising bias toward structural 33 Comment by Stuart Corbridge (ed.), (1995), Development Studies: A Reader, Edward Arnold, New York, p. 7. . 34 Comment about Edwards and Hulmes (1991) and Farrington and Bebbington (1993) in Stuart Corbridge (ed.), (1995), Development Studies: A Reader, Edward Arnold, New York, p. 8. 30 change. Differences between what is and what should be are made more transparent. Humans are held responsible for their actions. Implicit in this social theory is the commitment to ethical and moral issues, particularly those that beg questions about who benefits from development and perhaps more importantly who should benefit. Anti-development Movement For similar reasons, there are also challenges to the very notion of development that are founded on the practices of powerful governments and wealthy investors in their dealings with under-developed countries. The situation is often perceived as the West attempting to produce societies in its own image thereby erasing, through colonisation, the identities of other ethnic groups who would otherwise be preserved by the West as a reminder of the 'colonised' group's incapacity to be completely 'Westernised'. Based on such arguments, the West is criticised for polluting the more authentic and sustainable livelihood systems of less developed countries.35 'Consequently, Post-war development efforts are condemned for imposing western ideals on non-Western populations. Anti-developmentalists consider development planning to be a form of technical knowledge, which legitimates the normality of Western idealism for non-Western populations. The process provides advantages to Western companies and enjoys the 35 Shucking and Anderson, (1991), 'Voices heeded and unheeded', in V. Shiva (ed.), (1991), Biodiversity: Social and Ecological Perspectives, Zed Books, London. 31 support of elite groups and of the state in developing countries. The state is viewed as an instrument of neo-colonialism, and it (the state) assumes the ability to pronounce with authority the 'problems' of developing countries. Authority of this kind is validated in the state's development plans. According to the anti-developmentalists, the victims of Western development experience are dislocated as they are reformed, and in being so, are denied equal status and access to the knowledge and authority of independence. Not surprisingly, anti­ developmentalists strive to eliminate the way development theories and practices are presently conceived. Instead such theories and practices are exchanged for a major refocus on the knowledge, skills and needs of the peoples who are being developed. The intention is to improve and empower the non-Western population, not subsume them within the Western image, framework and discourse. However, Corbridge (1995) accused anti-developmentalists of romanticising the lifestyles of indigenous peoples, of inventing historical accounts that cannot survive rigorous scrutiny, of failing to recognise westernised measurements of improvement, and of creating a mistrust of development that in effect prevents non-western. popuIations from sharing.36 ]. Stuart Corbridge (ed.), (1995), Development SlIIdies, Edward Arnold, New York, p. 9. 32 Within these aforementioned contestable views about development, Seer's (1969) proposition that development and economic growth are not one and the same thing has gained much popUlarity. In comparison to the writings from early 1980s, there is now less concern with the merits and nature of capitalist growth strategies and more emphasis given to citizenship, gender issues, justice institutions and democracy, the nature oflocal relationships between development and the environment.37 Corbridge (1995) concludes that most people who think about development and development policy do not subscribe to all the views expressed by one development paradigm, and are more likely to cross-fertilise aspects associated with two or more of these traditions. Nonetheless, there is overwhelming evidence about the domination of pro-market policies for development, particularly in the last twenty years. Corbridge (1995) also contends that the mainstream in development and policy today is probably best characterised by a commitment to making effective states and effective markets work in tandem through efficient local institutions.38 This approach is commonly known as neo-liberalism, which is examined in the following discussion. Neo-Liberalism Concepts such as effectiveness and efficiency are fundamental to the discourse of the free-market. Their influence upon development theory and practice is founded in neo- 37 'b'd I I., p. 10. 33 liberalism which is impossible to dismiss when discussing national and international development trends. The neo-liberal ideology emerged from a counter-revolution in development thinking following attempts by neo-monetarists to resolve the inflation problem of Third World countries. The OPEC oil price increases during 1973-74 created balance of payment problems for most, if not all, oil dependant countries. Such countries experienced some relief providing services and products valued by the Middle East. However, this was short lived as oil prices were raised again during 1979-82. While some Western countries turned to monetarism to address their respective inflation problems, a significant number of Third World countries were facing a severe debt crisis. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) was requested to coordinate rescue packages for countries in this position. In essence, it meant rescheduling some loans that were due if commercial banks were prepared to abide by a similar package. The arrangement was subject to indebted countries agreeing to reform their own economies toward the needs of the world market and its pricing influence. As a consequence, the IMF required governments to reduce public expenditure thereby increasing the probability of trading surplus funds. The early success of neo-liberal policies was followed by a more deliberate but flexible strategy which was adopted in 1985. Targeted countries were persuaded to forge ahead with structural adjustments to their economies, in particular, market 38 Most, if not all, writers who analyse the impact of economic development models may not describe it as Corbridge (\995) does nonetheless, they are all critical of market driven philosophies. 34 oriented policies for growth. In return, they were able to reorganise debt arrangements with support from IMF, international financial institutions and development banks.39 With structural adjustment for growth well entrenched, indebted countries were urged to improve their creditworthiness by voluntarily reducing debt and debt servicing levels. This was made possible alongside the rescheduling of principal and new money packages.4o Concerned about financial dilemmas, indebted countries were attracted to favourable debt-servicing and debt write-off opportunities. An economic perspective of the debt crisis and its associated circumstances implies that development is about the power of the market, economic rationalism and reduction of the state. The most critical feature of the neo-liberal development ideology is the redefinition of the role of state. It can be attributed to the neo-liberal counter-revolution, which rejects the Keynesianism model of state intervention for policies based on more orthodox neoclassical theory. Two key features are identifiable - the decline of state control and the substitution of the state by non- government or private sector interests. Perhaps it is little wonder that Third World countries were cajoled to revive their economies by limiting the state's role, encouraging a liberal economy and introducing a rigid monetary policy. To achieve this, impediments to initiative, private enterprise, and the removal of obsolete "This was known as the Baker Initiative. America's Secretary Baker presented it in October. 1985 at Seoul, at the annual joint meeting of the IMF and the World Bank. 40 See a statement made by Secretary Brady in March 1989 recorded in World Bank, (1990), World Debt Tables, The World Bank, Washington, p. 21. . 35 institutions including state corporations must be eliminated. Rist (1997) describes this as the new rhetoric of globalisation, which is ultimately focused on one target, the State, supposedly gUilty of regulation that allocated resources in an ilTational manner, and was therefore inherently wasteful.41 A contrary perspective may regard the structural adjustment package of the IMF as the cause not the solution to the debt crisis of Third World countries.42 While the approach certainly influenced the reconstruction of old development models it nonetheless maintained a trickle down approach. Consequently, socio-economic disparities increased as low-income groups were significantly disadvantaged by circumstances well beyond their capacity to respond. Dual economies emerged as export focused companies moved into the international market place while others attempted to survive in a diminishing national market. With the assistance of the West, Third World countries privatised their own state assets which achieved short-term debt relief but it was not sustainable. The strategy required the state to continue providing commodities desired by the international market place. Countries with high debt were particularly exposed as publicly owned economic wealth was gradually reduced. 4i See rust, G., (1997), The History of Development: from Western Origins to Global Faith, Zed Books, London, pp. 223-224. 42 M. Chossudovsky, (1991), 'Global Poverty and New World· Economic Order', in Economic and Political Weekly, 2 November 1991. 36 At another level, the capacity of the state to respond effectively to the needs of low­ income groups is reduced primarily to its distribution of government income from taxes and other concessions. The transfer of wealth from the public to the private sector has not been coupled with a similar response to welfare responsibilities. However, charitable trusts and corporate entities, throughout the world, are becoming benefactors for community cultural and social activities. Neo-liberalism is paternalistic insofar as it does not seek to remove barriers or encourage the development of policy tools that respond affirmatively to the needs of the unemployed, the homeless, the starving, the poor of health and the unskilled. Instead, it transfers state dependency of the powerless to the private sector with minimal control through govemment regulatory arrangements. In general neo­ liberalism does seek to remove state-imposed economic barriers. The aim is to cut the cost of welfare to both the state and (though taxes) to capital and, thereby, shift these costs to the individual, family and community. The merits of such structural adjustments for the disadvantaged are not evident. Disappointment with the lack of forward direction within development studies led to a rethink by various writers, including Apter (1987), Schuurman (1993), Booth (1994), Corbridge (1995), Brohman (1996) and Rist (1997) who raise questions and propose opportunities to move passed critique toward new development propositions. Fundamental to the quest is a desire to synthesise the emergence of new ideas and practices beyond neo­ liberalism. 37 Beyond Neo Liberalism In practice, neoliberalism seeks to reduce the role of the state and puts emphasis. on minimal state functions, good governance and a heightened role for civil society. According to Schuurman (1993:12), neo-liberalism resembles the modernisation paradigm but has less to offer because the role of the state is minimised. Concems have been raised about modernisation theory because it focuses primarily on political development, that is, the transition to democracy in the Third World43. The underlying intentions of political modernisation are to promote democracy, to build the nation state and to maintain state-centred development. The crux of this matter is whether or not political development should be viewed in the context of development as a whole. Writers, such as Blondel,44 argued that it is not helpful to separate or encourage greater weighting to social, economic or political development. The proposition does not ignore the political intent of neo-liberalism but broadens the analysis to unravel the dynamics of its relationship with social and economic aspects .. Nevertheless the neo-liberal model features a close alignment of economic and political aspects while social aspects are minimised by the reduction of the state's role. In effect, the donor - donee relationship of the state in welfare matters is weakened significantly. 43 See D. Apter, (1987), Rethinking Development: Modernisation, Dependency and Post-modern Politics, Sage Publications, London. 44 Jean Blondel, (1990), Comparative Government: An Introduction, Phillip Allan, New York, pp. 40- 51. 38 Traditional development models reinforce current structures thereby maintaining the status quo and its power base. They reflect the knowledge, relationships and authority valued by the dominant group. They are founded in a donor - donee relationship that is paternalistic, based on a hierarchy of structures which in turn, is reinforced by this arrangement. Neo-liberalism, however, encourages the state to continue setting the rules and reduce its welfare responsibilities. The situation creates an opportunity for other models to be explored as the state moves away from welfare provision. It is characterised by the removal of the donor-donee relationship between the state and. civil society while non-governmental organisations simultaneously attempt to fill the gap. With the impact of structural change, the relevance of the donor - donee relationship is questionable. If the political and economic link between the state and welfare is broken then the model may no longer be relevant. Consequently, individuals and groups are left to review historical relationships and reorganise how best to achieve personal and collective goals and objectives. Although neo-liberalism may provide the conditions for the elimination of top-down approaches to development, decision-making is not necessarily decentralised but in fact strengthened at the core with accountability links that control the periphery. The intention is to remove any impediment that may disturb economic growth and enterprise. The issues surrounding the top-down approach and neo-liberalism are raised in the following discussion. 39 Top-Down Approach Top-down models assume that the community is not capable of addressing the problem itself. The models involve external advice from experts set on designing a project, completing cost-benefit analyses to ensure a satisfactory return to the investor and using cost-effective local labour. Evaluation focuses on how the donor perceives the outcomes of the project. The local community does not actively participate with the scope of the project, its monitoring of implementation nor the project evaluation. In reality, participation is not essential to this approach but is often used to increase the likelihood of community acceptance thereby ensuring the achievement of the donor's objectives. Participation can also be treated as the end point with particular emphasis on the well being of individuals and communities. Whether the focus is on participation as a process or participation as an outcome it is inherently a political act. Consequently, writers such as Brohman (1996) argue that participatory development is essentially about empowerment. 45 The social planner would understand participation to mean community members contributing to decision making while the economist would be more concerned with the equitable sharing of benefits. 4S See John Friedmann, (1992), Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development, Blackwell Publishers Inc., Cambridge, pp. 14-36; John Brohman, (1996), Popular Development: Rethinking the Theory and Practice of Development, Blackwell Publishers Inc., Oxford, pp. 251-276; Majid Rabnema, (1992), 'Participation', in Wolf gang Sachs, (ed.), (1992), The Development Dictionary, Zed Books, London, pp. 116-131; and Robert Chambers, (1997), Whose Reality Counts? Putting the First Last, Intennediate Technology Publications, London, pp. 102-119. 40 The top-down model - a donor-recipient relationship - does not exclude recipients from a discussion about benefits but it does assume the donor will have significant control over what the benefits are and how they shall be distributed. It is generally linked to economic management at national and international levels. The bottom-up model - participant-facilitator-donor model - relies on active participation and assumes a greater probability of direct benefit to the primary participants. It is more closely associated with local communities and project management. Notwithstanding the differences, no matter what model is adopted both must respond to the argument that development, is inherently unequal and that the benefits of development do not eventually "trickle down" to others. The challenge is highlighted by Friedmann's (1992) experience in Latin America. He points out that economic policies imposed by international banking systems and embraced by conservative national politicians are in effect a return to 'trickle down' policies that in practice leave peasants landless and cause incomes to decline.46 Neo-liberalism cannot be strictly treated as a top-down model when an emphasis is given to small state models and bottom-up initiatives are fostered. Nevertheless, political power and control is vested in the state that in turn offsets authority through deregulation and delegation to others for its ultimate purposes. Even with the removal of economic barriers to promote free enterprise and productivity the state does not 46 John Friedmann, (1992), Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development,Blackwell Publishers Inc., Cambridge, p. 139. 41 completely step aside. Instead, a complementary role is built-up to reduce, if not eliminate, social, cultural and political barriers that may adversely impact on the country's overall economic performance. Disadvantaged socio-economic groups are drawn into a hegemonic structure of power, which is organised to gain their (disadvantaged socio-economic groups) consent to structural changes that may adversely affect their livelihood. Whereas the wealthy and powerful are able to reposition themselves, low-income groups end up carrying an unequal share of the debt burden and the cost of remedies. From this analySis, a number of features are revealed as follows. The political and economic power brokers, at national and. intemational levels, do not demonstrate any empathy or significant policy development to empower the disadvantaged in structural adjustment programmes. Instead, neo-liberal 'purists' would argue that addressing the balance of payments problem of respective debtor countries will eventually pass benefits to everyone. Despite the rhetoric, these countries tend to experience rising unemployment and high inflation. Even though there is an external flow of state resources from indebted countries, the prospects of low-income groups do not improve. Therefore, it is difficult to rationalise increased poverty against a backdrop of significant state asset sales. In terms of development, the ethics of allowing impoverishment while substantial funds are achieved from state resources for debt repayment and servicing is questionable. Any country in this predicament while sustaining on-going state asset sales for this 42 purpose is acting imprudently. Suffice to say that state resources would be exhausted if limitations were not applied. The unequal distribution of debt burden and unequal return for enduring the situation between high and low-income groups is a serious concern. Whereas the state protected the basic needs of particular socio-economic groups, its contraction left such socio-economic groups without state advocacy and reasonable support. If this is not the case, then Corbridge's (1993) challenge is that the burden of proof remains with the proponents of structural adjustment to show that potential future benefits will accrue to particular groups of people from particular places over a given period of time. Furthermore, to demonstrate that such benefits will be greater than the present or future costs of such a process of adjustment.47 Access and participation difficulties experienced by less resourceful and powerless groups' highlight a fundamental development issue - that is whether or not the affected groups should be actively involved in decision-making processes that affect their livelihood. Further to this, another issue is whether or not those affected groups should be involved with the actions finally decided upon. Admittedly, participation by the affected group is fraught with issues of scale and practicality, nonetheless these should not displace consideration. 47 See Stuart Corbridge, (1993), ' Ethics in Development Studies' in Frans J. Schuuman (ed.), (1993), Beyond the Impasse: New Directions in Development Theory, Zed Books, New York, p. 131. 43 Finally, the privilege of making decisions on behalf of others comes with an equal and powerful responsibility. During the 1970-90s, the actions of international and national power brokers, namely economic and political leaders, demonstrated a dubious approach to crucial decision-making that ultimately disadvantaged the powerless while protecting the interests of the powerful. Given these circumstances, any suggestion that the trickle down effect would substantially benefit low-income groups is clouded in scepticism. For different reasons, but ultimately with similar effect, a rising sense of indigenous sovereignty coloured the changing attitudes toward imposed models of development. Consequently, intolerance remains for approaches that are perceived to be essentially paternalistic. In such circumstances, development is about the interaction between people who initiate, people who assist, and people who are dependent on others. The development models adopted by various stakeholders tend to reinforce a relationship, which, on the one hand, ensures the status and benefits of the powerful and maintains the dependency of the powerless on the other. A summary of developmental stakeholders and benefits are presented in table 1.2 below. 44 Table 1.2 : Developmental Stakeholders and Benefits State Increase revenue Participate in free-market Reinforce control Productive citizens International Agencies Socio-economic improvements Improved living standards Local initiatives Improved living standards Multinational Corporations Increase profits Favourable business options Economic influence Skilled labour market Indigenous Communities Economic independence Improved living standards Independence Socio-economic growth To explain, each column refers to a developmental stakeholder who can expect different benefits in comparison with other developmental stakeholders. There is common ground between stakeholders when the economic agenda is shared though benefits may not be the same and may not occur at the same time. For example, indigenous communities who rely on multinationals and the state are destined to wait for something (benefit) to 'trickle down' to them. The key theme to emerge from this discussion about international development approaches is the unequal relationship between those involved in the process and the outcomes of development. This chapter has highlighted the decision-making influence of international and national political and economic interest groups by comparison with Third World, and underdeveloped countries and communities. The following chapter will discuss development approaches adopted in New Zealand and the issues that surround contemporary Maori development. 45 Chapter Two: Contemporary Maori Development In the New Zealand experience, contemporary Maori development (post-1984) has been fashioned by national and international influences. From colonisation to globalisation, the direction and control of Maori development has been a contest between the Crown and Maori interests about authority and control over resources, activities and peoples. More recently, such competition has occurred between Maori and Maori over the way in which development might be best expedited. In terms of Maori and the Crown, an intermittent history of conflict reveals a fundamental characteristic of government and third parties that remain cautious about any mov~ment toward political power sharing with Maori. Coupled with the impact of open-market economic ideas and practices on the international scene, particularly in the last twenty years, there has been an adverse affect upon the social and economic position of Maori. Maori individuals and collectivities were encouraged to identify suitable strategies and practices in response to free-market ideology as successive governments continued to restructure the national economy and welfare state especially since the 1980s. Sometimes this accorded with Maori aspirations, but often it was an imposed ideology, which bore little resemblance to actual lives and some stark realities. Through all this, Maori individuals and communities held the Treaty of Waitangi as a reminder to successive governments and the country as a whole about the importance of the relationship it (the Treaty) embodies and it implications for 46 Maori economic, social, cultural and political development. The following discussion is about the nature and extent of the relationship. The Treaty Partnership - A Relationship of Convenience Although initially espousing such concepts as co-operative and mutually beneficial,48 the Treaty of Waitangi has nonetheless proven to be contentious for both Maori and the Crown, even under the best of circumstances. Regardless, it provided the basis for coexistence on terms and conditions that were thought to be satisfactory. Without belabouring the point, historical events would suggest that the Treaty partnership has been publicly disagreeable. However, the two texts of the Treaty, English and Maori, while not entirely compatible, did appear to provide the only means of peaceful engagement to resolve historical and contemporary issues between Maori and the Crown. Some of the most pronounced disputes have been about whether or not sovereignty was ceded,· whether or not Maori authority is guaranteed and the nature and extent of active protection by the Crown.49 Indeed, the government has generally acted as if sovereignty was transferred and the Treaty principles present a fair and just approach to the Maori-Crown partnership. 48 Mason Durie, (1998), Te Mana Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Self-Determination, Oxford University Press, Auckland, p. 178. 49 Mai Chen; Sir Geoffrey Palmer, (1993), Public Law in New Zealand: Cases, Materia/s, Commentary, and Questions, Oxford University Press, Auckland, pp. 295-462. 47 Somewhat predicably, relationships between Miiori and the Crown were strained by litigation and intense public debate about how to give effect to the Treaty of Waitangi. Until 1975, there was calculated :p.eglect by the government to address the implications of the Treaty' of Waitangi on economic policy. However, Maori individuals and collectives sought to protect their rights from further erosion and demanded opportunities for redress of historical and present grievances. Between 1975-1990, the government responded to Maori pressure, sometimes at the direction of the New Zealand Courts. Although not immediately appreciated, the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975 which was championed by the Minister of Maori Affairs, Matiu Rata, provided a legal mechanism for testing the performance of the Crown against its Treaty obligations. New challenges to historical and contemporary Crown activities followed while New Zealanders generally became more anxious about the serious consideration being accorded to the Treaty of Waitangi. Since 1975, legislative changes have included (i) an amendment to the Treaty of Waitangi Act in 1985 which extended the Tribunal's jurisdiction back to 1840, (H) the Treaty of Waitangi (State Enterprises) Act 1988 which placed memorials over land titles of State Owned Enterprises and introduced legal processes for Crown requests to remove memorials, (iii) the Crown Forest Assets Act 1989 which allowed for the establishment of the Crown Forest Rental Trust for managing the rentals from' Crown Forests subject to Treaty claims, and (iv) the Treaty of Waitangi Settlement Act 1992 48 which enabled the settlement of the Fisheries Claim. As a category of legislative provisions, these Acts provided the means for the resolution of Treaty claims. Importantly, other Acts, such as the Resource Management Act 1991, have emerged . as a consequence of Maori-Crown disagreements which are about securing Treaty rights, recognising and giving due regard to the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi, and recognising Maori interests or the Maori perspective. 50 Durie (1994) points out that even though the Treaty of Waitangi has been used to aid interpretation of the law from time to time, it has been enforceable only when it has been incorporated into legislation.51 Moreover, a range of issues about the Treaty of Waitangi are highlighted by Mai Chen and Sir Geoffrey Palmer (1993) who critically argue that the Treaty debate is hampered by on-going attempts to make it into what it is not. They further argue that inflating the Treaty, and by generating Treaty "principles", all aimed at advancing the interests of one section of society, as opposed to society as a whole, will be seen generally to be unfair and unjuSt.52 Ultimately, the value of legal challenges by Maori against the Crown is observed in the recognition, or lack thereof, given to Treaty of Waitangi by the Courts. For example, a decision by the Wanganui District Court on customary fishing rights 50 Mason Durie, (1994), Whaiora, Oxford University Press, Auckland, p. 92. 51 'b'd 1 1 ., p. 90. 52 Mai Chen; Sir Geoffrey Palmer, (1993), Public Law in New Zealand: Cases, Materials, Commentary, and Questions, Oxford University Press, Auckland, pp. 342-436. 49 confirms that active protection exists in legislation. 53 While this decision was successfully appealed in the High Court in so far as trout fishing was ruled to be the jurisdiction ofa legislated body, the decision was silent about the active protection of customary fishing rights. In such cases, further court action may be inevitable to fully appreciate the application of the Treaty of Waitangi to iriterpret legislation. Litigation, a feature of Maori Treaty claims over the past two decades, is grounded, at least in part, by the inclusion of a Treaty reference in legislation, but also by the wider uncertainty about the place of the Treaty - and the place of Maori - in the broader constitutional context. Until there is some clarity, litigation will likely continue. For now, litigation still exerts considerable influence on contemporary Maori social and economic reform. With global economic reform pressing on the national economy, successive governments have attempted to confine, ifnot reject, any attempt to give full regard to the Treaty of Waitangi. The strategy is about minimising the impact of the Treaty upon the government's economic refonn programme. Maori have generally argued this to be primarily the result of Crown reluctance to identify and respond to the implications of economic refonn at both national and international levels for Maori. In contrast, successive governments (post-1984) argued that the long-tenn benefits to New Zealanders and the national economy would vindicate the structural adjustment programme. However, many Pakeha found themselves in the same predicament as many Maori who continued to resist government persuasion to 53 Taranaki Fish and Game Council v Kirk McRitchie 1997 held at the Wanganui District Court. 50 be subsumed completely. 54 For Kelsey (1995), the critical question in New Zealand was whether those Pakeha adversely affected by structural adjustment would continue to side with the state, or seek a complementary vision and strategy for the future. 55 The Government Economic Reform Agenda After the 1984 election, the incoming Labour Government moved quickly to promote fiscal responsibility and reduce the role of the state. These reforms were a response to fiscal crisis, arguably fuelled by social democracy, while expounding the merits of market forces and the inefficiency of the welfare state. In application, they required the separation of commercial and non-commercial functions in the state sector, the corporatisation of various public assets and social policy reform. The latter involved a reduction of government delivery mechanisms and assessments of individual entitlement. Politicians that valued individualism and freedom of choice advocated this market driven development model with the assistance of the Treasury.56 With this ideological perspective, it was argued that individual property rights57 are e~croached upon by the 54 Jane Kelsey, (1995), The New Zealand Experiment: A World Model for Structural Adjustment ?, Auckland University Press, Auckland, p. 318. 55 'b'd 1 1 ., p. 347. . 56 The Treasury, (1987), Government Management: A Briefing to the Incoming Government, vol. I, Government Printer, Wellington. 57 'b' . 1 Id., pp. 13-14. 51 state when taxpayers are burdened with the cost. It followed that the welfare state limits choice and supports paternalism by restricting the range of services available to the individual. As a result, options are not encouraged and dependency is reinforced. Furthermore, it was argued that interest groups that receive substantial benefit from the state interventibn model would resist economically sound reasons for change. The explanatory power of these arguments, at least in political circles, was focused on the demise of the welfare state. By contrast, economic reform at the national level in the 1980s provided a basis for specific funded programmes such as the Mana Enterprises Scheme for Maori business development, the Maori Access programme for Maori employment and training, along with a number of targeted programmes administered by various departments and agencies. For many Maori, the reform environment presented opportunities to move towards Maori economic self-sufficiency albeit with much needed support from government policies and resources. The perceived complementarity between national economic reforms and Maori economic self-sufficiency became visibly divergent as Maori sought to achieve their own outcomes and as the government strengthened the national agenda for economic policy reforms. Notwithstanding the different expectations', the relationship between the welfare state and individual Maori was altered, the government's role, with, and responsibility to Maori was redefined, and government policy for Maori dyvelopment was reformed accordingly. 52 With the advent of Treaty ofWaitangi principles in 1989, the government reorganised its Treaty obligations to advance economic reforms by improving its political control and management of Treaty issues. This political decision signalled the government's determination to take control of Treaty issues away from the New Zealand Courts and the Waitangi Tribunal, and within a framework defined by the State. Driven by' economic imperatives, Treaty of Waitangi claims were rationalised against the state's fiscal capacity to respond. In addition, it was decided that Maori, like all New Zealanders, should share common entitlements and access to delivery mechanisms. It assumed that Maori and non-Maori alike would benefit equitably. After the 1990 election, the incoming National Government repackaged the Crown's principles of. the Treaty thereby placing particular emphasis on the right to govern according to constitutional process and on self-management for Maori according to the law.58 In terms of government policy, issues such as the extent of the Waitangi Tribunal's jurisdiction, direct negotiations with claimants, and the Crown proposals for the Settlement of Treaty of Waitangi Claims in 1994 have been actively debated. For the government, the period signalled a more focused approach. For Maori, the main features were lower socio-economic group unrest, further . litigation and political 58 M ason Durie, (1998), Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Maori Self-Determination, Oxford University Press, Auckland, p. 205. 53 challenge by Maori, and the reconstruction of tribal identity albeit within a more diverse Maori political environment. And, to some extent, a shift of emphasis was taking place amongst some tribal groups toward a positive development mode. Since the 1996 election, and with the formation of a coalition government, debates about leadership and political leverage have clouded the political ground. Nonetheless, the increase in Maori participation in this political environment represents a shift in organisation and aspirations. No longer restricted by historical party alliances and no longer faced with fewer options, Maori individuals and collectives are choosing political pathways that advance what is important to them. Exemplified by the number of Maori political parties and the support each is receiving, there are clear indications that Maori, like non-Maori, are less likely to present a homogeneous political front. When this situation is placed next to the undercurrent of fear about Maori having too much power, and with attempts to eliminate the Treaty of Waitangi, it presents New Zealanders with challenges about the kind of political relationships that will emerge from the change. For Maori, constitutional reform at a local and national level, along with capacity building for Maori development are becoming more transparent within the political landscape. While Maori have access to a variety of political options under MMP, the value of the Maori vote cannot be understated. The decisive swing in 1996, along with Maori support for a right of centre coalition as well as the turn around in the 1999 election to a left of centre coalition government both illustrate the previous point. Despite 54 attempts by right of centre politicians to retrieve voter confidence, the majority Maori vote has rejected anything associated with right wing policies. Notwithstanding the swing away from the far right, associated concepts such as greater transparency apd accountability, quality service delivery and cost-effectiveness are not likely to be completely discarded by Maori. However, a turn around in the sale of State assets, along with the status of the social welfare net, and the corporatisation of significant public sector activities may be expected. There is no doubt that the hard right ha~ been rejected but the right of centre approach may not be entirely dismissed. The following discussion about Maori initiatives since the 1984 Hui Taumata (The Maori Economic Development Conference) tends to confirm this. Maori Development Reform The Maori Economic Development Conference (Hui Taumata) held in October 1984 provided a forum to promote the then Labour government's economic development agenda. The objectives were (i) to examine the New Zealand economic situation as it affected Maori, (ii) to assess the economic strengths and weaknesses of Maori, (iii) to seek a commitment from the conference participants and (iv) to support government policy changes necessary to obtain socio-economic parity between Maori and non­ Ma.ori. Arising from this conference, tribal and regional Maori organisations were established to spearhead economic initiatives at the local level. Institutional and legislative 55 changes were required, including a transfer of government resources and policy development to Maori. With this thrust, Iwi development (that is tribal development) was promoted as an appropriate means of programme delivery to Maori. 59 An emphasis was placed on translating negative government expenditure to positive areas in order to accelerate Miiori Economic Development. In stating this emphasis, the conference recognised that Miiori land must be utilised (i) to maximise its productive capacity. The conference also recognised the need (ii) to equip Maori people to direct and manage development initiatives and (iii) to enhance the development of Maori resources, so that there is an improved quality of life for Maori families, which will be reflected in improved standards of living for all. 60 In this context, enhancing Miiori wellbeing was framed to include social and cultural aspirations rather than separating them from Milori economic development. Interestingly, no mention of political objectives is found, yet there was clearly an intention by Maori to control their own affairs. At the core of these assumptions, the Maori development debate was about how Treaty-based obligations could best be reaffirmed within social and economic policies for Milori. While property rights dominated the debate, there was still an expectation that social and economic policy would be negotiable based on the Treaty of Waitangi. 59 Hon. K. Wetere, (1988), Tirohanga Rangapu: Partnership Perspectives, Office of the Minister of Maori Affairs, Wellington. 60 Extracted from the conference background papers of the Maori Economic Development Summit Conference, October 1994. 56 Although the government was generally receptive, it was uncomfortable with views about Maori control and authority when Maori challenged the government's ability to govern the country and also challenged the Crown's sovereignty. Although, devolution was finally embraced, the government was not prepared to hand over control of the process.61 Four years later, the Royal Commission on Social Policy (1988) highlighted the inadequacy of New Zealand statutes and constitutional practices to secure the place of the Treaty as a foundation document of New Zealand society and economy.62 With this in mind, the Commission concluded that the Treaty is a document of fundamental importance both to the history of New Zealand and to the future development of the country and its people. In summation, the Commission recognised the Treaty as part of the matrix from which all social and economic policies take form. 63 These statements complemented the call from the Hui Taumata for all concerned to reverse Maori disparities. It is not surprising that Maori expected to control their own destiny by not being subjected to others making decisions about Maori development. In some quarters, a call for an interconnected approach to Maori cultural, social, economic and political development was advocated.64 61 A. Fleras, (1991), 'Devolution in Iwi - Government Relations', in P. Spoonley; D. Pearson; C. Macpherson, (eds.), Nga Take: Ethnic Relations and Racism in AotearoalNew Zealand, Dunmore Press, Palmerston North, pp. 171-193. . 62 Royal Commission on Social Policy, (1988), The April Report: Future Directions, vol. I1, Royal Commission on Social Policy, Wellington, pp. 25-39. 63 Summary of Conclusions in The Royal Commission on Social Policy, (1988), The April Report: Future Directions, vol. Il, Royal Commission on Social Policy, Wellington, p. 76. 64 Extracted from the conference background papers of the Maori Economic Development Summit Conference, October 1994. 57 For Ngatata Love (1996), the intention of the Hui Taumata was to detelmine whether iwi would be responsive and supportive of government reform which contained implications for full Maori participation in New Zealand society. A primary objective was to ensure that Maori established a firm and independent place on the free market landscape. It required a move away from failed policies for Maori, enabling Maori to make their own decisions about development, equipping Maori to manage the affairs of their people and establishing a consensus view about this from diverse Maori opinion. Central to the philosophy was a desire to improve the quality of life for Maori families and the standard of living for everyone concerned. Both economic and social strategies were considered necessary. One without the other was not an option. In 1986, Treasury identified weaknesses in the Maori economic base and recommended to the government that Maori development should be accelerated to address the persistent gap in Maori wealth and wellbeing. Further to this, Treasury stated that official opinion is clearly moving towards a greater recognition of the Treaty ofWaitangi; as follows: As a consequence, it is no longer possible (if it ever was) to view the Maori people as just one of a number of minority groups. Maori people as the only other signatory to the Treaty have· a special place in New Zealand notwithstanding their minority situation in terms of numbers. Quite what this means in terms of public policy, including eduction policy, is an ongoing 58 process as Acts of Parliament are interpreted by the Courts, as the Government makes decisions on Waitangi Tribunal recommendations and so on.65 Having indicated the need to address what the Maori-Crown relationship means within the economic reforms, the Treasury pointed out that the implications for public policy were not clear, would most likely be developed over time and would largely depend on the guidance and direction provided through political and legal processes. This is discussed below. Government Policy Themes for Maori One of the government's policy responses was He Tirohanga Rangapu (1988) which was subsequently followed by another policy statement called Te Urupare Rangapu (1988). In these policy statements were proposals to devolve state funding to iwi in conjunction with the then restructuring of the Department of Maori Affairs. Until then, the Department provided a useful mechanism to integrate Maori into the modem New Zealand society. Essentially, the reform meant that other government agencies would administer programmes for Maori instead of the Department of Maori Affairs, although some programmes were to be devolved to tribal and pan-Maori authorities. As a result, the Iwi Transition Agency was established to complete the transfer of funded programmes to tribal and pan-Maori authorities. The agency promoted the 6S The Treasury, (1987), Government Management: A Briefing to the Incoming Government, vol. n, Government Printer, Wellington, pp. 241-242. 59 Riinanga a Iwi Act (1990) which provided for the establishment of another type66 of legally-recognised 'tribal' organisation to receive funds from the government. But after the election of a National Government in 1990, it was argued that sufficient legislation was already in place and the Riinanga a Iwi Act was repealed in 1991. Under the direction of the then Minister of Maori Affairs, a review of the Maori social and economic position was completed. The review team produced the Ka A watea (It is Dawn) document67 which identified Maori underdevelopment as the main impediment to Maori advancement. It signalled to the state that incentives were needed to ensure all Maori could access and could participate similarly to all New Zealanders in an environment of choice and opportunity. Government deregulation was considered the means to accelerate growth for the betterment of all New Zealanders through improved market opportunities, increased labour skills and more appropriate choices.68 An underdevelopment perspective infers that Maori are lagging behind non-Maori but should be encouraged to 'catch up' by being included as part of the 'bigger scheme of things'. It does not promote an autonomous development path rather it renders the 'underdeveloped' to a process of subordinate development. 69 However, it is unclear whether or not government control of the processes and 66 Some tribal groups had already used Maori Trust Boards Act 1955 in an effort to achieve the same thing. 67 See Ministerial Planning Group, (1991), Ka Awatea, Office of the Minister of Maori Affairs, Wellington. 68 For a more detailed explanation of the 'New Zealand model' see J. Boston; J. Martin; J. Pallot; P. Walsh, (eds.), (1996), Public Management: The New Zealand Model, Oxford University Press, Auckland. 69 See Colin Leys, (1976), 'Underdevelopment and Oependency: Critical Notes', in Journal of Contemporary Asia, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 92-107. 60 outcomes was considered an impediment, as the report did not question the power and control relationship inherent in the New Zealand development model. It is also unclear whether the government fully accepted Ka Awatea.7o However, consistent with its intent, the short-lived Ministry of Maori Affairs and the lwi Transition Agency were dismantled and. replaced by the current Ministry of Maori Development in 1992. Furthermore, health, education, employment and training, and economic development were identified as key priorities for Maori. The new Ministry of Maori Development was directed to provide policy advice to the government (about Maori), to Maori, to public and private sector agencies, and also to monitor the delivery of services to Maori by mainstream agencies. The remaining func~ed programmes controlled by the Minister of Maori Affairs were eventually transferred to mainstream departments and agencies.7l Throughout the 1990s, Maori voiced dissatisfaction with government programmes because they (the programmes) were perceived to be ineffective in meeting Maori social and economic development needs. By application, Maori expected more effective programme delivery and greater Maori participation when identifYing desired outcomes and implementation approaches. Instead of responding directly to these expectations, successive governments reformatted Maori aspirations into the 70 Mason Durie, (1998), Te Mana Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Self-Determination; Oxford University Press, Auckland, p. 9. 71 Te Puni Kokiri, (1998), Mainstreaming of Mtiori Affairs: An Information Pamphlet, Ministry of Maori Development, Wellington. 61 more familiar contexts of economic reform, which in and of themselves, tend to set limits in order to maintain state control and accountability. For example, the funds from the Mana Scheme were transferred to the Business Development Boards,72 thereby providing administrative support to increase Maori access to and participation in the Board's services and grants. While the services of Business Development Boards were readily applicable to individual Maori with their own personal business interests, policy implementation was more often than not perceived to be non-responsive to the business development issues facing Maori collectives. This was especially the case for those collectives with multiply owned assets or business interests in areas such as social services and health.73 The Maori reaction included accusations of state paternalism and political unwillingness to address Maori aspirations of self-determination. Even so, some Maori were able to reorganise structures and associated purposes to take advantage of govermnent funded programmes. Progressing a self-determination agenda while simultaneously addressing day to day circumstances was the norm. But the unfavourable outcomes for Maori such as high unemployment did not significantly influence any changes to the government economic agenda, particularly at the policy level. Ultimately, Maori policy development was and still is susceptible to govermnent free-market prescription. 72 Business Development Boards were set up on a regional basis under the authority of the Ministry of Commerce. The purpose of these Boards was to assist regional business initiative through support ~rogramme such as the business mentor programme and the business grant scheme. 3 Based on personal interviews with Maori individuals and organisations between J 992-1997. 6? The aforementioned predicament is illuminated both by Maori development initiatives being driven by Maori, and government aspirations and objectives for Maori people being tempered by obligatory consultation. Maori development initiatives driven by Maori are focused on what development is according to Maori, not to the Crown. By comparison, government policy for Maori is generally consistent with the national economic agenda even though consultation with Maori may well occur. Indeed, disagreement about the nature and extent of consultation still exists. However, the fact remains that the Crown and its executive arm, the government, are obliged to demonstrate that affected Maori individuals and groups are consulted. Since 1984, government policy responses to Maori development have been structured on free-market ideology, while Maori policy expectations have been related to Maori aspirations for greater wealth at a collective level and autonomy - this is referred to as Tino Rangatiratanga. Although concerned about the government response, Maori have also welcomed the deregulation inherent in the reforms and have applauded the government's exit from service delivery. The underlying dilemma of such responses is indicative of the on-going balancing act between the ideals and realities of Maori communities. There are processes, conventions and opportunities presented by the free-market approach which are useful to Maori. However, the negative impact of the processes, conventions and opportunities on the overall Maori social and economic position is an unmistakable reality which cannot be massaged and offset by the successes of the few. 63 The two approaches may have much in common but they are not synonymous and indeed there are fundamental differences. The free-market approach adopted for New Zealand recognises the individual as the primary beneficiary. It is about the maximisation of individual profit and freedom of choice. Whereas Maori collective approaches may seek similar outcomes, they are less concerned with individual wealth. In general, the primary beneficiaries are Maori collectives who operate with an emphasis on collective mana and wealth. In effect, Maori may be dissatisfied with the free-market approach as a complete package, but may favour some aspects of the free market in practice, especially when deregulation and autonomy are promoted. With similar views, commentators at the 1994 Maori Development Conference were not convinced that the Maori position had improved. According to some of the commentators at the conference, disparities had increased in education, health, justice, inconie levels and unemployment.74 Based on such commentary, the last decade of Maori development cannot be proclaimed a total success. Instead, such commentators 75 have argued that Maori were confronted with political and legal impediments to the successful implementation of programmes and achievement of their development objectives. 74 See Department of Maori Studies, (1995), Kia Pumau Tonu: Proceedings of the Hui Whakapumau­ Maori Development Conference, August 1994, Department of Maori Studies, Massey University, Palmerston North. 75 See Denise Henare and Ngatata Love, in Department of Maori Studies, (1994), Kia Piimau Tonu: Proceedings from the Hui Whakapiimau, Department of Maori Studies, Massey University, Palmerston North. 64 As noted earlier, the introduction of mainstreaming policy for Maori in 1991 provided for Maori to receive services through mainstream government agencies. The intentions were to improve service delivery to Maori, to reduce the duplication of service provision, and to provide better access by Maori to existing programmes. The policy resulted in the transfer of education, training and employment, economic development, social welfare and housing programmes to other agencies that were previously delivered by the Department of Maori Affairs and the Iwi Transition Agency. In addition, a number of programmes were discontinued. To fulfil the strategy, Vote: Maori Affairs was reduced by 212.4 million dollars. 97.9 million dollars were transferred to mainstream agencies while the remainder of 114.5 million dollars was treated as government savings.76 In general, the scheme was promoted as the government's approach to strengthening its accountability and delivery of services to Maori. Despite government reform, as noted in table 2.1 below, there is now sufficient evidence to show that social and economic disparities between Maori and non-Maori have not reduced.77 u . Te Puni Kokiri, (1998), Mainstreaming of Maori Affairs: An Information Pamphlet, Ministry of Maori Development, Wellington. 77 T P . e um Kokiri, (1998), Progress toward closing social and economic gaps between Maori and non- Maori, Ministry ofMaori Development, Wellington. 65 Table 2.1 : Government Policy for Maori P()licy Focus .. Integration Devolution Mainstreaming .. Objectives Integration of Maori into New Zealand society Improve employment, training, education, health and housing conditions Devolve programme delivery to Maori Strengthen Maori social and economic development Accelerate national economic reform programme More effective delivery of services to Maori Reduce duplication of service provision Better access to existing programmes available to all New Zealanders Changes to Maori Affairs policy during the last decade did not deviate from free- market ideology and the reduction of the state. Nonetheless, Maori continued to resist attempts to capture their absolute consent to this ideological perspective. Even. so, successive governments have managed to sustain their respective free-market implementation strategies and to manage the cost of Treaty obligations. In consolation, the Treaty is now a central feature of political, social, cultural and economic inquiry on the New Zealand development landscape. It cannot be easily ignored but its application still abounds with political and legal interpretation and a degree of political whim. For Maori, the cumulative effects of these reforms were perhaps less than desired by Maori who confronted social and economic change at a very personal level, let alone at a whlinau level. Little wonder that tribal and non- tribal organisations were and still are SUbjected to demands for social and economic support from their respective memberships. These issues are raised in the following discussion about contemporary Maori social organisation. 66 Contemporary Maori Social Organisation Whereas it was common for Maori to be identified as a homogeneous ethnic grouping, the situation has substantially changed today. In fact, if tribal heterogeneity is considered, then tribal homogeneity was never a reality. But non-Maori views of Maori people being more or less identical are now challenged on a different basis. Eurocentric views of Maori no longer have credibility. Constructs of the homogeneous Maori are more about Western dominance over a colonised population rather than about being a serious attempt to reveal the perceptions of tribes and their sense of nationhood. One of the most significant influences on Maori social organisation has been the dislocation caused by the population shift from rural to urban areas. The lure of education and training, employment and better housing was attractive to whanau Maori as they searched for a solution to the economic pressures associated with the rural life style. The government promoted urban-industrial expansion as the future development direction for the country during the 1950-70s. As a consequence, a high percentage of subsequent generations were raised outside their tribal organisations and boundaries. The emergence of large disparities between Maori and non Maori against most, if not all, social and economic measures was perceived by Maori leaders as the result, in part, of dislocation from their tribal ties and kinship relationships once enjoyed by Maori families that are now urban based. 67 It was not surprising, therefore, to hear Maori groups in the early 1980s calling for economic self-sufficiency, a reduction of state dependency and the promotion of tribal development as the preferred vehicle for Maori advancement. 78 This was consistent with the then Labour Government's intention to restructure the economy and dismantle state involvement in the provision of social services. Tribal development may not have been the preferred option of all Maori people but Trust Boards and Riinanga accessed government funded programme i:esources for this purpose. While some urban Maori chose to identify with tribal organisations, others were left disenfranchised, unable to identify or choosing not to identify with any tribal group. Such views about the Maori identity generated by tribal and urban Maori based collectives were often debated. A good example is the fisheries settlement of 1992, which later caused urban Maori groups to question the justification of tribal asset distribution. The argument is embroiled in the settlement agreement's de.scription of beneficiaries - all Maori, - and further complicated by a direction that pre-settlement assets should be distributed to iwi. Urban Maori groups are not satisfied that their circumstances are best served by a tribal distribution approach. It is unclear whether the court findings about the settlement contribute to a better understanding of the Maori identity. The recognition of the Maori individual as the primary beneficiary does not (i) address the dynamics of tribal and urban Maori realities, nor does it (ii) resolve the question as to who is the main Treaty partner or (iii) what is the 78 N gatata Love, (1985), 'The Decade of Mapri Development' in Kia Piimau Tonu: Proceedings from the Hui Whakaplimau, Department ofMaori Studies, Massey University. 68 relationship between tribal authorities and other Maori authorities. In terms of Maori development, initial attempts to resolve the impasse have tended to compound the problem rather than improve the position. Court decisions such as the Waipareira Trust and others vs Waitangi Fisheries Commission 1998 have encouraged tribal and urban Maori groups to jostle for recognition primarily to improve their respective positions for property rights, management and use of resources allocated under Treaty of Waitangi Settlements. Observation would suggest that such Maori collectives have generally focused on grievances and litigation, not only with the Crown and successive governments but also with internal groups, with other tribes and with urban Maori organisations. Notwithstanding the complex issues surrounding the debate, perhaps the question is more about whether tribal or urban based organisations are the best way to respond to contemporary Maori development. The ownership of resources is one issue, hut the management of assets and the distribution of benefit is another. Attempts to unpack and understand the underlying interests of diverse tribal and urban collectives may reveal the nature and extent of respective ownership, management and distribution views. Not surprisingly, the above situation has encouraged Maori individuals and collectives to review their understanding of what being Iv;laori means. Given the complexities introduced by resource entitlement arguments it is prudent to gain a better understanding of the Maori identity and its implications for future Maori 69 Development. It may assist to know what the realities 79 of tribal and urban Maori individuals and collectives are, before applying this knowledge toward questions surrounding resource allocation, assets management, and benefit distribution. The tribal versus urban Maori disagreement about Treaty Settlement resources and benefits may in effect, be clouding an equally, if not more, significant issue. The debate is not just confined to rural and urban Maori access to Treaty Settlement resources and benefits, but also extends to the possessed and dispossessed individuals and communities in Maori society. Notwithstanding this, non-Maori and Maori individuals and collectives are faced with recognising difference in cultural, political and socio-economic terms. Although Maori may not be homogeneous there may exist common aspirations and needs. However, pre- and post-Treaty settlement issues are proving difficult to traverse. With political discourse and economic interests at the forefront of the debate, it remains charged with patch protection strategies by both tribal and urban Maori collectives. Consequently, emerging hapii, iwi and urban Maori organisations can be described as expressions of diverse realities and aspirations. This diverse situation is progressive in so far as it encourages Maori social groups to review the basis of unity within and beyond the group itself. But it is equally concerning that emerging and existing tribal and non-tribal gr9ups will provoke each other with legal 79 Mason Durie, (1995), 'Maori in New Zealand: Identity and Diverse Realities', An address given at the Second Theory, Culture and Society Conference in Berlin, August 1995. 70 over boundaries and authority. The effort required to sustain this provocative movement may prove to be misdirected and ultimately futile. Observation suggests the impasse that is created by fragmentation and contestation between Maori individuals and collectives often results in Court judgments for what are fundamentally Maori decisions. Indeed, it presents an interesting dilemma given that Maori aspire to control and manage Maori affairs. On the other hand, contemporary Maori responses to inter-Maori conflicts would suggest that litigation is a well- rehearsed and respected mechanism to exercise when attempting to move beyond the impasse. While internal competition for authority, legitimacy and resources can be all consuming amongst Maori, the government has not been short of influence within these debates by setting policy processes and outcomes for Maori development. What follows is a discussion about these matters. Government Outcomes for Maori Maori collectives may disagree about the distribution of benefits from Treaty settlements but there remains an element of shared concern about the effects of the structural adjustment programme on Maori. Dissatisfaction with the 'Muldoonist' era and election promises were sufficient for many Maori to openly support the 1984 Labour government until the economic and political inconsistencies of its own treaty i policy became more apparent. The Labour. government did undertake to transfer Maori service delivery to legal entities focused on tribal development. Arguably, this may have provided the conditions for revitalising the status and purpose of tribal 71 authorities. At the micro level, immediate and tangible opportunities were expected, however an analysis of the macro level does not present an unmitigated success story. Official statistics80 show the burden of structural adjustment in New Zealand was and still is carried disproportionately by Maori communities. To support this view one can point to a press statement from the then Minister of Maori Affairs who commented about the Hon. Sir Peter Tapsell's admission that Labour's abolishing of the former Department of Maori Affairs was a mistake, and so was the ploy to mainstream Maori funding. 81 While an analysis of Statistics New Zealand information may not substantiate a correlation or causality with structural adjustment and mainstreaming, or establish ·an immediate link to an unregulated global market, it nonetheless reveals an unsettling trend of disparities between Maori and non-Maori. According to historical record, the total Maori popUlation, already low, declined further between 1850 and 1900 reaching an all time low of 42,000 in 1896. The population began to increase slightly in the early 1900s but significant increases only began after 1950. Based on returns from people who self-identified as Maori, the 1996 census recorded the Maori popUlation to be 523,371. In terms of population distribution, the majority of the Maori popUlation lived in the North Island and predominantly in the main urban areas. The largest 80 Statistics New Zealand has a range of statistical information about the Maori population. The references in this section are derived from this SOl:lrce. See also Te Puni K5kiri, (1998), progress toward closing social and economic gaps between Miiori and non-Miiori, Ministry of Maori Development, Wellington. 8! See Press Release on Mainstreaming, 3 August 1998 from the Office of Hon. Tau Henare. 72 Maori concentration could be found in the Auckland Regional Council (twenty-four percent) which contributes to over 60 percent of the Maori population that live north of Taupo. While the largest percentage of Maori live in main urban areas (62 percent), it is more common for Maori rather than non-Maori to live in small urban 82 centres. Furthermore, the 1996 census reports the median age for Maori was 21.4 years which means 50 percent of the Maori population were under twenty-two years old. By comparison, it is significantly lower than the total New Zealand population with a median of 32.3 percent. However with increasing life expectancy and a relatively low fertility rate, preparing for an ageing population will be an important development issue for tribal and other Maori organisations. The number of births per Maori woman has declined since 1960. Although slightly higher than non-Maori women the average number of live births for youth or teenage pregnancy is not likely to subst~tially change. Statistics NZ 1995 information shows that Maori women were more likely to have babies between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four with a slight decline between twenty-five and twenty-nine before dropping away after age thirty. In comparison, non-Maori tend to have babies between twenty-five and thirty-four although a fair percentage is noticeable in the twenty to twenty-four age group. The number of infants less than one year old in one- 82 St .. atlstlcs NZ, (1997), 1996 New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings - Miiori, Statistics New Zealand, Wellington. 73 parent families highlights the potential implications of such trends. 83 Since 1981, this has increased from under twenty percent to over forty percent in 1991. If the trend continues then Maori one-parent families for children less than one year old can be expected to increase. This aforementioned change in whanau structure will test the capacity of whanau support systems but may also reveal ways to strengthen contemporary whanau development. The prospect of such a high percentage of youthful but single parent families reveals one of many trends in modem Maori demography with implications for Maori development planners and policy makers which cannot be ignored. Notwithstanding these trends, some of the most alarming statistics are in the areas ·of unemployment, psychiatric admissions (first) and school retention and achievement rates. Maori female and male unemployment figures between 1951-1996 displayed similar trends in comparison to non-Maori.84 Although New Zealand unemployment figures increased between 1966-1991, Maori unemployment leaped to over twenty-five percent in 1991 in comparison to under ten percent for non-Maori during the same period. The worst period was between 1986-1991. Relief was achieved for Maori 83 J. A. Davey, (1993), 'Monitoring New Zealand Households', in New Zealand Population Review, 1993. . . 84 Taken from Census information for 1991 Household Labour Force Survey. Also see Statistics NZ, (1997), 1996 New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings - Maori, Statistics New Zealand, Wellington. 74 males between 1981 ~1986 but it was short lived as the figures climbed afterwards. On reflection, the relief may have resulted from the availability of Maori unemployment programmes. Between 1992-95, employed Maori figures increased by 20,000 with a period of labour force stability following for Maori. At the same time, Maori unemployment, long term unemployment and youth unemployment declined. The positive impact is weakened by a less favourable 1996 Maori unemployment result, which increased to 18.3 percent in March 1998.85 Maori first admissions and readmissions to psychiatric hospitals between 1960-1990 reveal higher rates than for non-Maori.86 Even though the trends converge after 1990 for all groups, Maori men were still more likely to be readmitted that non-Maori. Between 1984-1993, the Maori male readmission rate increased by 65 percent while for Maori women the rate increased by twenty-eight percent. Bridgman and Dyall (1996) reported that during the same period the admission rate for non-Maori had reduced by twenty-five percent.87 Whether or not a correlation can be made with the introduction of structural adjustment programmes would require another level of analysis. However, the low Maori admission rate of 88 per 100,000 in 1960 to 205 ss re Puni Kokiri, (1998), Progress toward C/osingsocial and economic gaps between Maori and non- tfaori, Ministry of Maori Development, Wellington, pp. 14-16. . See Lorna Dyall, (1997), 'Maori', in Mental Health in New Zealand from .a Public Health f,e!'s!'ective, Ministry of Health, Wellington, pp. 85-103. Ibid., p. 43.' 75 per 100,000 m 1990 levelling to 191 per 100,000 m 1993 is nothing less than • 88 dramatIc. In education and schooling, two key measures generally analysed are achievement and retention rates. Between 1965-1995, Maori achievement and retention rates have taken a parallel course to non-Maori. By comparison with non-Maori, proportionate increases are evident between 1985-1993 with a small decline in retention rates toward 1995. While some education commentators are excited by this, it does not provide comfort for those who are representative of the disparities. The gap between Maori and non-Maori retention rates is not closing for every indicator.89 Finding ways to improve the situation for a youthful Maori population is an important challenge for Maori development planners, policy writers and politicians. Without support, significant numbers of Maori may be predestined, at best, to explore second chance education options later in life. Some may argue that until Maori human capital90 is strengthened at all levels, Maori resources will be primarily managed and controlled by others. Based on a Ministry of Maori Development description of Maori physical resources potential, it is estimated 88 See Table 17 in Te Puni K5kiri, (1998), Progress toward closing social and economic gaps between Maori and non-Maori, Ministry ofMaori Development, Wellington, p. 25. 8. Te Puni K5kiri, (1998), Progress toward closing social and economic gaps between Mliori and non­ Maori, Ministry ofMaori Development, Wellington. 90 Described as the stock of education, skills and knowledge acquired by human beings themselves by Tenence Loomis, (1999), injndigenous Populations arzd Sustainable Development ,Working Paper 3/99, University ofWaikato, Hamilton, p. 6. 76 that land based assets are worth 1.658 billion dollars, fisheries are worth 0.574 billion dollars, self employed business are worth two billion dollars. Furthermore, Maori Corporate entities are estimated to be worth 0.5 billion dollars, Maori Trust Boards' fixed assets are worth 0.047 billion dollars, and Maori dwellings owner equity are worth six billion dollars. In total, the estimated physical resource base is WOlih 10.779 billion dollars.91 Claims on natural resources by tribal collectives throughout the country, and changes in valuation, will undoubtedly alter these estimates. On reflection, disparities have accumulated with significant concerns emerging from the 1984 - 1989 period. These circumstances invite Miiori development planners and policy makers to respond to a youthful population with 37.5 percent under fifteen years old and with only three percent of the total Miiori population over 65 year old.92 Based on the demographic trends presented here, Miiori are more likely (i) to maintain a birth rate just above the non-Miiori rate, and (ii) to shift from a youthful Miiori population to a mature population with significant generational disparities to resolve in future years. Contemporary Maori development since 1984 has been dominated by the restructuring of the national economy and the welfare state. Successive governments responded to " Te Puni Kakiri, (1999), Maori in the New Zealand Economy, Ministry of Maori Development, Wellington, p. 17. . " See Statistics NZ, (1997), 1996 New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings - Maori, Statistics New Zealand, Wellington. 77 international monetary policies by reforming the economy and by reducing public expenditure. As a consequence, there was more certainty of trading surplus funds becoming available for debt repayment in the first instance. Under these conditions, government funding for Maori development was considerably reduced as a substantial amount of Vote: Maori Affairs93 was transferred to mainstream government agencies to deliver improved services for Maori. However, according to the Ministry of Maori Development (1998) report on disparities between Maori and non-Maori, mainstream policies and practices did not make a significant difference to the Maori social and economic position. Many Maori communities in low socio-economic groupings witnessed the removal of state advocacy lUld state support.94 Miiori development was rationalised against economic philosophy lUld action about fiscal responsibility and communal property rights. The relationship between Maori and the Crown was strained further as litigation and intense public debate about how to give effect to the Treaty of Waitangi ensued. The cynical viewpoint saw this as a deliberate strategy to minimise the Crown's exposure to Treaty of Waitangi compliance in order to maximise financial benefits from its structural adjustment programme. " Refer to Te Puni Kokiri, (1998), Mainstreaming Miiori Affairs: An Information Pamphlet; Ministry ofMaori Development Wellinoton 94 'I:> • re Puni Kokiri, (1998}, Progress toward closing social and economic gaps between Miiori and non- Miiori, Ministry of Maori Development, Wellington. 78 It could be argued that the government response to Treaty ofWaitangi obligations was more about limiting resource allocations for settlements, minimising legal compliance and subsuming the Maori population into mainstream economic and social policy provisions thereby allowing a further reduction in state spending. On the other hand, the inclusion of the Treaty in legislation and in policy statements (many evident since 1984) does suggest a level of awareness, if not a commitment, not previously seen since the signing of the Treaty ofWaitangi in 1840. For Maorl, the right to control Maori development was a recurring theme, underlying many of the arguments presented to the government. However, the government was uncomfortable with what tino rangatiratanga could imply, especially if taken to mean more than self-management as expressed in the government's Treaty principle of rangatiratariga .. Sceptics would conclude that the government concern was little more than a deliberate ploy to retain control over the processes and the options for resolving Treaty claims and Miiori development policy. Not surprisingly, the government continued to direct social and economic policy development for Miiori. With good intentions, many Miiori embraced the vision of the government's devolution policy. There was certainly a view that Miiori were being encouraged to establish a firm and independent place on the free market landscape by reducing Miiori dependency on the State and by. being funded directly to provide for Miiori social and economic development. In reality, political intervention slowed this 79 process down as the government gradually but surely withdrew its support from this devolutionary course of action. In 1997, the New Zealand constitution debate was reopened. Libertarians sought to remove the Treaty of Waitangi as the constitutional document of New Zealand, in particular, its influence on the rights and interests of individuals and collectives. According to this viewpoint, the Treaty of Waitangi is associated with philosophical dilemmas and practices, which are not consistent with neo-liberalism. Yet, it could be argued that the principles of the Treaty are currently applied within a neo-liberal development framework for mainstream New Zealand. The Treaty of Waitangi prescribes a relationship between Maori and the Crown. It protects inclusive and exclusive rights and interests for collective and individual Maori and gives to the Crown the role of guarantor and protector. Neo-liberalism, however, recognises the individual as the basic unit of human society - a perspective that is favoured by the free-market approach. It may be somewhat obvious to assume that the government has a better record of responding to individual rights, but in more recent times the government has demonstrated greater responsiveness to collective rights. For example, the funded programme support provided to urban Maori and tribal Maori interests by the government would suggest an attempt to respond positively to both Maori individual and collective rights. However, the class of beneficiary in the Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Settlement (that is all Maori) has introduced a tension between collective and individual rights. In one sense, the Waitangi Fisheries. Settlement ensures that all Maori are beneficiaries no matter what their circumstances. However, 80 on the other hand, the settlement statement about the class of beneficiary also presents a dilemma between the Crown's obligations to individual Maori and to tribal Maori collectives. Based on the previous commentary, a Maori development conceptual framework should not rely on a donor - donee relationship. Instead, it needs to be responsive to the circumstances of diverse Maori collectives without disregarding the wellbeing of Maori as Individuals. While Crown and Maori expectations and outcomes mayor may not be identical, one might ask whether or not the outcomes achieved Indeed were what either group expected. Notwithstanding the probability of some mismatch, the general perception is that government economic policies were relentlessly promoted even though there was substantive evidence that Maori households95 were becoming progressively disadvantaged. Given the evidence, there is merit in considering the relevance of alternative ideas and practices about development offered by local, national and international examples, particularly the self-determination strategies of indigenous peoples. In summary, there were slight gains such as participation in education. However, this was somewhat overshadowed by the high number of job losses for Maori. Participation Increased in self-employment and household income but was adversely offset by less affordable housing and more reliance by Maori on social welfare .5 Th e household is the basic unit used by Statistics NZ for the census. See Statistics NZ, (l997), 1996 New Zealand Census of PoplIlation and Dwellings - Maori, Department of Statistics, Welli~gton. 81 assistance than non-Maori. In most development areas, (that is social and economic development) there are no immediate signs that social and economic gaps are closing nor is there any confidence about imminent changes for the better. For these reasons, a literature search of alternative ideas, models and frameworks for development are discussed in the following chapter. 82 Chapter Three: Alternative Development Ideas, Models and Frameworks In general, New Zealand economic and social policies have tested the resolve of tribal organisations to sustain their core values, principles and processes. Maori population shifts from tribal territories to key urban centres are one reflection of the problem. Consequently, what is important to different Maori communities may be shared but influenced by context and circumstances. The situation has required Maori organisations to adapt as government economic and political reforms affect their relationships and their sense of place. In response, alternative development ideas and practices provide considerations for developing conceptual tools which may improve Maori organisations' responsiveness to the social, economic, cultural and political aspirations of Maori peoples. With Treaty of Waitangi settlements and related issues such as equity, diversity, sustainable management and self-determination on the Maori development agenda, the significance of a Maori centred approach to development assumes greater importance. International Perspectives At the international level, social, ecology and environmental communities concerned with the consequences of revolutionary economic and political reforms have generated alternative ideas about development theory and practice. International critics such as 83 David Korten96 have examined the open market ideology and its benefit to quality of life and wellbeing. In their view, it is not reasonable to support the creation of a global economic system capable of producing 358 (dollar) billionaires while another 1.3 billion people face less than adequate living conditions. This polarity simply results in maintaining the wealth of the few and the poverty of the many. Uexkull (1997)97 and others argue that reliance on economic ideology for decision-making processes and procedures should be balanced by reference to social and environmental principles. According to the proponents of this liberal view, such ideas require a leadership prepared to create the conditions that encourage empowerment at community levels thereby restoring a balance of power in society between economic and other forces. Even so, however, states all too frequently fail to take account of indigenous values and beliefs as they might apply to social and environmental principles. Nonetheless, social and environmental research communities are attempting to find common ground for building a development framework held together by core values, central principles and processes grounded in ideas and practices that make sense to diverse communities.98 Such a development framework could provide access to the critical thinking of other social, environmental " David Korten is quoted by Jacob von Uexhull, (1997), in Cornerstones April 1997. 97 See Jakob von Uexkull, (1997) , 'On leadership and things we believe' in Cornerstones, April 1997, Newsletter of the Right Livelihood Award Foundation. An abridged version of Chairman Uexkull's speech to the 1996 Right Livelihood Foundation Awards in Stockholm. " See Frans Shuurman,(ed.), (1996), Beyond the Impasse: New Directions in Development Theory, Zed Books, London. Various writers present an array of issues about rethinking about development theory, practice and research. 84 and ecological research communities. As a consequence, researchers can access this information stream and thereafter consider its merits for contemporary Maori development. To some extent the central dilemma is presented as a conflict between the ideologies exemplified by the economic imperative of the free-market and the sustainable management imperative of environment and ecology-based communities within a socially responsible framework. However, it is unduly simplistic to examine Maori development as if it were simply a debate about opposing ideologies. What has been missing from the debate, at least in New Zealand, is an approach which is Maori­ centred and which draws on social, economic and cultural principles that make sense to contemporary Maori. A discussion about design elements toward a Maori-centred approach follows. In Search of Framework Design Elements One of the fundamental tensions in western science and philosophy is about the study of substance and the study of form. 99 Substance is about matter, structure or quantity; and form refers to pattern, order and quality. They have generally been treated as competing approaches to investigation within the western scientific and philosophical tradition. The substance approach asks what is it made of? What are the fundamental " See Fritjof Capra, (1997), The Web Of Life, Fir~tAnchor Books, USA. 85 constituents? The form approach asks what is its pattern? These approaches have dominated human endeavour with attempts to improve our understanding about the nature of complex living systems. As a result, new insights are described with concepts such as networks, feedback and self-organisation. A fundamental contention associated with these ideas is that living systems are networks capable of self-organisation. Networking offers a perspective that suggests communities are capable of learning from feedback and by providing them with learning capability. Capra (1996)100 argues that a comprehensive theory of living systems lies in the synthesis of two approaches - the study of pattern (or form, order, quality) and the study of structure (or substance, matter, quantity). A study of patterns is about the mapping of relationships. It is a qualitative exercise focused on revealing relationships that appear repeatedly. Therefore, a study of relationships is about a study of patterns. Three key shifts in thinking are revealed here: (i) a move away from measuring to mapping, (ii) a change of perspective from contents to patterns, and (iii) a healthy regard for contextual and process thinking. Context refers to the inter connectedness of a system with its environment. From this perspective, the whole is more significant than the parts. The approach perceives the problematic based on principles of organisation by placing the organisation into the context of the larger whole. 100 . See FritjofCapra, (1996), 'The Web Of Life' in Resurgence. No. 178, April 1996. 86 A study of structure is about describing actual physical components. This is a quantitative exercise focused on discerning aspects that include shape, size and composition. A study of physical matter is about a study of structure. Three cornerstones are important here. First, measurement is required. Second, content is important. Third, scientific rigour is paramount. From this perspective, the parts are what make the whole. If it is accepted that diverse Miiori collectives do exist and do network with other living systems and are capable of self-organisation then it is possible to map the relationships and describe the physical components. Accordingly, Miiori perspectives about the inter connectedness of social, cultural, economic and political matters are critical to a study of Miiori organisation in contemporary Miiori development. Miiori customary knowledge and understanding founded on tribal values, beliefs and custom presents a recognisable philosophical base. Today, it is cultivated in the discourse of Miiori realities revealed by concepts such as whakapapa (genealogy), whiinaungiitanga (relationships} and mauri (life source). To a greater or lesser extent, customary knowledge and understanding are considered relevant to contemporary Miiori development. However, the appropriateness, relevance and application of Miiori knowledge and understanding require further consideration within the contexts and circumstances of Miiori organisations. While care for the environment and improving the position of Miiori is perceived to be a common aspiration, it may be presumptuous to believe that all Miiori organisations readily apply Miiori values, beliefs and customs. For Miiori who' acknowledge such traditions, whether the 87 behaviour IS explicit or not, respect and acknowledgement is afforded to the relationships that exist between all things. Whakapapa references the tangible and intangible relationships among all phenomena. Whanaungatanga describes their networks. Mauri is often explained to be the life source, a presence that carries the life-print. In synthesis, acknowledgement is given to human life being connected and ·th II h' 101 inter-woven Wl a t mgs. Ecology and environmental research communities may share similarities with Maori tradition and practice. In fact, core principles may reflect mutually agreeable intentions, although described in different ways. What this means in practice is treated with caution by iwi and hapii authorities who regard ecology and environmental advocates as interest groups, not as Treaty partners. Yet it is not unusual to find tribal and urban based Maori organisations reclaiming, valuing and applying these understandings in ways that make sense to them. 102 In general, iwi and hapii authorities are comfortable with interest groups who assist them to fulfil their kaitiakitangal03 responsibilities, within the parameters ~f a Treaty 101 It is not intended to provide a detail description of these concepts. However, it is appropriate to acknowledge that much of what is considered Maori stems from tribal philosophies and practices. With the resurgence of Maori culture at national and intemationallevels, tribal tenets are being reshaped and reorganised to these circumstances. Writer such as Metge (1967), Marsden (1975), Rangihau (1975), Salmond (1975), Walker (1978) and Henare (1988) provide useful perspectives about such matters. 102 Whanganui River Maori Trust Board, (1993), Whanganui River Water Rights Charter, WRMTB, Whanganui. The Charter presents a set of principles about ownership, use and management of the river. 103 Kaitiakitanga is derived from the word tiaki, which reflects ideas about care, protection and preservation. In this form, its approximate meaning would be trusteeship or guardianship. . 88 relationship, and without imposing their belief systems, values and practices. Consequently, two streams of development ideas and practice are important here. These are the discourse of an international community and the discourse of Maori communities. The construction of a conceptual framework from such experiences would increase the explanatory power of a Maori-centred approach. Furthermore, it may be useful to link research and practice at different levels as they have limited practical meaning in isolation from each other. By doing this, the reasons and purposes for contemporary Maori relationships can be taken into account when examining alternative development ideas and practices. In this respect, intellectual inquiry is aimed at explaining the development of disenfranchised people. While not every individual Mliori readily falls within this description there are significant Maori collectives based on gender, age, income levels, educational attainment and other circumstances that do SO.104 It follows that inquiry must be focused on diverse Maori realities for both process and results. 105 Consequently, inquiry values what is done and who people are more than what is known. Based on this research perspective, the real task in development is to link understanding and action more closely by ensuring that the people most affected are at the core of the arrangement. 104 See Te Puni Kakiri, (1999), Miiori in rheNew Zealand Economy, Ministry of Maori Development" Wellington. IOS For further discussion see Michael Edwards, (1993),'How Relevant is Development Studies ?', in Frans J. Schuurman (ed.), Beyond the Impasse: N'ewDirections in Development TheolY. Zed Books, London. pp.77-92. 89 At a philosophical level, moral and ethical considerations about who benefits and why, are valued. At a political level, Ranginui Walker (1992) and others would argue that while Maori development theory and practices remain controlled by the veto of others, a sense of urgency for Maori self-determination still remains intact. In response, a Maori Development Framework should acknowledge not only the international and national dynamics confronting Maori peoples but should also provide explanatory power that enables Maori to respond effectively to political and economic movements. By testing the relevance and appropriateness of contemporary development ideas and practices their application also can be assessed. This is discussed as follows. Contemporary Development Themes Many contemporary development ideas have been generated from Third World experiences based on international development practice. Some alternative ideas have emerged from comparisons of third world social structures and advanced industrial countries, based on fundamentalist accounts of developmental laws and tendencies that can be used to identify development obstac1es. 106 Such attempts to reveal common properties of development are often tainted by a failure to account for the unevenness of processes and variability of outcomes. 106 Alternative development is more concerned. with the impact of development on people than deVeloping a theoretical position. . 90 A refocus on ideas that inform development practice rather than 1I1crease the theoretical debate lO7 has enabled groups previously marginalised by conventional development theories and practices to be more readily included. As a consequence, development principles, which account for contemporary circumstances such as the environment, social equity, diverse aspirations and goals, gender and indigenous rights have gained greater credence. Attempts to address basic needs of local and national communities have raised concerns about wealth distribution to a minority and poverty for a majority. Consequently, widespread poverty and dysfunction in third world countries generated notions such as inequality and diversity, and in turn have focused greater attention 'on the social, economic, political and cultural circumstances faced by individuals and collectives at all levels of Maori society. Concerns about overpopulation, but more so the depletion of natural resources and pollution of the natural environment were followed by an international conservation movement focused on reducing if not eliminating unsustainable economic practices. So emerged the notion of sustainability - maintaining the integrity of nature's 107 See Robert Chambers, (1983), Rural Development: Putting the Last First, Intermediate Technology Publications, London. Chambers and others have challenged conventional development practice by suggesting that alternative principles of development are required. These ideas respond to those neglected by popular development theories and practices. 91 processes, cycles and rhytluus. J08 Fundamental to 'sustainability' is the view that no international economic order could be viable if the natural biological systems that underpin the global economy are not preserved. I09 Sustainability, the concept and practice, is influenced by a conservationist approach to use management and the development of limited natural resources. Sustainability is a precondition to care for, protect, preserve and respect the right of living things to renew themselves. In this context, it follows that development is about action that improves the wellbeing of Jiving things and the surrounding environment. To achieve this, a shift from industrial development practice is expected by setting conservation minded preconditions about how development should proceed. The indigenous peoples movement has emphasised the importance of traditional knowledge and wisdom toward the notion and practice of sustainability.llo According to the Inter-Commission Task Force on Indigenous Peoples (1997) an understanding of this matter sets in motion the need to empower local communities and learn viable options for the use and conservation of customary resources. Based on intemationalliterature, Loomis, Morrison and Nicholas (1998) describe this as the maintenance and investment in four types of capital: man-made, human, natural 10, Sachs, Wolfgang, (ed.), {I 992), The Development Dictionary: A Guide to Knowledge as Power, Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg, p. 217. 109 Brohman, John, (1996), Popular Development: Rethinking the Theory and Practice of Development, ~lackwelI Publishers Inc., Oxford, p. 309. 10 See Inter-Commission Task Force on Indigenous Peoples, (1997), Indigenous Peoples and Sustainability: Cases and Actions, International Books, The Netherlands. 92 and social/cultural capital. lll Much of this discussion incites a transfer of power involving a deep-level change in the very nature of power, beyond the transfer of power from one person to another, to a fundamental change in the mix of violence, wealth and knowledge employed by the powerful to maintain control. ll2 Consequently, and with historical justification, the possibility of further exploitation of indigenous. knowledge by the West is perceived as a new threat to indigenous peoples. From political upheaval in South America came the literature of oppression. The proponents of political freedom in South America such· as Paulo Freire l13 argued that empowerment through educative processes would enable the oppressed to take control of their lives and cause change in social, political, culture and economic matters. Accordingly, the activities of individuals and collectives are not value neutral but are conscious political acts of power and control. In practice, the discourse on oppression sympathises with oppressed communities and urges them to understand their oppressive circumstances so that they may develop appropriate response strategies and tactics, and, thereafter, actively challenge oppressive behaviours in social, politiCal, economic and cultural areas at all levels. In that sense, the notion of empowerment III Terrence Loomis; Sandr. Morrison; Taari Nicholas, (1998), Capacity Buildingfor Self-Determined Maori Economic Development, Working Paper No. 2/98, Department of Development Studies, School of Miiori and Pacific Development, University ofWaikato, Hamilton, p. 3. 112 Alvin Toffler, (1991), Powershifl, Bantam Books, New York. "'. Paulo Freire, (1972), The Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Penguin Books, Great Britain. Also see John Fnedmann, (l9n}, Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development, Blackwell Publishers Inc., Cambridge. 93. represents a means of legitimating change by those who are perceived by others and perhaps perceive themselves to be disempowered, It assumes that someone needs to be empowered by someone else. Furthermore, it presupposes that power should be transferred and that the powerless actually desire what the powerful have. With reference to the Gandhian movement, Rahenma (1992) argues that those presumed to be powerless are not necessarily so, rather they have a different power which is not always perceived as such, and cannot be actualised in the same manner, yet it is very real in many ways. I 14 Therefore, inner freedom to share, to listen and to learn, and outer freedom from violence and abuse are accentuated rather than the acquisition of the oppressor's powerYS The notion of participation has gained strength as a result of increasing dissatisfaction with top-down development models. Nevertheless, a cautionary note is sounded by Majid Rahnema (1992) who raises a concern about the concept being used as a deceptive myth or a dangerous tool for manipulation - thereby proving difficult to put into practice. In his words; The fact that entire populations are robbed of their possibilities of relating and acting together, in their own best interests, is indeed a most serious question. This represents a state of violence, which cannot leave anyone indifferent, and it, no doubt, calls for action. Whenever people confront such situations, they do act, collectively or individually, within the limits of their possibilities .... Only the acromanic, the missionary, the obsessional intevenor and the mentally programmed do-gooder think they alone care about the situation, While the victims do not. And because of the arrogance and lack of sensitivity 114 'b'd I I " p. 123. 11, 'b' I Id., p. 128. 94 implied in this attitude, their mediation turns out usually to be manipulative and counterproductive. 1 16 In contrast, proponents of bottom-up models are concerned about who should drive development projects and receive primary benefits. A central feature of bottom-up research and development assumes that it is most likely to succeed when those affected have significant control over the process and the desired outcomes. participatory approaches to community research and development are being used in rural and regional development projects. In practice the knowledge and experience of communities is valued, however criticisms are raised about the high cost and lengthy time requirements of participatory approaches. The notion of self-determination is often identified with indigenous peoples' development. The Inter-Commission Task Force on Indigenous Peoples (1997) stated that the basic demand of indigenous peoples is that their right to self-determination be recognised. According to the Kari-Oca Declaration, announced at UNCED in 1992, self-determination means "the right to decide our forms of government, to use our. own laws to raise and educate our children, to our own cultural identity without interference. ,,117 116 M "d R hn . . aJI a ema, (I 992}, 'PartIcipatIOn', in Wolf gang Sachs, (ed.), (1992), The Development R{ctionary, Zed Books, London, p. 126. . Inter-Commission Task Force on Indigenous Peoples, (I 997), Indigenous Peoples and Sustainability: Cases and Actions, International Books,The Netherlands, p. 29. 9S At the crux of this movement are challenges to colonisation which have led to challenges, through the ages, to reduce if not eliminate colonial authority and control. According to this perspective, colonial and indigenous developments are not mutually inclusive. However, it is important to note that not all indigenous peoples have experienced European colonialism. Broad international acceptance has been given to the idea that indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that have developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts thereof. Indigenous peoples form non dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity. as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems. llS For example, in his description of a Yupiaq worldview, Kawagley (1995) states that through indigenous government, our customs, cultures, languages and histories can be preserved and flourish into the future and benefit the world community in better understanding each others culture. 1l9 A complementary theme can be found in the work of researchers such as Comell and Kalt (1997) who present compelling arguments about the practice of indigenous govemment. Based on lIB ·h·d I I ., p. 27. 119 See A. Oscar Kawagley, (1995), A Yupiaq Worldview: A Pathway to Ecology and Spirit, Waveland Press Inc., Illinois, p. 42. 96 their research of Native American tribes, they argue that the key to successful development is grounded in sovereignty and nation building, Simply, sovereignty is about the ability to exercise authority in an accountable and responsible manner though, in and of itself,. there is no guarantee of success, Nation building is about the process of building viable sovereign nations through capable institutions of self- 120 govelnance, What is made clear is the distinction between tribal governance and the governance of corporate entities, The effective exercise of tribal sovereignty is contingent on the separation of tribal politics - tribal governance from the management of tribal affairs - the tribal public interest and the tribal private sector opportunities. Underpinning effective institutional arrangements is the need for political stability through tribal laws, rules, and procedures that are appropriate to the tribe's situation and its heritage and that can get things done in the real world that tribes confront, 121 As a consequence of research with Native American tribes, Comell and Kalt (1997) propose that the reinforcement of tribal sovereignty should be the central thrust of public policy in America for there is value not only for Indian nations but for non- Indian communities as well. 122 In practical terms, it would require the relationship between the tribe and government to be adjusted, The govemment would move from 120 See 'Nation-Building: Creating a Place for Business', in Reinvestment: Community Affairs Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Winter 1997, pp, 1-13, 121 'b'd 8 1 I "p. . 122 'b'd 1 1 " pp, 7-12, 97 decision-maker to a resource option, from controlling influence in decisions to advisor or provider of technical assistance. In reality, however, most governments contend themselves with the principles of self­ management and self-government so that there are no limitations on the ultimate authority of the state. More often than not, these responses have failed to satisfy the primary concerns of indigenous peoples. In development terms, self-organisation is perceived as the starting point for any exercise of self-determination. In effect, self­ organisation refers to indigenous peoples exercising control over their own political, economic, social, and cultural development. With this belief and access to international forums, indigenous peoples continue to advocate for international agreements and national recognition of indigenous peoples rights. However, governments are unlikely to readily allow the indigenous people who were disenfranchised to achieve a level of political, economic, social and cultural power that could potentially destabilise government control or lead to a cession. Perhaps there is an implicit belief system, driven by a need to 'protect the basis of power and control and the world of their ancestors, which rationalises indigenous peoples as ultimately striving to eliminate the power base of the oppressor. There may be an element of truth in this. However, it is the redefining of relationships and an inalienable duty to pass on the ancestral legacy to future generations that permeates the discourse of indigenous peoples. 98 Fleras and Elliot (1992) 123 argue that New Zealand, like Canada is constrained by paradigms that are founded in colonialism, which still persist today. The new paradigm is concerned with redefining the relationship between the Crown and Maori in the New Zealand context, and between the Crown and First Nations, Metis and Inuit in the Canadian context. However, although outmoded views of government responsibilities are being revised albeit slowly, there is evidence of dissatisfaction of aboriginal peoples as well as of those reliant on the status quo. By example, recent agreements between the Canadian government and aboriginal peoples recognised by the Canadian constitution, have achieved home rule for Nunavuut and movement toward self-government for the Nisga'a Nation on the west coast of British Columbia.124 Although not necessarily simultaneous, the self-government and home rule initiatives were preceded by an array of litigation and negotiation in response to political and legal pressure about aboriginal and treaty rights. First Nations who are a protected aboriginal grouping in the Canadian constitution have used litigation to force the federal and provincial governments to recognise aboriginal rights. Calder (1973), Sparrow (1990), Van der Peet (1996), Gladstone (1996), and Delgamuuk (1996) are notable cases. The litigation approach, adopted by some First N aiions, is about redefining what aboriginal rights mean and how to apply them. However, the federal and provincial governments' interest in litigation is, more '2J A. Fleras; J. L. Blliot, (1992), The Nation Within, Oxford University Press, Toronto, pp. 227-231. '24 Interviews with staff of Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, the Nisga'a Tribal Council and others and the Assembly of First Nations, July - December 1998. 99 often than not, focused on maintaining the status quo and, where possible, to confine if not remove any legal uncertainty regarding the protection of aboriginal rights. In contrast to New Zealand, the Canadian government agreed to consider the issue of aboriginal self-goveri1men!. The inclusion of self-government on the federal policy agenda is weighted positively by the recognition of inherent rights protected by the Canadian constitution. The government policy of self-government now provides an important negotiation lever in the treaty settlement process. Pragmatically, the federal government is seeking constitutional certainty with First Nations by codifying aboriginal rights into treaty rights. Through a self-government policy, m First Nations' jurisdiction within defined territories can be confirmed with the agreement of the federal and provincial governments, while provincial and national jurisdiction are affirmed by the process. In the Canadian context, there is a level of commitment from the federal and some provincial governments to address claims by First Nations, Inuit and Metis. However, international policy development about indigenous rights is treated as a guide to a national response rather than as a prescription. Importantly, self-government does not include international relations as part of inherent rights. First Nations may not necessarily share this view, in particular the ability to enter into economic alliances across international borders. Although provision does exist for this to occur under federal jurisdiction, self-government may be perceived by First Nations as a mechanism for limiting aboriginal rights to First Nation territories. I2l See Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, (1997), Gathering Strength: Canada's Aboriginal Action Plan, Indian and Northern Affairs, Ottawa. See also Department oflndian and Northern Affairs, (1995), Aboriginal Self-government: The Government o/Canada's approach to Implementation o/the Inherent Right and the negotiation 0/ Aboriginal self-government, Indian and Northern Affairs, Ottawa. 100 Ultimately, the relationship is founded on limited autonomy· $elt"'govel'tl!lt1Ce within a larger sovereign nation state. The indigenous nation is portrayed as a type of minority population who choose to organise collective interests in order to achieve common goals and aspirations. Authority for a defined area seems to represent a significant building block for creating tribal economic and social prosperity. No doubt, self-government will test the importance of tribal values and personal values against the aspirations and practicalities of tribal autonomy. Likewise, the value of tribal self-government for non-indigenous peoples wili also be tested. Consequently, there is an unmistakable political dynamic underlying the future relationships, economic or otherwise, between indigenous nations and the State, indigenous nations with themselves and with others.126 On a broader front, contemporary development themes may be theoretically recognised at an international level, but are rejected as mandatory. Some, but certainly not all sovereign countries, have adopted one or more of these themes with measured intentions in response to political influences. Given the nature of power and control, self-government and other development themes are more likely to be subjected to application, appropriateness and relevance parameters which are acceptable to power brokers at national and local levels. For example, table 3.1 outlines the purpose and 126 Comell and Kalt (1997) argue that economic development is not primarily an economic problem but first and foremost a political problem. 101 expected outcomes of various development themes. Such themes have the cumulative effort of outlining the multi-dimensional purposes and outcomes of development no matter what the context of development may be for indigenous peoples. Table 3.1 : Contemporary Development Themes Themes Self determination Self management Selfgovernment Self organisation Empowerment Social equity Cultural diversity Participation Sustainability Purpose Reduce, if not eliminate, colonial oppression Reduce external management of own affairs Reduce central government and the role of others in own affairs Enable individuals and groups to organise according to democratic imperatives Remove political, cultural, economic and social oppression Regard for lower socia-economic groups Recognise cultural differences Genuine inclusion in decision­ makhlg processes and benefit distribution Recognise conservation principles and practices Expected Outcome Exercise authority and control Increase control over decisions affecting own wellbeing Social, economic, cultural and political jurisdiction within agreed terms and conditions Organise to improve individual and group wellbeing Political action through responsive strategies and tactics Equitable benefit distribution Public tolerance of cultural principles and practices Those affected are involved in decision­ making processes and receive primary benefits Environmental protection and preservation Given these general contemporary themes, the question is how are they or how can they be applied to a Maori context. The following section will discuss such an application. 102 Contemporary Development Themes for Maori In the New Zealand context,Durie (1998) provides description and comment about the politics of Maori self-detennination. For Maori, self-determination is generally associated with the notions of mana and tino rangatiratanga embodied in the Treaty of Waitangi. In another respect, it attempts to connect with the circumstances reported by indigenous peoples throughout the world. In response to (and encouraged by) the work of international writers such as Paulo Freire, Maori communities have adopted and reinterpreted ideas and practical responses to oppression, empowerment and self­ / determination. The Crown, however, has not accepted the debate beyond enabling Maori to manage their own affairs and resources. Social, cultural, economic and political debates generated by Maori have continued to challenge the non-recognition of Treaty rights and the detrimental social, cultural and economic effects of government policies for Maori. Underlying the concerns, is a fundamental desire to retain, if not strengthen, the Maori identity and to maximise Maori wealth. Although not necessarily welI defined, the Treaty of Waitangi relationship is fundamental to ideas of development and practice between Maori and the Crown. For this reason, it is useful to discuss the Waitangi Tribunal's deliberations on tino rangatiratanga. 103 Since the Orakei Report in November 1987, the Waitangi Tribunal has defined rangatiratanga as more than ownership,l27 The definition denotes the authority not only to possess but to manage and control128 one's affairs in accordance with the preferences of the owner. Although Maori will attempt to maintain some form of self- government, that is, independent Maori control over Maori resources and people, it is recognised that tino rangatiratanga is not defined as separate sovereignty but tribal self_management129 on lines similar to what the Tribunal understands to be the role played by local government. The Tribunal concluded that, in this regard, the texts of the Treaty are not so much contradictory as they are complementary of one another. The English text guaranteed Maori their just rights and properties, Just rights include the maintenance of their own customs and institutions,130 According to the Waitangi Tribunal, cession by Maori of sovereignty to the Crown was in exchange for the protection by the Crown ofMaori rangatiratanga, The notion of reciprocity is expressed by an exchange of the right to govern for the right of Maori to retain their full tribal authority and control over their lands and all other valued possessions, 131 l27W' 'T'b 128, ,altangl fl unal, (1987), Orakei Report (Wai 9), Department of Justice, Wellington, p, 134, IbId, ::: ~aitangi Tribunal, (1992), Ngai Tahu Report (Wai 27), Waitangi Tribunal, Wellington, p, 232, IbId, III 'b'd 1 1 , 104 That understanding includes active protection by the Crownl32 or of any delegation afforded by the Crown. Consequently, the Crown must ensure that its Treaty duty of protection is fulfilled. Importantly, the Tribunal's deliberations provide a reasonable guide for Treaty interpretation although claimants are cautious about Treaty relationships with delegated authorities. The closing submission of Counsel for the Whanganui River Claim (Wai 167), for example, contended that the notion of raogatiratanga cannot be written out of the Treaty on the assertion that Maori raogatiratanga is incompatible with discretions conferred by statutory authorities such as the Regional Council (now known as Horizons).l33 The Tribunal's findings in this case are not strong enough for those who interpret raogatiratanga as if it were synonymous with sovereignty and for them, nothing less than absolute authority and control at both local and national levels would be sufficient. But even those who hold less sweeping views about rangatiratanga expect that the Treaty should include a sharing of power and authority at a national level. In that light, many of the Tribunal's findings do not directly refer to the matter. Instead, the sharing of political power and control is a constitutional debate promulgated by Maori dissatisfaction with the processes and outcomes of successive governments. One example was the national consultation conducted by the Ministry of Maori Development for the Government in 1995 for the Treaty Settlement Proposals. Il2 Waitangi Tribunal, (1993), Ngawha Geothermal Resource Report (Wai 304), Waitangi Tribunal, Wellington. 113 Cl . osmg Submission of Counsel for the Claimants, Whanganui River Claim (Wai 167). 105 While the overall proposals in that context were rejected some of the process elements did capture Miiori attention, in particular, mandate and representation issues. Nevertheless, the rejection was immediately followed by a Miiori collective voice, led by Sir Hepi Te Heuheu, in calling for the constitutional debate to begin. 134 At the local level, the Tribunal's findings do comment about full tribal authority over tribal lands and all other valued possessions. Nevertheless, the Tribunal put limits on the meaning of tino rangatiratanga to mean self-management rather than the recognition of Miiori self-determination. Although the government is aware of Miiori opinion, it has yet to formally engage in the debate. The delegation of responsibilities with accountability to government is already commonplace within regional and district councils. However, the idea of shared authority with Miiori at either local or national level is treated with caution. If the government was to proceed with shared authority it would ultimately and fundamentally reshape the governance of the country. With such wide ranging views about the meaning and implications of tino rangatiratanga, from absolute sovereignty to the sharing of power and authority, it is not surprising to find this matter still at an impasse. I3S 114 N' I . atlOna hui were called and held at Hirangi in Turangi to discuss the matter. Through workshops, ~~scussion papers were produced. Extracted from an article in Rural Bulletin, September 1997. The article presents the comments of Morris Love, Director of the Waitangi Tribunal, aboutthe meanings oftino rangatiratanga. 106 The aforementioned situation invites unceliainty about Miiori development at one extreme and opportunity to define it better at the other. The Crown is predictable because it remains cautious about the meaning and implications of tino rangatiratanga. On the other hand, Maori are also predictable because they expect significant changes at all levels of social, economic, cultural and political life. Characterised by issues of uncertainty, the state of affairs does illuminate the Maori- Crown relationship as a critical point of change for the kind of development framework desired by Maori. Implicit in the contestation is a desire to review the current relationship and thereafter introduce a renewal process, which demonstrates mutually agreeable changes to the status quo. On the Miiori political landscape, the practice of tribal self-organisation has been further impeded by disagreement. among Miiori over the parameters of self- determination and over conflicting interests. This is illustrated by the urban Maori authorities' challenge to the Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission about who should receive and manage pre- and post-settlement assets. According to Inder,136 urban Miiori authorities disagree with the prooess of pre-settlement resource distribution because the distribution favours those in control of established iwi. Although this debate is about who owns, manages and receives the benefits, it may be '" R. lnder, (1997), 'Maori Launch series ofhui to debate future of $300 million fisheries assets', in The National Business Review, 25 July 1997. 107 viewed as a stand-off between tribal and urban Maori authorities rather than as a useful contribution to contemporary Maori development. At the tribal level, iwi authorities are being challenged about the centralisation of resources and benefit distribution. To a greater or lesser degree, these challenges are concerned with the return of hapu specific resources and with the equitable distribution of benefits from iwi resources. It could be argued that the Crown approach to Treaty settlements is flawed because it fails to protect hapil rights to possess, manage and control their affairs and resources. Interestingly, the Treaty settlement process does not ensure that hapil resource distribution issues have been addressed. It could also be argued that this is a matter for iwi to resolve. If this is the case then it may be reasonable for iwi to demonstrate how respective hapil and whanau interests of affected individual Maori and whlinau living outside tribal territories will be able to access tribal benefits. The Treaty of Waitangi does speak about resource protection, management and control. At the centre of the matter is the relationship between Maori and the Crown. Consequently, alternative development ideas and practices are useful for two reasons. First, the Treaty is about rights and interests that underscore perspectives about Maori development. What is implied may be contentious but this is largely about whom should define what it means. Second, the Treaty is recognised by Maori and the Crown, though from different perspectives, as a baseline for determining what is considered fair and reasonable for Maori. Importantly, legal challenges to interpretations by the Crown or Maori are not prevented but the parties concerned do 108 not necessarily share the reasons for such actions. In practice, there has been considerable movement between the parties, with Maori sharing their knowledge and understanding with local authorities and government agencies. The notion and practice of sustainability, as presented by tribal and wider Maori community perspectives, is a fundamental benchmark for decision-making processes about economic, social, and cultural activity. The Maori expression of sustainability in concept kaitiakitanga - and in the practice of tribal resource management systems - has limited recognition at local and national levels. Consequently, the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi can be found in legislation but local authorities and government agencies are generally cautious about their interpretation and application.137 Under these circumstances, Maori perspectives are predisposed to redefinition by a host of officials at local, regional and district levels. This aformentioned commentary highlights a number of contemporary development themes for Maori. They represent ideas and practices, which are grounded in Western democracy and Crown law though not always agreeable to Maori. More important, contemporary development themes may be acceptable in many instances, however the detennination, if not significant influence, by and of the Crown and its executive arm, 137 Md' ore etatled comment can be found in P. Nuttall; lames Ritchie, (1995), Maori Participation in the Resource Management Act: An Analysis of Provision Made for Maori Participation in Regional Policy Statements and District Plans produced under the Resource Management Act J 99 J, Tainui Maori Trust Board and Centre for Maori Studies and Research, University ofWaikato, Hamilton. 109 the government, tends to invite rejection by Maori who believe that only Maori should determine Maori goals and aspirations. Despite their merits or otherwise, contemporary development themes for Maori are essentially about an external party determining what is important, what is valued, and what can be achieved for Maori. Clearly, there is a determination by Maori to reduce the government's involvement in Maori development. Nevertheless the government continues to play a significant role in the conception and execution of development for Maori. A surnmary of development themes for Maori with statements of purpose and outcome is presented in table 3.2. The point of this section has been to discuss and highlight the themes as they are ascribed for Maori. But what of those themes as generated by Maori? What follows is a discussion about Maori development themes. 110 Table 3.2 : Contemporary Development Themes for Maori Themes Self-management Social responsibility Cultural diversity Economic growth Individual choice Participatory democracy Purpose Enable Maori to management their own affairs and resources Demonstrate Maori entitlement to New Zealand Citizenship Recognise multiple Maori affiliations and associations Increase Maori participation and access in New Zealand economy Affirm primacy of individual rights and responsibilities, and the availability of choices in Te Ao Maori and Te Ao Pakeha Encourage Maori participation in an open democracy .. Outcome Tribal and pan·Maori organisations contracted for service delivery of government programmes Tribal and pan-Maori organisations for regional purchasing of Maori health broadcastiIlg and other social policy' programmes funded by the government Tribal and pan-Maori authorities as interface between respective communities and the mainstream Tr~ba~ and Maori corporations for managing Maofl resources Maori social needs reorganised within government mainstreaming policy Vote: Maori Affairs redistributed to mainstream government agencies Disparities increased between Maori and non~Maori Maori Language, Arts and CUlture are supported by national and lOcal government funding Maori institutions, such as marae and wananga supported by government funding Distribution of assets and related benefits ar < • e ~alr Tribal/':"!aori autho~i~ies as interface between respectIve commumtIes and the mainstream Tribal/Maori corporations for manaaing Maori resources t::> Decreased access to government funding for Maori resource and small business development Social need replaced with user pays policy in education and health Social needs assessment more stringently applied Attention to individual access and participation issues MMP introduced Public interest in local and national government performance increased IlJ Contemporary Miiori Development Themes Contemporary Miiori development themes are about Miiori defining what is important and determining what should happen. Each theme has implications that are interconnected to the others. Collectively, the themes encapsulate commonly held views as points of reference for future Miiori development. While there is no particular order or emphasis, each can be treated as integral to the whole. Founded on historical antecedents, self-governance and Miiori self-determination are often identified as contemporary expressions of tino rangatiratanga. The politics of self-determination is not extinguished but the parameters of the debate are usually restricted or diminished by Crown and government actions. Nonetheless, the strength of Miiori cultural affirmation and the renewed emphasis on a Maori identity attest to Maori determination to widen the debate. Maori understood the Treaty relationship, as described by Orange (1987), as a reciprocal agreement which allowed for the sharing of authority: a partnership within the new nation. l38 Fleras and Elliot (1992) noted that no agreement about constitutional parameters of the partnership had been confirmed. 139 In more recent Ila See Claudia Orange, (1987), The Treaty of Waitangi, Alien and Unwin NZ Ltd., New Zealand, p. 226. '39 See A. Fleras; J. L. ElIiott, (1992), The Nations Within: Aboriginal - State Relations in Canada, the United States, and New Zealand, Oxford University Press, Toronto, p. 229. 112 years, Maori and the Crown have debated issues and perspectives on constitutional reform. Clearly the potential has not diminished, nor has political interest by Maori and non-Maori to formally engage. 140 Indeed, the distance between kawanatanga and rangatiratanga may not be so difficult to traverse. Nonetheless, the desire to share the journey m~y prove to be the greatest challenge. F or ~~1aori, the entrenchment of the Treaty of Waitangi in constitutional law and government policy is yet to be fully I· d 141 rea Ise . There is an increasing recognition that difference amongst Maori individuals and groups based on social, political, demographic and geographical complexities does exist. This is particularly evident amongst Maori who are reorganising themselves, and who are reviewing their affiliations and alliances. Much of this reorganisation and review is a response to structural adjustments and is highlighted by a desire to improve the social and economic circumstances of Maori. But the reorganisation also reflects the public and private tensions between competitive Maori political and economic interests. The situation is demonstrated by resource allocation and benefit disputes that do not so much exclude iwi development but more so do contest an iwi- centred approach as the most appropriate solution in all cases. 140 • See Mason Dune, (1998), Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Maori Self-Determination, Oxford University Press, Auckland, pp. 228-238. 141 . See Mason Durie, (1994), 'Concluding Remarks', in Kia Pumau Tonu: Proceedings of the Hui Whakapz7mau, Maori Studies Department, Massey University, Palmerston North, p. 171. 113 - ------------- --- While noting the importance of iwi and hapu structures, particularly for Treaty-based political negotiations, and possibly the ownership and management of physical resources, Durie (1998) makes the point that social policies and programmes must relate primarily to Miiori whanau and individuals across the range of social and cultural conditions. 142 It is no longer unusual to observe Miiori individuals and groups choosing to organise themselves outside tribal social groupings and, as a result, to expect access and participation in Treaty settlements as well as in the wider benefits of New Zealand citizenship. Given these circumstances, it may be argued that development for all Maori is impractical if confined to an iwi framework. It would be equally inappropriate to reject iwi development given that Maori also choose to organise as tribal collectives. Any rejection of diverse social, political, cultural and economic structures fails to acknowledge that Miiori are establishing organisations in response to contemporary circumstances at local, national and international levels. Maori organisations, tribally-based or otherwise, were not insulated from the structural adjustment programme that changed the landscape for all Miiori no matter what are or were the age, gender, political, cultural, secular, social or economic imperatives. Notwithstanding the emergence of governance, asSet management and 142 See Mason Durie, (1998), Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga: The Politics of Maori Self-Determination, Oxford University Press, Auckland, p. 96. 114 distribution models for post-settlement, the question for tribal and non-tribal organisations is still what kind of organisational arrangements will provide benefits to all Maori, despite the circumstances? On reflection, it is prudent for tribal organisations to consider the fact that benefits from iwi development have not always been transferred to Maori households and . d' 'd al 143 m IVI u S. The transfer of resources from the Crown as a result of Treaty settlements may primarily be about redress to tribes. Maori organisations, at all levels, should not readily ignore the needs and aspirations of Maori people living as tribal members or as members of a community distant from tribal influence or orientation. In this regard, social equity, empowerment and participation are likely to be common ideals for all Maori organisations. In summary, a Maori development conceptual framework should respond to the attraction of economic development created by pending Treaty settlements and perceived resource development opportunities. Yet, such a framework should also be responsive to the social, economic, cultural and political demands of Maori individuals and groups. Importantly, a Maori-centred approach needs to have regard 143 See Mason Durie, (1994), 'Concluding Remarks', in Kia Piimau Tonu: Proceedings of the hui Whakapiimau Maori Development Coriference, Massey University, Palmerston North, p. 168. 115 for the expectations of the Crown and Maori collectives with respect to the Treaty relationship. Furthermore, a Maori conceptual framework may embrace international development ideas and practices to strengthen its explanatory power. Accounting for contemporary circumstances would present a model that (i) values what development means to Maori communities, (ii) accounts for contemporary patterns of Maori social organisation, and (Hi) clarifies the distinctions about effective Maori organisations for contemporary Maori development. In contrast to contemporary development themes for Maori, this commentary is primarily focllsed on the determination of development themes Qy Maori. These themes represent a reasonable but not an exhaustive account of current thinking about Maori development, which are described by Durie (1998) as central to the philosophy of positive development. 144 Table 3.3 presents an adaptation of Durie's 'Themes from the Decade of Maori Development' with statements of purpose and outcome. 144 See Mason Durie, (1998), Te Mana Te Kcrwanatanga: The Politics of Self-Determination, Oxford' University Press, Auckland, p. 8. ". . 116 Table 3.3 : Contemporary Development Themes by and for Maod45 Themes -Tino Rangatiratanga Treaty of Waitangi Cultural advancement Social equity Economic self­ reliance Iwi development . Purpose Maori authority and control Entrenchment of Treaty of Waitangi in constitutional law and government policy Application of cultural imperatives in contemporary circumstances Strengthen the Maori identity Elimination of socio·economic disparities between Maori and non- Maori Capacity to improve and sustain Maori economic wellbeing Promote tribal development at whenau, hapii and iwi levels . Outcome.· Increased debate about Maori self­ governance and the politics ofMaori self-determination Some recognition in legislation and government policy ofthe place of Maori in New Zealand's future Diversity of Maori realities Maori and tribal cultural revitalisation Limited influence on goverrunent social policy and funding Sustained Maori participation in health, education and social services Competing economic interests Improved wealth and capacity by some Maori collectives Whanau and hapii self-determination Political, economic, social and cultural changes at whenau, hapii and iwi levels Each theme shows that when Maori define what development means the purpose and outcome statements may differ from the development themes ascribed for Maori. 146 However, there are recognisable areas of common interest notwithstanding the inherent struggle for power and control of the development process and outcomes. In contrast to table 3.2, this table incorporates those imperatives that are self-determined 1