Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. The Lived-In-Experience Of Migration For Samoan Women A Cross-Cultural Phenomenological Study Bronwen Byers A thesis presented in partial fulfi l lment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Phi losophy at Massey University, Albany, Auckland, New Zealand January 2003 � MasseyUniversity COLLEGE OF HUMANmES 8< SOCIAL SCIENCES' CANDIDATE'S DECLARATION School of Social and Cultural Studies Private Bag 102 904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9700 Facsimile: 64 9 441 8162 This is to certify that the research carried out for my Doctoral thesis entitled "Phenomenological lnterpretations of Experience" in the School of Social and Cultural Studies, Massey University, Albany, New Zealand is my own work and that the thesis material has not been used in part or in whole for any other qualification. Candidate's Name Bronwen Byers Signature $ � � Date d Ov\ '-j ,,( 003 Te Kunenga ki Purehuroa Inception to Infinity: Massey University's commitment to learning as a life-Iongjourney ) MasseyUniversity COLLEGE OF HUMANmES & SOCIAL SCIENCES' CERTIFICATE OF REGULATORY COMPLIANCE This is to certify that the research carried out in the Doctoral Thesis entitled School of Social and Cultu�al Studies Private Bag 1 02904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9700 Facsimile: 64 9 441 8162 Phenomenological lnterpretations of Experience in the School of social and Cultural Studies at Massey University, New Zealand: (a) is the original work of the candidate, except as indicated by appropriate attribution in the text and/or in the acknowledgements; (b) that the text, excluding appendices/annexes, does not exceed 100 000 words; (c) all the ethical requirements applicable to this study have been complied with as required by Massey University, other organisations and/or committees which had a particular association with this study, and relevant legislation. Please insert Ethical Authorisation code(s) here if applicable ____ N/ A. __ _ Candidate's Name: Bronwen Byers Signature: fo K � oated4nr; �03 Te Kunenga ki Purehuroa Supervisor's Name: Marilyn Wa 'ng Inception to Infinity: Massey University's commitment to learning as a life-longjoumey � MasseyUniversity COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES & SOCIAL SCIENCES' SUPERVISOR'S DECLARATION School of Social and Cultural Studies Private Bag 1 02 904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9700 Facsimile: 64 9 441 8162 This is to certify that the research ca'rried out for the Doctoral thesis entitled "Phenomenological lnterpretations of Experience" was done by Bronwen 8yers in the School of Social and Cultural Studies, Massey University, Albany, New Zealand. The thesis material has not been used in part or in whole for any other qualification,. and I confirm that the candidate has pursued the course of study in accordance with the requirements of the Massey University regulations. Supervisor's Name Marilyn Waring � , ��. Signature / / U Date �(J ��. Te Kunenga ki Piirehuroa Inception to Infinity: Massey University's commitment to learning as a life-long journey Abstract In New Zealand between 1950 and 1960 rapid industrial development brought about a corresponding demand for workers. Many Pacific Island male and female workers fi l led the avai lable jobs. Considerable material has since emerged addressing issues relating to migrant workers, the focus however has primari ly been on male workers whilst portraying women in supporting roles. The paucity of materia l acknowledging Samoan women's social and economic contributions with in migration l iterature, acted as the catalyst for this study. Qual itative research paradigms promote theoretical and methodological l i beral ism, therefore three paradigmatic constructs, social-constructivism, feminism and phenomenology informed this study's interpretive practice strategies in triangulation. Quantitative data added rigour within the analysis process. The cross-cultural nature of the research and my outsider researcher status a lso i nfluenced a methodological emphasis for researcher transparency. To ensure this occurred the pi loting stages were undertaken with extensive col laboration with gatekeepers in order to achieve appropriate access to the respondents. From the pi loting emerged major themes considered characteristic and integral to the migration process as defined by Samoan women. These themes provided the basis for the semi-structured questionnaire, used to elicit the articu lated reflections of the individual and col lective Iived-in-experiences of Samoan women migrants. The extensive verbatim i nterview material was analysed using interpretive phenomenological data ana lysis procedures. What was revealed was the significance of the pivotal role and critical impact of the individual and col lective social and economic contributions made by the Samoan women respondents. This un ique journey thematic focus, al lowed for the revelation of the lived-in­ experience of Samoan women, commencing from the germination of the idea to migrate whi lst sti l l at school , to their reflections on this earlier decision of the migration journey ( in some cases) fifty years later. These revelations provide a greater understanding of their experiences in relation to: Schooling - the influencing factors; Choice - the positive and negative affects; Expectations and Impressions - the emotional and physical cost; Language - the l i nkage between self-esteem and identity; Remittances - women redefin ing the parameters of traditional obl igation; Church - the role in the women's l ives; Employment - the lived-in-situation work situations and the complexity of Union membership; Dawn Raids - the hidden affects, and final ly Remaining in New Zealand - reflections and the question of belonging. i i This study celebrates the l ives of the first wave of Samoan women pioneer migrants to New Zealand by provid ing a unique, gendered, cross-cultural representation of their lived-in-experiences of the phenomenon/migration. i i i Acknowledgements As this study made its i ncremental way from the original idea to the finished thesis the fol lowing people have provided support in so many ways. I would l i ke to thank: Peter Byers my husband, for his encouragement, support and unequivocal faith in me over the last four years. My supervisors Dr Mari lyn Waring for provid ing the intel lectua l space to develop and Dr M ike Q'Brien for his support and confidence. The Samoan gate-keepers and gate-openers that assisted me with making connections within the Samoan community. The three (unnamed) women who provided rich secondary source materia l . The two (unnamed) Union representatives for their assistance at the pi lot stages. The two respondents (unnamed) for translating the questionnaire i nto the Samoan language and Tafa Mul ita lo for checking their appropriateness. iv Bobbie Dubber for transcribing the English version interview tapes and Jul ie Puia for transcribing the Samoan language tapes. Dr Denny Meyer for technical assistance with the audit material , Kait Johnson for technical support and expertise. The Samoan women who made this study possible by sharing their I ived-in­ experiences of the phenomenon/migration. By al lowing their rich narratives to be gained throughout the interview process permitted us a brief glance i nto thei r world . I owe you each a deep debt of gratitude. Without your contribution this study would not have been possible. I thank you. You are an amazing group of women. v List of Figu res Figure Type Page Number 01 Females Permanent and Long Term Arrivals/Departures 1922-1979 . . 5 02 Arrivals By Country of Last Permanent Residence 1959-1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 03 Distribution of Women i n the Labour Force 1926-1991 .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 04 Industrial Distribution by Percentage of the Labour Force i n New Zealand 1926-1991 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 05 Schematic Summary of Phenomenological Research Process ............ 39 06 Methodological Concerns/experiential Concerns .................................. 40 07 Four Quadrants - I nterconnectedness of Contributors ......................... 59 08 Gatekeepers/Openers and Respondent Schedule ............................. 100 09 Breakdown of Individuals Involved ........ ..................................... 111, 112 10 Respondent Profile ............ .................................................. 122, 123, 124 11 Accommodation ..................................................................................... 125 12 Combined - Marriage and Child ren ...................................................... 126 13 Contributions to interview themes ....................................................... 133 14 Occupations Past and Present ............................................................. 212 15 In itial Analysis/Self Audit ...................................................................... 270 16 Chi Square Analysis of I nterviewer Role .............................................. 271 17 Pie Chart of I nterviewer Role ................................................................ 272 vi Append ices AppendixTitle A Transcribers Confidential ity Contract (Pi lot) B Massey University Human Ethics Committee Application C Respondent Information Sheet 1 o Respondent Information Sheet 2 E Respondent Information Sheet 3 F Respondent Consent Form G Consent Form Focus Group H Confidential ity Contract ( I nterpreters/Translators) Samoan Language I nformation Sheet J Samoan Language Consent Form K Communication From Committee 14 June 1999 L Communication from Committee Amendments to Application M Engl ish Version Respondent Questionnaire N Samoan Version Respondent Questionnaire o MUAHEC 99/038 P Interview Transcript Check Sheet Q Index Book Colour Coded Categories vii Abstract ........................................................................................................ i Acknowledgments .. . ................................................................................... iv F· . Igures ........................................................................................................ VI A d· .. ppen Ices ................................................................................................ VII Ta ble of Contents I t d . . .. n ro uctlon .............................................................................................. VIII Chapter 01 Situating the study in the New Zea land labour market and contempora ry migration l iterature I ntroduction ............................................................................................................. 1 Pol itica l and employment connections between Samoa and New Zealand ....... 2 Samoan women and the labour market ............................................................... 7 Trade un ions and the participation of Samoan women ..................................... 10 Situating this study within the l iterature ............................................................. 13 Methodologica l perspectives Chapter 02 The qua l itative phenomenologica l inqu iry I ntroduction ........................................................................................................... 25 The constructivist paradigm - framing its history and ideology ............... ......... 27 The formation of theoretical constructions ........................................... .............. 28 Feminism and constructivism ... .................................................. ......................... 31 Difference with reflexivity/reflectivity ............................ ...................................... 32 Phenomenology - recent theorists ...................... ............................................ ..... 34 Femin ism and phenomenology ............................................................................ 42 Phenomenological research practice or methods .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Chapter 03 Cross - cu ltu ra l considerations in the research process I ntroduction ....... . .... ......... . ........ ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............................. . ............ . . ..... ......... 46 Literature addressing ethical considerations ......... ...... ................................ ...... 47 Ideological paradigms .............. .............. .............................................................. 54 Quadrant 01 - Researchers identity - extracts from researchers diary - audiotape extracts ...................................................... ................ 60 Quadrant 02 - Samoan Gatekeepers-openers/women leaders/gate keepers as secondary sources ...................................................................... 66 Respondent contributions - bridge bui lding extracts from researcher's journal , d iary, interviews and informal discussions ...................... ........................................................ . .. 70 Quadrant 03 - Pacific Island - contemporary perspectives ............................. 72 Quadrant 04 - Academic - contemporary perspectives ................................... 76 Chapter 04 Resea rch - pi loting/interviewing strategies I ntroduction ........................................................................................................... 82 Pre-pi lot - in itiation - warming up - partia l participant observations ............... 83 Triangulation of emerging data - defin ing the parameters ............................ c§ Human Research Ethics approval ....................................................................... 90 Pi lot - rite of passage - on going preparation of the primary data col lection instrument - themed questionnaire ................................................................... 91 Reflecting on the pilot .......................................................................................... 94 Engaging with the fieldwork ................................................................................. 96 Del imiting - the defined demographic group ...................................................... 96 Role of gatekeepers/openers and respondents within the process ................. 97 Ethical expectations within the interview process ............................................ 104 The interviews ..................................................................................................... 108 Respondent comments within the i nterview context ....................................... 112 Post p i lot - 'cool ing down' - analysis and presentation ................................. 114 Chapter 05 Data management and the four stages of phenomenologica l ana lysis I ntroduction ......................................................................................................... 116 Process for transcribing data ............................................................................. 116 Procedura l steps for data analysis - i ndeXing;COding ................................ � Four stages of phenomenological data analysis .............................................. 135 Chapter 06 Themes and emergent revelations School School and influencing factors that contributed to the intention to migrate ................................................................................................................ 139 Migration The positive and negative effects of 'choice' i n the decision to migrate ........ 149 Chapter 07 Themes and emergent revelations Expectations and impressions The cost of undertaking the phenomenon migration ....................................... 159 Language Linkages between language, self-esteem and identity .................................... 170 Chapter 08 Themes and emergent revelations Remittances Women redefin ing parameters of traditional obl igations ........................................................................................................... 182 Religious affi l iations The role of the church in women's l ives ............................................................ 191 Chapter 09 Themes and emergent revelations Employment Beyond the economic theories .......................................................................... 210 Unions The complexity of membership .......................................................................... 227 Dawn raids The hidden effects .............................................................................................. 232 Chapter 10 Themes and emergent revelations Remai n i ng i n N ew Zealand Reflections on the journey ............................. .................................................... 238 Summing up .................................................................................................... 245 PART TWO Chapter 11 Self-audit - the need for researcher transparency Introduction ......................................................................................................... 254 Infl uencing factors in the desire for researc her transparency ........................ 255 Transferabi l ity of audit. ....................................................................................... 259 The background assisting to generate the design of the audit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 The practical a udit process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 The defi n itions of the headings/va ria bles or categories of the au dit . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Results of audit of the analysis - defin ing, from the statistical evidence, the researcher's role i n the i nterview process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 Practical queries and discussion of the 'general izabi l ity' of this strategy . . . . . . 273 Anomal ies that emerged within the a udit analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... . . . . . . . .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281 Glossary Fa'asamoa social structures .............................................................................. 283 Bibliography/references .............................................................................. 287 Append ices I ntrod uction Engagi ng with the study My interest in the l ived experiences of Pacific Island women migrant/immigrant workers emerged in 1987 whi lst working i n a large corporation in Auckland. Late meetings often resulted in my leaving a round seven or eight o'clock i n the evening. As I left groups of women would arrive and with cleaning trolleys disperse about the bui lding. At times we would smile at each other and a conversation would commence. I was not able to speak the Samoan, Tongan or Cook Island Maori languages and admired the women for the way they struggled to speak with me using the English language. We spoke about their experiences of migrating to New Zealand. Due to the late hour these women commenced work I recal l asking, vi i i • 'What time do you go home'? their reply. This is only one of my [two or three] jobs; I go to [a named company] after this, don 't finish till late. The resourcefulness and courage of these migranVimmigrant women made a lasting impression upon me and subsequently acted as the catalyst for this study. Defining the research parameters In 1998 to gain clarification of numbers of female night cleaners I requested statistical i nformation from the Department of Statistics (Christchurch office)l. On analysis it was not possible to determine whether the cleaning jobs were during the day or n ight. In itia l ly there was l ittle l iterature regarding n ight cleaners apart from Barnes ( 1981) who shed some l ight on the work of women cleaners in Hamilton and Davidson & Bray's (1994) exploration of part time work i n New Zealand. This initiated the early pre-piloting partial participa nt observations at contract cleaning sites within Auckland, with the assistance of two Service Workers Union representatives. As this progressed it became obvious the need to broaden the scope to enable a more i n-depth look at the social and economic impl ications that effected and affected the l ives of migranVimmigrant women. 1 Categories provided (a) occupation (5 digit) the most extensive breakdown available of job designations, (b) gender, (c) major cities, (d) areas within the cities i .e South Auckland. From these figures I was also able to assess the ratio of male cleaners to female cleaners ful l time and part time. ix This subsequent broadening corresponded with the delimiting of the participant group to Samoan women was not made because Samoan women dominated these industries, as opposed to other Pacific Island women but to a l low for more in-depth examination of simi larities, comparisons a nd anomal ies that occurred with in and between one ethnic group. Methodological perspectives and research methods As the pre-pi loting progressed, what emerged as a result of tal king informal ly with Pacific Island women, and reflecting upon the issues they raised, was that they shared simi lar concerns, had faced simi lar experiences, and each had been confronted with making l ife-changing decisions specific to the phenomenon/migration. The data that emerged tal king with the women at these work sites, and in col laboration with gatekeepers drove the formation of the fourteen inquiry themes provid ing the basis for the semi-structured questionnai re. This process had some para llels to grounded theory methods of G laser (1993, 1995). As the pre-piloting and l iterature review continued in tandem exploring the methodology and methods used in existing material a nd searching for paral lel studies revealed the paucity of any comprehensive narrative, or action-situated reflective accounts, specific to, and by Samoan women of their experiences of the ' I ived-in-situation' of the phenomenon/migration. Many of the women with whom I spoke (at that time) a lso had not recounted their experiences, for two possible reasons, fi rstly the women (as revealed in the pi loting stage of this study) were often reticence to engage i n research; secondly few researchers had taken the approach of x wanting to capture a gendered ' l iminal ' Hi l l & Deegan (1991) reflective account of the ' l ived-in-experiences' of Samoan women's migration journey. Outl ine of thesis This thesis is divided into two parts. Part One comprises Chapters 01 to 10 Part Two, the 'Self Audit'. Each chapter incorporates the l iterature that i nformed and supported the theoretical and methodological perspectives. This a l lows for each chapter to reta in its individual identity, but be fully i ntegrated into the overa l l common theme of the thesis. Chapter 01 Situating the study in the historical labour market and contemporary literature on migration, provides the background to the labour market for Samoan women on their arrival in New Zealand, part two gives a concise discussion of the l iterature covering migration, in order to situate this study withi n the l iterature and thereby highl ight its unique contribution. perspective and research methods Chapter 02 Methodological d iscusses the qualitative phenomenological inquiry, and lays the foundations of the theoretical and methodological perspectives and paradigms, that underpin and inform this study's strategies and research practice, used to el icit the phenomenological interpretations of the phenomenon/migration. Chapter 03 Cross-cultural research, provides d iscussion on the role of ethics with in cross-cu ltural research, addressing the need for and advocating researcher transparency, with more emphasis on the emerging respondent voices in regard to the research process. Chapter 04 Research methods i ncorporates two parts the Piloting and interviewing processes and explains the empirical fieldwork; how xi the access was gained through gatekeepers to the respondents and the subsequent interview procedures. Chapter 05 Data management and analysis covers the strategies of data indexing, coding, and the four-stage process of the phenomenological analysis method used to elicit the ' l ived-in-experiences' of Samoan women of the phenomenon/migration. From the original fourteen themes, some of the data is presented in quantitative format as Figures 10, 11 and 12, shown on pages 122-126, this enabled the demographic data to be addressed more concisely, al lowing for the structural or ' I ived-in-experiences' to be captured in the narratives. The final presentation of the text was faithful to the integrity of the women's (verbatim) words by presenting the interview material with each respondent's coded designation. Chapter 06 is the first of these themed chapters; School and Migration address the influences with in school days that initiated the women's migration to New Zealand. From the original analysis of this theme further sub-themes emerged that reflect the essential essence of the experience of the women, as young girls, growing up in Samoa. These emergent sub-themes, the desire to improve their status, ability and independence, and a need to emulate role models, women that had provided strong role models within their school days. These three characteristics appeared to distinguish this study's respondents from their peers, and revealed the influences that provided the intentionality of their later decision to migrate. The respondents then reveal three sub-themes that of personal choice, some choice and no choice each relate to the abi l ity to choose the process of migration. Each aspect had a direct affect on the process of settlement within New Zealand and the chapter explores the positive and negative outcomes of these three self-described sub-themes. xi i Chapter 07 Expectations and Impressions reveal how the respondents perceived their new l ife i n New Zealand would develop, and the first impressions of New Zealand reveal ing some of the major adjustments that were required of them adapting to cl imate change, environmental from rural to city l iving, and homesickness. The theme Language explores the l inkages between language, self-esteem and identity. These interrelated sub-themes expose the levels of difficulty experienced by a number of the women as they revealed their struggle to learn English and issues of a l ienation and 'aloneness' ( isolation) that were manifest as the women strove to up-ski l l thei r use of the English language in order to communicate with work place associates. Chapter 08 Remittances reveals a diversity of thought on the financial obl igations of remittance integral to traditional obligation. The women reveal the changes that were influenced by their resettlement in New Zealand. This topic evokes contention within the Pacific Island community, and this gendered viewpOint, as revealed by the women, to some extent has suggested quite polarised ideas to that of their male counterparts. Chapter 09 l inks with Employment and is supported by Figure 14, on page 212, showing the type of work the women undertook. The perceptions of the benefits of work in New Zealand is explored by the women, and emerging from this is the fact that a l l respondents considered they had directly improved the l ives of their chi ldren and grandchi ldren (of those that had chi ldren) by their decision to migrate, i n search of work in New Zealand. Union membershi p is discussed i n relation to the work situation and the women provide an account of positive and negative aspects of a l ign ing with these workplace organisations. Dawn Raids is a sensitive area few researchers have specifica l ly addressed in terms of the xi i i affects upon Pacific Island women. From the interviews it was only possible to briefly address this aspect. The statistical data presented in Figure 13 on page 133 confirms the d iscomfort this evoked in this study's respondents. Chapter 10 Reflections draws together the reflective stories of the women's l iminal journey of migration and their original decision to migrate. It provides some clarification as to why they perceived this was the appropriate l ife path. An anomaly emerged from these reflections in that all respondents who had previously indicated they had no choice in migrating to New Zealand each categorical ly stated they would return to Samoa in the near future. This thesis provides a cross-cultura l , gendered, reflective perspective of the self-defined l ived-in-experiences of Samoan women as fi rst wave pioneers. Their experiences have been captured within narratives that al low a brief view into their world, as young women in New Zealand from the late 1940's to the early 1970's. Part two; The Self Audit emerged with in the data analysis process from the desire to establ ish researcher transparency. To date no simi lar self-audit technique has been found. It provides a methodological/methods strategy by which to conduct self-analysis or work audit of interview procedures. xiv The term 'researcher' has been used while addressing theoretical and methodological issues. The term ' I ' has been used as the research entered the empirical practice stage. Every endeavour has been made to extract the detai ls of church organisations, respondents' monetary contributions to family, places of employment, respondents' residential addresses, the names of companies and personnel, employment remuneration and length of service, in order to maintain respondents' anonymity and to ensure that the completed work conforms with the requirements for ethical research as set out in the Massey University Human Ethics Committee Application, Clause 2.3, (appendix 8). xv Chapter 01 Situating the study in the New Zea land labour market and contempora ry l iterature on m igration I ntroduction This chapter is divided i nto two inter-related parts. The first provides an overview of the labour market since 1950, relating to Pacific Island women's employment in New Zealand1. The second part d iscusses the contemporary literature on m igration and situates the study within this framework. Each provided background for the narratives of the l ived-in-experiences of Samoan women migrant workers that were gained through phenomenological data ana lysis methods. 1 Deeks, J. Parker, J. Ryan, R. Labour And Employment Relations in New Zealand (2nd ed.) ( Longman Paul Ltd., Auckland, 1995). Deeks, J & Rasmussen, E. Employment Relations in New Zealand, (Pearson Education Books, Auckland 2002). Rudd, C. & Raper, B. (eds.) The Political Economy of New Zealand, (Oxford University Press, Auckland, 1997). Kelsey, J. The New Zealand Experiment A World Model for Structural Adjustment? (Auckland University Press, Auckland, 1997). Harbridge, R. & Street, M. ' Labour Market Adjustment and Women i n the Service Industry: A Survey' in New Zealand Journal of Industrial Relations. 20 (1) p23-34. Chen, M. Women and Discrimination: New Zealand and the UN Convention, (Victoria University Press, Wel l ington, 1989). 1 Pol itica l and employment con nections between Samoa and New Zea land On 15th August 1914, eleven days after the declaration of World War One, the New Zealand Government secured Western Samoa from the German authorities. On cessation of war the New Zealand and Austral ian Prime Min isters Hughes and Massey, wanted to retain the territories as compensation for the war losses. Under the 'C Mandate' New Zealand governed Western Samoa under the Samoa Act 1921 providing constitutional and legal systems until its independence in 1962 (Min istry of Justice 2000:08). New Zealand and Western Samoa entered into a Treaty of Friendship in 1962 and Western Samoa was treated as a constitutional part of New Zealand. An immigration quota system (into New Zealand) was introduced2• Under this system Samoans born between 1928 and 1949 were entitled to New Zealand citizenship, subject to certain criteria, such as age and health. This quota pol icy al lowed a continuous flow of migrant workers between Samoa and New Zealand on temporary work permits, to fi l l many of the avai lable jobs in the secondary and service sectors of the New Zealand labour market. The percentage of male to female migrants was greater, ' i n the years from 1961 to 1966' (Larner 1991:55). However l ittle h istorical statistical emphasis has been placed on the role of female migrants/immigrants, and by 1966 'there were actual ly more women than men in the population resident in New Zealand' (p55). 2 Pacific Island women were over represented i n manufacturing, hospitals and domestic services. 'The feminised nature of the job supply, together with the need for a pol itically mal leable labour force, created a demand for the type of workers represented by migrant Samoan women' (p55). The migrant workers who arrived in New Zealand, were general ly motivated by the chance to earn wages that would enable them to send money to Samoa to support fami ly and the vi l lage or local economy. Temporary migrant workers were considered the cheapest source of additional labour for the government in a boom economy, when European New Zealanders did not fi l l the vacancies offered in this sector of the labour market. Pacific Island workers undertook work that was hard, monotonous and involved long hours of overtime. At the same time there was l ittle initiative from Government or the private sector employers to provide support services3. Due to a high turnover and short stay in New Zealand, migrants did not have the opportunity to improve their socio- economic status. Pacific Island community group such as churches and fami ly groups were expected to fulfi l l the support roles for new migrants. (Auckland University Labour Club 1969 (circa) 02-07)4. Many workers, at the end of the three-month work permit period, simply did not have the money for their return fare home, and therefore remained in New Zealand in order to achieve their target savings. 2 This was disputed in 1982 before the English Privy Council Leas v Attorney General (1982) NZLR 162 when it was argued that if Western Samoa was part of New Zealand then this gave Samoans New Zealand citizenship (Ministry of Justice 2000:04). 3 In the mid 1970's instructional publications began to appear to assist employers and employees to understand more adequately if working in a multi-cultural workplace. Refer Understanding Pakehas, (Vocational Training Counci l , Wel l ington 1976) also Working Together A Handbook For Manager and Supervisors In A Multi-Cultural Workforce, (Vocational Training CounCi l , Wel l ington, 1984) two of the many publications avai lable. 3 Employers and subsequent Governments ignored this situation whilst the economy was buoyant. The economic recession of the 1970's brought rapid change in immigration pol icies. It is estimated this created as many as ten thousand 'overstayers' working in New Zealand. 'Dawn Raids' were commenced on homes where suspected 'overstayers' l ived, by pol ice and immigration officials and many home were targeted as harbouring 'overstayers'5. In April of 1976 Tongan lawyer Cl ive Edwards sought an amnesty for Pacific Island 'overstayers' a submission, Amnesty Aroha was made to the government, initiated by Pacific Island communities and inter church groups, to give people who registered as 'overstayers' additiona l time to resolve employment issues. This did not cover those who already had arrest warrants issued against them6. Between 1950 and 1970, problems occurred i n accounting for people (Samoans) who arrived in New Zealand on a temporary basis, as d istinct from those who entered as permanent residents. Samoans granted temporary entry to New Zealand, who later qual ified for permanent resident status, were not included i n the statistics of permanent and long-term migration7• The result being, the statistics of migration of Tongans and Samoans into New Zealand were 'under recorded therefore no true statistical data of the net emigration is 4 Refer New Zealand Immigration Policy, (Auckland University Labour Club 1969 (Circa) paper prepared by eight (Pacific Island) students with the a im of changing New Zealand immigration policy. 5 Refer Tamara Ross, New Zealand Overstaying Islander A Construct of the Ideology of Race and Immigration, MA (Victoria University, Wel l ington 1994). 6 Submission Amnesty Aroha refer to Immigration Department, Wel l ington (1976). de Bres, J. 'The National Party's Immigration Policy and the Need for an Amnesty', (The South Pacific Action Network (SPAN), Thursday 18th March 1976 - text of speech given at meeting organised by the Otago University Students Association, (University of Otago). 7 The definition of permanent and long-term migrants is a person who stays twelve months or is absent for twelve months. The term immigrants defined people who arrive for a period of 12 months or more plus New Zealand residents returning after an absence of 12 months or more. (Definition taken from Dept StatistiCS). 4 possible' (Department of Statistics 1980:5-8)8. For example, a person may come to New Zealand with the declared intention of settling permanently, but i n actual fact may return overseas after a few months9 or those persons may stay in New Zealand on an expired temporary permit to be classified as overstayerslO or i l legal immigrants. (Department of Statistics 1980:6). Figure 01 and 02 were adapted from New Zealand Migration Time Series, 1922-7911 provides a comparative over-view of migration and immigration flows of Samoan females between 1953-1975 under various categories. Females Permanent And Long Term Arrivals And Departures By National ity 1992 - 1979-Western Samoa 1922 1925 1935 1946 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 Arrivals 44 78 62 86 260 472 420 436 528 Departures 29 15 51 57 207 272 308 412 416 Females Permanent And Long Term Arrivals And Departures By Country Of Last Permanent Residence-Western Samoa Arrivals 75 109 108 128 363 594 572 508 500 Departures 2 38 70 67 107 131 342 462 426 580 512 Females Permanent And Long Term Arrivals And Departures By Ethnic Group 1922 - 1797 - Samoan Arrivals 32 87 73 103 246 418 318 280 348 Departures 1 1 9 28 71 87 187 525 242 Figure 01 Adapted from New Zealand Time Series 1922 - 79 Table A14, 12, 8 8 Refer Miscellaneous Series No 17 Permanent and Long Term Migration Time Series Statistics 1922- 1979, (Department of Statistics, Wel l ington 1980), pl-6. 9 This position was again confirmed by Ronald Mair via e-mai l : Mair@stats.govt.nz on 30.9.2002 @ 12.34 that Department of Statistics 'had exhausted all information sources both electronically or in hard copy'. when the researcher made appl ication for more conclusive data. 10 See de Bres. J & Campbell. R. The Overstayers Illegal Migration from the Pacific to New Zealand, (Auckland Resource Centre of World Development. Auckland 1976). 11 Refer Miscellaneous Series No 17 New Zealand Permanent And Long Term Migration Time Series Statistics 1922-1979, Statistics Bulletin, May 1980 (Department of Statistics. Wel l ington). 5 288 276 Arrivals By Country Of Last Permanent Residence 1959-1960 - Western Samoa, Females Tourists Working Holiday Under 12 Months 177 122 Arrivals By Birthplace and Purpose 1963-1964 - Western Samoa, Females Tourists Working Holiday Under 12 Months 304 335 Arrivals By Birthplace and Purpose 1964-1965 - Western Samoa, Females Tourists Working Holiday Under 12 Months 342 265 Arrivals By Birthplace and Purpose 1965-1966 - Western Samoa, Females Tourists Working Holiday Under 12 Months 399 399 Arrivals By Birthplace and Purpose 1967-1968 - Western Samoa, Females Tourists Working Holiday Under 12 Months 452 293 Arrivals By Class Of Migrant And Country Of Birth - Western Samoa, Females Short Term New Permanent Arrivals long Term Arrivals 1677 83 64 New Zealand Residents Returning After Absence long Term Absence Short Term Absence 17 626 Figure 02 Adapted from Statistics of Population, Migration and Building Tables 31, 37,32 These tables Figure 01 and 02 show permanent and long term arrivals and departures by national ity in selected years between 1922-1979. Females permanent and long term arrivals and departures by country of last permanent residence and country of next permanent residence of emigrants in selected years between 1922-1979. Also female permanent and long term arrivals and departures by ethnic group in selected years between 1922- 1979 the years 1959-60, 1963-64, 1964-65, 1965-66, 1967-68, and 1971-7212 show arrivals to New Zealand defined by intended purpose. 12 Advice from the Department of Statistics confirmed the New Zealand Migration Time Series is the most comprehensive data (now out of print) supplying this historical statistical data. (October 2002). 6 The two most relevant to this study are 'Tourists and Working Holiday' under 12 months, defined by sex and ethnic group. The disparity of the figures between the various tables makes reconci l iation impossible and h ighl ights the possible inaccuracy of the statistical records held between 1922 and 1979. There was considerable 'category jumping' therefore confirming what the Department of Statistics advised in 1980 that the 'net emigration' could not be calculated. Therefore it is not possible to gain an accurate assessment of Samoan migrant women entering and leaving New Zealand in the period under consideration. Samoan women and the labour market 'Between 1926 and 1936 the proportion of women working in the secondary sector grew from 19 to 21 percent. By 1951 one in fou r women in the labour force (25%) were employed in the secondary sector' (Davies & Jackson 1993: 93). Figures 03 and 04. Distribution of women in the labour force across the primary, secondary and service sectors 1926 & 1991 Women 1926 C Service Figure 03 76% • Secondary 19% o Primary 5% (Adapted Davies & Jackson (1993: 89)) Women 1991 C Service 80% • Secondary 13% o Primary 7% 7 I ndustrial distribution by percentage of the labour force in New Zealand 1926 - 1991 Year Primary Secondary Service 1926 5 19 76 1936 6 21 73 1945 7 24 68 1951 6 25 69 1961 5 25 71 1971 5 24 71 1981 7 19 74 1991 7 13 79 Figure 04 (Adapted Davies & Jackson (1993: 93)) Subsequent to the end of the Second World War New Zealand's economy went through an economic boom resulting in New Zealand diversifying and expanding into greater levels of manufacturing. This increased the demand for ski l led and unskil led labour, which the domestic labour force could not (and often did not want to) fi l l (Krishan et a l 1994:77) . H istorica l ly emphasis has been placed on portraying males as instigators of migration, resulting in the subj ugation of women's experiences both overtly and covertly, by placing the focus on women as dependents, mothers, wives, or often simply by omission 13 This led (at times) to the assumption that women contributed less economically and social ly14. 13 Chal l is, R. L ' Immigrant Polynesians in New Zealand: Aspects of Stabil ity i n Adjusting to Change' in Bray, D.H . & H i l l , C.G.N. (eds.) Polynesian and Pakeha in New Zealand Education, Vol. 1. (Heinemann Educational Books 1973), p44-53 in which he mentions, 'elders' 'youth' 'chi ldren' - no mention of women specifically, a classic example of invisibi l ity by omission. 14 There are interesting parallels between Simonton's D. (1998) study of domestic service workers in the early 1880's and the lack of data for female cleaners in the late 1990's p96. 8 Post war work available in industry, manufacturing, the service and domestic sectors such as cleaning, laundry work, hospital nurse aiding, factory and domestic work, brings clearly into focus the fact that many of these jobs were fi l led by early women migrants from the Pacific Islands. These women were actively sourced by a number of large institutions such as hospitals and cleaning agencies15. The portrayal of the family as the migration unit has h istorical ly overshadowed the recognition that individual females migrated. One of the early and interesting revelations that emerged through the data analysis was evidence that a number of single Samoan women between the ages fifteen to twenty five migrated to New Zealand alone, often as the first member of the family to leave Samoa. Larner (1991:55) confirmed that 'usual ly the migration decision was made for the woman by her extended fami ly. Futhermore, such decisions were made in a cultural setting in which there are strong obl igations of fami ly members to one another. In this context, the migrants (young women) were expected to assist their parents and other members of the family through the remittance of substantial proportions of their incomes'. 15 Cathol ic Hospitals were major employers of Pacific Island women between the 1960-1970's. However in Belgrave, M. The Mater A History of Auckland's Mercy Hospital 1900-2000, (Dunmore Press, Palmerston North 2000), only on p128 is there mention of the service staff and in particular Pacific Island women. When the researcher met and spoke with Sister . . . . (one who had employed and managed the service staff, and through the interviews, it became evident there were considerable numbers of Pacific Island women working at Mater (now Mercy Hospital ) . The focus of the book is the nursing staff, however the Pacific Island women who worked in this sector were an important factor within the hospital 's last forty years, as the i nterview data revealed. This position is also revealed by one of the study's secondary source participants. 9 With the influx of new migrants sociological studies increased i n an endeavour to understand this new phenomenon16. Pitt and Macpherson (1984:111) stated that an 'analysis of the pol itical and economic context of migration reveal [ed], or so it is argued, how and why ethn icity and ethnic groups have devolved in the process and the role which their continued existence serves in the maintenance of the capital ist pol itical economy'. Trade un ions and the participation of Samoan women H istorica l ly women have been less active in unions than male workers17. It is interesting to note that domestic workers were not un ionised until 1902. A union was formed as early as 1897 to demand a 68-hour week, but it was excluded from the Arbitration Act because domestic workers were not employed for monetary gain (Department of Statistics 1993)18. The union existed for six years. In 1908 it fai led to provide the Labour Department with an Annual Return and the Labour Department decided to cancel the union's registration. When union delegates attempted to re-register they were told domestic work was not an i ndustrial occupation and outside the jurisdiction of the Arbitration Court (Street 1993:44) 16 Macpherson, C. 'Pacific Islands Identity and Community' in Spoonley, P. Macpherson, C. Pearson, D. (eds.), Nga Patai Racism and Ethnic Relations in Aotearoa/NewZealand, (The Dunmore Press, Palmerston North, 1996) p124-143. Bedggood, D. Rich And Poor In New Zealand, (George Alien & Unwin, Auckland 1980) Refer du Plessis, R. 'Women Feminism and the State' in Rudd ,C. & Roper, B. (eds.) The Political Economy of New Zealand, (Oxford University Press, Auckland, 1997), p220-236. 17 Street M. The Scarlet Runners Women and Industrial Action 1889-1913, (Working Life Communications, Wel l ington, 1993) provided a comprehensive account of women and union activity. 18 Refer Simonton, D. A history of European women's work: 1700 to the present, (Routledge, London 1998) p96. 10 Pacific Island women's participation and involvement with unions has not been historical ly strong. Krishnan et a l ( 1994:20) stated that Samoan workers showed 'passive resistance to the unions [and that] Larner (1989) [had] found that there had been l ittle change in this attitude towards trade unions'. In August 1999, whi lst conducting the pre-pilot (for this study) this situation was confirmed to the researcher by a union representative, whi lst this union was undertaking an active drive to enrol more Pacific Island workers both as union members and encouraging them to become union representatives. S ince 1980 there have been various amalgamations of unions within the service sector where Pacific Island women make up the greatest percentage of workers. 'The Hotel and Hospita l Workers Industria l Association merged with the Caretakers and Cleaners I ndustrial Association, forming the Service Workers Federation. By May 1991 the affi l iates of the Federation (regional hotel workers, unions, caretakers and cleaners unions and theatrical workers unions) formed the Service Workers Union19. More recently the former Northern Clerical Workers Union, the Musicians Union and the Community Service Workers Union have also affi l iated. The Union has six d ivisions: hospital ity; health ( including Rest Homes); commercial (cleaners, caretakers and security workers); education (cleaners and caretakers); entertainment (musicians, theatre and racecourse workers); and COMPASS (clerks)'2o. (Harbridge and Street 1995:26) 19 For an informative overview of the Service Workers Union promotion of women's interest see Short Changed, Retail Workers and the ECA, (National Distribution Union, Auckland 1996 circa). 20 Refer Davidson, C. & Bray, M. Women and Part Time Work in New Zealand, (SR& D, Well ington 1994) for a insightful study of part time work within the service industries. 11 At the time of this study's pre-pilot (1999) the Service Workers Union was supporting and encouraging rol l ing stoppages for cleaners for a better pay dea l . There had been a number of recent buy-outs of contracts within various cleaning contract companies. The result was that each time a particular contract was purchased and transferred to another company, the wages of the employees would decl ine. Some of the women mentioned their take home pay had gone down twice within a short space of time as one contract company had sold to a larger corporation. This situation directly affected the women with whom the researcher was conducting early site visits and often resulted in their having to work longer hours or take additional jobs. The Employment Contracts Act 1991 abol ished the monopoly of unions, and union membership decl ined. From May 1991 to December 1999 membership fel l by 50 percent. In 2001 with the i ntroduction of the Employment Relations Act 2000) and the merger between the CTU and TUF, union membership began to increase (Rasmussen & Lamm 2002:9) 12 Situating th is study with in the l iteratu re This overview does not include specific comparative material in relation to the themes; this is incorporated within Chapters 06 to 10. At the pre-pi lot stage (discussed with in Chapter 04), rather than i nitial ly conduct a textual analysis or l iterature search , I chose to engage with ( possible) respondents, with the assistance of gatekeepers as shown i n Figure 08 on page 100, in order to define issues considered pivotal within the Iived-in- experiences of migration . From these col laborative gatekeeper encounters, then a progressive extensive l iterature search, I observed three aspects. Fi rstly, no previous study had undertaken a cross-cultural , gendered, reflective approach to capture the Iived-in-experiences of the phenomenon/migration for Samoan women, as the in itial wave of pioneers. Secondly, much of the existing material did not incorporate women migrants' perspectives. 13 Most appeared subsumed within the generic male terminology, or the material had simply fai led to recognise the uniqueness of women's lived-in-experiences and therefore the significant contributions of these women within the phenomenon/migration. Thi rd ly, some had fai led to be fully transparent regard ing the role of the researcher, and in particular inter-ethnic or currently termed cross-cultural research, and to show the 'outsider' status of the researchers. This situation was a product of the theoretical and methodological paradigms and research strategies reflecting particular ideological and philosophical timeframes. What is critical to bear in mind is much of the research prior to 1975 was before extensive paradigm shifts. Denzin & Lincoln (1994:02) described five 'h istorical moments' with the period 1950-1970 being with in the 'blurred genres', when 'a variety of new i nterpretive, qual itative perspectives made their presence felt, including hermeneutics, structural ism, semiotics, phenomenology, cultura l studies, and femin ism . . . [this] produced the next stage the crisis of representation, [1970-1986] where researchers struggled with how to locate themselves and their subjects in reflexive texts' . This wi l l be clearly shown with in the fol lowing chronologica l overview. The combination of these paradigm shifts incorporating more interpretive processes, researcher transparency, col laborative methodology and fieldwork strategies are now (genera l ly) striven for and appropriate, with particular emphasis on cultural safety in relation to cross-cultural research projects. 14 This chronological presentation of the l iterature places the material with in the context of a developing awareness of theoretical and methodological paradigm shifts over the past three decades, which also indicates a move toward more gendered perspectives. Qual ifying this remark however, there are number of classic works that emerged from the readings within the 1970's that were fu l ly aware of the need for researcher transparency, and cultural sensitivity and safety. Pitt & Macpherson's (1974:01) seminal Emerging Pluralism focused on the 'social structures of the Samoan community in New Zealand'. It provided one of the earliest studies to be undertaken in col laboration with the Pacific Island communities. This research did not seek to present a gendered approach nor extensive use of verbatim narrative (apart from addressing work place issues). It was undertaken over a period of two and a half years with a research team, using a triangulation of data from surveys, h istorical documents, interviews and archival material of how Pacific Island immigrants adapted to l ife in New Zealand. The authors stated they took particular interest in talking with women, along with youth, yet there is a lack of the lived-in-experience narratives from women. This is not necessarily considered a fai lu re in the l iterature, simply a different focus, within a different era, prior to much of the debate regarding gendered research and the need to present women's perspectives. This text has influenced many subsequent studies, and is an inspiration with in the qual itative cross-cultural research arena. With in the 1970's Auckland was one of the major centers to which Pacific Island peoples gravitated, resulting in the Auckland Regional Authority 15 Community Development Department publ ishing migration into Auckland ( 1978), to a id the formulation of regional pol icies and development. Three inquiry questions were posed; 'what were the characteristics of migrants i nto Auckland' , 'why was Auckland attractive to migrants', and 'why [were] other p laces were not so attractive'? This study provided a general ly non-gendered approach, with the fami ly as the significant focus. It was conducted through the Heylen Research Centre in the form of a survey, therefore quite polarised from the focus of my study's semi-structured i nterviews and emphasis on the importance of col laboration within cross-cultural research. Whitehead's M.A thesis in Geography, Tongans in Auckland (1974), aimed at ' investigate[ing] the demographic structure and migrant characteristics of Tongans residing in Central Auckland [and] investigate[ing] . . . [the] residential [and) occupational characteristics . . . '(p1). This thesis used generic male terminology and referred to all genders as Tongans, leaving l ittle defin ition of women's participation (though one must assume they did). Though Whitehead explained the actual empirical aspects of the fieldwork, there was l ittle mention of Whitehead's 'outsider' researcher status being considered in the text. The Department of Labour Research Division 's (1979) The Work Experience of Pacific Island Migrants in the Greater Wellington area , though an extensive exploration of the process of Pacific Island migration, did not differentiate between the different ethnic groups. More particularly it did not provide any viewpoints from Samoan women pioneers in the early m igration from Samoa. The identities of women were subsumed with in the researcher's interpretations, statistical analysis and non-gendered terminology. However this appeared to be one of the first studies to look extensively or hol istical ly at 16 the process or journey of migration. The account of the researchers approach to the cross-cultural nature of the study appeared sensitive in the context of thei r approach. The text did not incorporate respondent's narratives (to any great extent), and if any were used, then gender was not specified. Graves & Graves (1973), Culture Shock in Auckland: Pakeha Responses to Polynesian Immigrants addressed the issue of how Non-Pacific people adapted to the new i nflux of Pacific Island immigrants. When they commenced this study and spoke with a number of groups, they were asked a similar question as myself (addressed in the pi lot stages of this study), why don't you study [palagi] society? This study did propose further work with Pacific Island communities, and the progress in this direction became evident in thei r contribution with in the published papers of Macpherson, Shore and Franco's (eds.) and the conference, New Neighbors .. . Islanders in Adaptation ( 1978) primarily around the 'out-migration' of Pacific peoples and adaptation processes within the global economy. An interesting observation was the conference paper presented by Nancy Graves' Growing up Polynesian: Implications for Western Education (p161-176), and how she incorporated the narrative of a Pacific Island chi ld and her experiences coming to New Zealand for schooling. This was the only paper that actively presented a participant's voice. The Society for Research on Women in New Zealand, publ ished Immigrant Women A Survey of Sixty-two Immigrant Women in Christchurch (1979) included fourteen Samoan women (amongst other national ities). It was interesting to read that the women were given the questionnaire, and then were able to offer to join the research ; the study was then said to 'fol low the 17 i nterests and concerns of the respondents rather than adhering strictly to the design and sequence of the questionnaire' (p4, 5). This accords with the i nterview processes within my fieldwork. This study reflected the emergence of the femin ist ideology and desire for sensitivity and transparency with in the research process. Trl in 's ( 1974) Immigrants in Auckland, a Ph.D in Geography, examined ' intra- u rban immigrant residential patterns' . This thesis aga in is a product of its era and therefore there is l ittle evidence of the female defin ition withi n the study. However, it is i nformative in the fact that it clearly shows the central isation and regional isation of different ethnic immigrant groups with in Auckland and d istinguishes these groups in the context of the research focus. This is somewhat different from much other material that (often ) took a pan-pacific approach by simply not defin ing the various ethnic groups . • [Fairbai rn-]Dunlop's (1982) Samoan Parents Perceptions of Primary Schools, (though not directly related to migration issues) did highl ight a methodological frustration stating that it was the 'writers tendency to group Pacific Islanders together as one group, with common expectations and experiences, a practice which has irritated many Samoans in the past. . .the most basic criticism of these writings .. .is the fai lure to explore the m inority group viewpoint, their lack of awareness that minority groups might have a different perceptual viewpoint, and their fa i lure to acknowledge that these viewpoints might be significant'. This specific admonishment of outsider researchers fai lure to take into account the voices of the research group had significant paral lels to my study, and its 18 Q emphasis on encouraging the Samoan women to describe and reveal thei r lived-in-experiences in their own self-defined narrative Dunlop's (1982) study i ncluded the verbatim narrative of the parents. [Fairbairn-]Dunlop's comments accorded with Smith's (1999:01) observation ' it gal ls us that Western researchers and intel lectuals can assume to know al l that it is possible to know of us, on the basis of their brief encounters with some of us' . This is specifica l ly why the need for researcher transparency has so actively been followed through in my own cross-cultural thesis. Connel l 's (1980) Remittances and Rural Development: Migration Dependency and Inequality in the South Pacific debated the 'determinant of remittances' ( p4) i n-depth analysis of the repercussions of 'out-migration' and 'social remittances' . I t developed a comparative study of the d ifference between d ifferent Pacific nations, within a global structure of remittance obl igations. Its focus does not attempt to address women's roles in remittances, and therefore, does not clarify the contribution of women in a gendered approach. Kal len's ( 1982) The Western Samoan Kinship Bridge A Study in Migration Social Change and the New Ethnicity, cross-cultural study is an extensive i nvestigation i nto social kinship obl igations and the impl ications of 'mass emigration from developing to developed countries' (p19) and how this related to the m igration to New Zealand; the social changes that occur in the home country; the transference of the fa'asamoa to other countries; and how the new identities evolve. Kallen (1982) provided the background and fieldwork access processes. However there is l ittle d iscussion of the theoretical and methodological aspects of this cross-cu ltural study. 19 In the 1980's there was an effort with in labour market organisations to provide more comprehensive advice to employers and employees. One such publ ication was the Vocational Tra in ing Counci l 's (1984) Working Together A Handbook for Manager and Supervisors in the Multi-Cultural Workforce, that provided a comprehensive look at the need to ' provide background information on cultura l d ifferences in New Zealand' and was aimed 'd irectly at mangers and supervisors' covering issues such as 'cultural backgrounds' . To the study's credit it distinguished the different Pacific nations, into ethnic backgrounds, providing specific information on each ethnic group. This is a breakthrough to some extent, as much of this type of materia l had previously used the terminology 'Polynesian' or ' Islanders', and there were a lso many popular more derogatory terms. This text covered issues such as 'communication', attitudes to work,' and 'job selection' . It a lso provided some basic instruction for the pronunciation of Maori and Pacific words. I have included this within the l iterature, as its contribution to practical instruction within the work place is relevant to the employment theme of this thesis. Aspects of 'getting along' in the work place was h ighly relevant and at that time and imperative to ease the growing tensions that promoted 'racist' stereotyping of ' Islanders' in the work place. Tamasese Masoe-Cl ifford & Ne'emia-Garwood (1997) affirmed my concern with my in itial questions in 1987, when I spoke with night cleaners, regardi ng the fai lure to recognise the social and economic contributions of Samoan women migrants to New Zealand. This composition of submissions to the Royal Commission on Social Policy i ncluded an oral submission by Albie Wil l iams at Samoa House in Auckland on January 17th 1988, which mentioned 20 'many Pacific Island mothers work in cleaning jobs on night shift for economic survival ' (p587). This accords with my early observations at the pre-pi lot stage 1998-9, with the highest percentage at cleaning work sites appearing to be Pacific Island women. What slowly began to emerge i n the late 1980's and 1990's was l iterature that addressed the reflective question, of the treatment that had been meted out to Pacific Island communities and individuals. This reflective reaction was i n part fueled by the continual inference that the migrant workers had been solely responsible for the down turn in the economy, and that many of the jobs had been taken from non-Pacific Island workers. It is not the focus of this study to address labour market racism . This material is found in Spoonley (1990, 1999) Loomis (1990), Krishan, Schoeffel & Warren ( 1994) Macpherson ( 1991) and Conne" ( 1980). Each of these writers attempted to reformulate the misinformation that exacerbated much of racist misconceptions inherent in inter-ethnic relations withi n the 1970's and 1980's paradigmatic period that Denzin & Lincoln (1994:02) termed the h istorical moment of 'crisis of representation' . Sei Brown's (1995) Research Partnerships: For the New Age Researcher, also addressed the issue of ' improving the relationships between researcher and research subjects' [abstract] this research essay focused upon health projects, and the need to make research more collaborative. The 'criticism of pa/agi � researchers doing research on Maori and Pacific Islanders, [is] that they are not culturally suitable because they do not come from that culture', but he stated this could be overcome by learning from each other and 'working side by 21 side' (p34). It is this sharing and recognising the importance of being ful ly transparent about th is with in the research process that underscored the ideology that drove the methodological perspective and strategies considered appropriate to this work. This stance of collaborative research processes is aga in reiterated with Lai ng & M iteara (1994) Key Informants And Co-Operative Inquiry: Some Reflections on a Cross-Cultural research Team collecting Health Data in the South Pacific. This paper focused on the way that col laborative, gendered, cross-cultural research can be undertaken. It is concise in the way that it presents both the process of data col lection and the relationsh ip between the researchers (p133). It explored the dynamics of a multi-cu ltural research team, with the fact the interviews and emergent data needed to be confidentia l , particularly when talking about Pacific peoples residency. The fact that family members could be identified needed a constant awareness to ensure anonymity with i n research. The researchers' status was also made clear with how a Samoan researcher worked alongside non-Samoan researchers with the assistance of gatekeepers. Jansen (1990) in I have in my arms both ways provided the stories of ten immigrant women, including the story of Novena Petelo from the Tokelau Islands i n 1969. This smal l publ ication had some simi larities to my study, in that it took the approach of addressing the Iived-in-experiences of Novena Petelo in migration. This study was an endeavour to let the women 'express their other l ives, [as] they a re l ike shadows of the people they were in the first country'. This 'shadowy' persona was evident to me in 1987 with the fact that many Pacific Island women worked at night, out of the mainstream labour 22 market. Barnes (1981) and Kelsey (1997) both commented upon the fact this made the women invisible. This was also one of the very early observations as this study germinated and then was the motivating factors for its progress to gain a more in-depth and self-defined analysis of the lived-in-experiences for Samoan women migrants who worked long late hours to earn enough to support fami ly and kinship obl igations. Fleming ( 1997) in The Common Purse Income Sharing in New Zealand families provided an in-depth examination on how the money from employment was a l located within fami l ies. This intra-ethnic and inter-ethn ic study included a chapter on 'celebrations and rituals' (p93-109) and the role of 'communal ownership' (p71), and the emphasis upon kinship obl igations. It was i nteresting to note how the study 'documents the tensions experienced by Pacific Island famil ies in managing their money' (p xxv); this comment is reflected in a number of my research the respondent narratives. With in the last decade there has been an expansion of research that o addresses evolving identities, or identities i n transition, community and identity, reflecting the transformations that have occurred with in migrant communities both in New Zealand and elsewhere. Fuamatu (1994), Utumapu (1992), Vasta & Castles (eds.) (1996), Fraser & Pickles (2002), Taule'a le'ausumai (2001), Sua'a l i ' l (2001), Marsh (2001). The latter three are included with in Macpherson, Spoonley & Anae's Tangata 0 Te Moana Nui The Evolving Identities of Pacific Peoples in Aoteroa/New Zealand, provided varying approaches and perspectives over the last decade. 23 Anae's (1998) Fofoa-I-Vao-'Ese: The Identity Journeys of NZ-Born Samoans, Ph.D study focused upon the 'process of the Samoanising of Christianity, and hegemonic identity d iscourses . . . and to provide an understanding . . . of fa'aSamoa, church, and l ife in New Zealand' (p i ) . However her approach or focus was quite distinct from my own. Though it provides a viewpoint of the process over time in relation to identity transition, it is not specifica l ly a gendered focus, nor is it specific to the migration lived-in-experiences spanning the period 1950 through to early 1970 for Samoan-born women. Anae's ' i nsider' researcher status provided her with levels of analysis that are not possible within my own work and 'outsider' status. The transparency of this work provided for an in-depth evaluation of the researcher's position withi n the research. The j ustification for undertaking my study was the critical importance and significance of capturing the lived-in-experiences of Samoan migrant women in New Zealand between 1940 and 1960. To reveal from their extensive verbatim narratives the essential elements of their individual and collective journey's with in the migration process. No other contemporary study provided this perspective. Therefore this thesis represents a unique viewpoint with in contemporary migration l iterature. The next chapter discusses the methodological perspectives that underscore and inform this study and the research/fieldwork methods. 24 Chapter 02 Methodologica l perspectives The qua l itative phenomenological inqu iry I ntroduction This chapter is divided into two parts. The first part situates the study with in the theoretical and methodological qual itative framework. This is fol lowed by a discussion of phenomenological methodological perspectives laying the foundations for the emphasis on the methodological and methods strategies used to gain the verbatim interview material. Historical ly qual itative research has operated within various interconnected stages: the traditional that emerged between 1900 and 1950; the modernist between 1950 and 1970; the era of 'blurred genre' from 1986 to 1990; and the postmodernist phase that developed around 1990. 25 This last stage included five overarching inquiry traditions, biography; phenomenology; grounded theory; ethnography and case study and various sUb-fields. Qual itative research a lso had the capacity to be inter-discipl inary, trans-discipl inary and counter-d iscipl inary and to be used widely across both social and physical sciences. (Denzin & Lincoln 1994:1-3). If a generic defin ition of the perceived d ifferences between qual itative and quantitative research is possible, then it has been well summed up i n the comment 'quantitative researchers work with a few variables and many cases, whereas q ua l itative researchers rely on a few cases and many variables' (Ragin, cited in Creswel l 1998:15-16). By its very inclusiveness, the nature of the qual itative inquiry within a postmodernist1 perspective promotes theoretical and methodological l i bera l ism that has provided the wide scope for this study. Within this multi- faceted qual itative focus three specific interpretive perspectives emerged as being those that informed and underscored this study: the constructs, social constructivism,2 feminism3 and phenomenology4. 1 For a comprehensive account of postmodernism see Vidich A. J . & Lyman, S. M. 'Qual itative Methods: Their H istory in Sociology and Anthropology' , in Denzin, N. K. & Lincoln, Y. S. Handbook in Qualitative Research, (Sage Publications, London 1994), p23-59. 2 Refer Swandt, T. A. 'Constructivist, Interpretivist Approaches to Human I nquiry,' in Denzin, N. K. & Lincoln. Y. S. Handbook of Qualitative Research, (Sage Publ ications, London 1994). p118-137. 3 See Okin . S. M. & Mansbridge. J. (eds.) Feminism Vol 1 & 11. (Elgar Reference Collection, Aldershot, Hants. England, 1994). 4 Refer Crotty, M. Phenomenology and Nursing Research, (Churchhi l l Livingstone, Australia 1996), p158-160, and van Manen, M. Researching Lived Experiences - Human Science for An Action Sensitive Pedagogy, (University of New York Press, New York 1990) p77-133, each provided insightful methodological material . 26 These three perspectives might appear quite disparate, but they provide an appropriate example of the fluidity of qual itative research paradigms. Each of these influenced the researcher's world-view, and therefore di rectly dictated and del imited what were considered appropriate theoretica l or methodological paradigms and research strategies for this study. The constructivist pa rad igm - fram ing its h istory and ideology Delanty (2000:115) named Weber and Mannheim as two of the great exponents of modern constructivism. Mannheim establ ished constructivism as a key methodological issue in modern social science. In 'Competition as a Cultural Phenomena' ( 1993) he proposed that knowledge is directly related to those that produce it. In other words, knowledge is always produced from a specific focus and within a particular h istorical framework. Guba & Lincoln (1994:111) argued that the empirical observer could not be d isengaged from the activity of observation and inquiry, and any findings from an inquiry were a creation or construction of the inquiry process itself. To some extent constructivism replaced more conventional scientific or positivist paradigms of inquiry, with the premise that what was perceived to be 'real is a construction within the minds of i ndividuals' (Swandt 1994:128) . Therefore inherent in this is the assumption of the infin ite scope and variations with in real ity as being l imitless. This raised some important points. Swandt ( 1994:125) proposed that constructivism expanded upon i nterpretive 27 paradigms and this perspective recognised truth and knowledge were not discovered but created within the structure of social discourse. Researchers and research participants together, construct or create a specific real ity within the research process and as a result of this research process (Swandt 1994:128). The theoretical constructs adhered to in the study, social constructivism, femin ism and phenomenology effected and affected the research process. This study is a real ity construct of the researcher, in collaboration with the research respondents, covering specific issues that take place with in specified temporal and spatially defined l imitations. The formation of theoretica l constructions Combining what was perceived as an important and fundamental triangulation5 of three divergent paradigms, social constructivism, phenomenology and feminist theory, and extrapolating on the tensions between and within each, became an important and chal lenging factor for this researcher. I nitial ly a pre-determined methodology or singular theoretical stance (though recognition of the relevancy of a constructivist framework was seen as appropriate) had not been establ ished. An open-minded approach was maintained simultaneous with progress being made through the early l iterature search and pre-pi lot stage. This schema might be considered loose 5 See Robson, C. Real World Research A Resource for Social Scientists and Practitioner-Researchers, (Blackwell Publ ishing, Oxford 1997), for a succinct definition of research methods, p289-291. 28 i n not l imiting the research paradigm parameters, but it should be reiterated that if this had taken place prematurely, restrictions to emergent theories or i nquiry strategies/methods precluding or even el iminating some may have occurred and this was not considered appropriate. Working within this wider and more complex framework was demanding, but the ensuing extensive l iterature search provided the abi l ity to categorical ly state what needed to be put aside, i n favour of more applicable methodology and methods. With the on-going search for a research design that would provide a complementary strategy to el icit the essence of the l ived i n experiences of the phenomena of migration of Samoan migrant women in the 1950's - 1970's, the opportunity arose to read Sokolowski's (2000)6 Introduction to Phenomenology, in which he introduced the researcher to Husserl ( 1859- 1938) and phi losophical phenomenology. It was instantly seen that phenomenology provided appropriate methodologies and research methods that enabled the researcher to ' understand the complex world of l ived experiences from the pOint of view of those who l ived it' (Swandt 1994:118) and to ask 'what is the l ived- in-experience in for women migrants from the Pacific Islands'? (This was the focus of the original researcher's question in 1987). Behaviour that is taken as a natural given is usual ly, at least i n part, the product of the process of social determination. For example, the l im iting assumptions made of the role of Samoan female migrants in the roles of 6 Also refer Staten, H. Wittgenstein and Oerrida, (University of Nebraska Press, London 1984) and Smith, C. Mer/eau-Ponty,M. (Trans.) from French. (Routledge London 2001). 29 mothers, daughters, and wives of male migrants were widely accepted as the norm in the 1950'-1960's. This is borne out in texts7 that included women in the male generic terminology, or emphasised the role of the male, therefore relegating women's l ived experience to more peripheral roles. When the researcher undertook the in itial comprehensive l iterature search the paucity of material specific to women migrants was abysmal in its quantity. The ava i lable quantitative statistics did l ittle to rectify this. An extract from early thoughts i n the researcher's journal shows the evolving research focus. Journal Note- (verbatim circa December 1999) (Extensive reference to this journal occurs within chapter four Cross-Cultural Research) I need to be aware when composing questions of the underlying premise of rewriting history, not in the way of changing conventional major issues, but simply by presenting the women's perspective or social history, on migration and their early work years in New Zealand. I want to chal lenge the narrative l i ne of political history, as it applies to migration, and introduce a female voice to the male narrative, both in statistical accounts and in the lack of empi rica l accounts of women, who came as migrants to subsequently take up jobs as cleaners. 7 Kalien, E. The Western Samoan Kinship Bridge (E.J. Bri l l-Leiden 1982). Pitt, D. and Macpherson, C. Emerging Pluralism, (Longman Paul , Auckland 1974). 30 Fem in ism a nd constructivism 'Constructivists are antiessentia l ist. They assume that what we take to be self- evident kinds (e.g. man, woman, truth, self) are actual ly the product of complicated discursive practices' (Punch 1994:125). This raised the question, can anyone actually understand the role of another individual? This draws together the i nterrelatedness of feminist ideologies and constructivist paradigms. The continu ing argument, regardi ng socia l ly accepted natural givens, has particular relevance to femin ist theory and practice and l ies at the heart of much feminist debate. It a lso informed this study. Femin ist writers have questioned how feminists could propose to undertake research on women using the very theories and methodologies that have been a rgued against, by femin ists, as being biased against women and reflecting the status quo of male domination8. The researcher suggests that those constructs (h istorical ly) util ised more to the advantage of the male gender, could equal ly be utilised with a feminist perspective. It is not the construct that is problematic, but the way in which it has been formulated in order to benefit one gender rather than the other, a matter of perception rather than definition. The construct in essence, and i n itself, cannot be biased, only the process and manipulation of it. Reconceptualising existing constructs could bring on-going change in the former practice. This researcher's argument is that feminist researchers should not disregard quantitative methods 'per se' because they a re integral to male practice. Quantitative practice has been incorporated into 8 Oakley, A. ' Interviewing Women: A Contradiction in Terms' in Doing Feminist Research, in Helen Roberts (ed.), ( Routledge and Kegan Paul, London 1981), p30-61. 31 and complemented this study. The in itial statistical data and quantitative material led to the pursuit of qual itative data to confirm or bring l ife to the statistical materia l . This to some extent contradicts my suggestion that the construct is not biased. Quantitative constructs are able to produce data that is biased against females. This is the very reason that this study emphasised the qual itative method, to counter in part, some of the emphasis on q uantitative analysis . The combined perspectives of quantitative data, phenomenological essence and feminist ideology are co-jointly complementary to this study. Difference with reflexivity/reflectivity Constructivism informs femin ist epistemologies9 in that feminist theorists (across the broad feminist perspectives) propose that social real ity rel ies upon social constructions in which gender constructions were significant or fundamental . Social science (as being one contributor to knowledge) should endeavor to deconstruct what is socia l ly presented as normative constructions, in order to d iscover alternative social constructions. There are various and complex perspectives across the broad spectrum of feminist theory, yet a l l appear to accept the need for debate about socially assigned roles (Delanty 2000:118). Reflexivity is one important aspect within femin ist research and to some extent feminism is, at its base, is a reflexive and reflective epistemology emerging 9 Refer Olesen, V. Feminisms and Models of Qual itative Research, in Denzin, N. K. & Lincoln, Y. S. (eds.) Handbook of Qualitative Research, (Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, 1994) 32 from disi l lusionment over social norms. It was this reflexive and reflective approach that prompted the deconstruction of existing models or concepts of social real ity or normatives through constant reflection to recognise more adequately the female gender with in society and the h istorical bias of male gendered language which by omission whether expl icit or impl icit d iminished the visibi l ity of the role of females within society1o. The idea that social real ity was a gendered construction prompted feminist theorists to show how the normative or natural state is simply a social construct. As stated, this raised the question in this study of how much of the i nterpretation of the essence of the migration experience would be generated from social conditioning? There are two ways to approach this question. Fi rstly to simply debate the val id ity of a l l gendered research. Secondly to proceed tak ing into account the social assumption or premise of a natural order, and attempt to deconstruct and re-discover women's l ived experiences from with in a gender specific research inquiry. What interested the researcher was Husserl's ( 1831-1938) notion of the natural or given. Sarantakos (1990:48) commented 'this natural attitude for H usserl [was] an obstacle, a distortion and a bias' . If the natural state is an obstacle to finding out truth, then Husserl provided a very similar argument found with in feminist theory, the assumption of gendered (male) normative. Therefore there appeared to be d istinct para l lels between phenomenological theory and femin ist epistemology. Fisher and Embree (2000:105) suggested that given phenomenology originated with in a more positive perspective era, it remains a val id and complementary 10 Haney, K. 'Edith Stein: Woman and Essence' in Feminist Phenomenology, ( Fisher, L. & Embree, L. (eds.) Kluwer Academic Publ ishers, Dordrecht 2000) p227-228. 33 perspective to current feminist theory. They proposed that its origins should not be held against it as a theory. Accusations (from with in some areas of feminism) that phenomenology has not considered or attempted to address femin ist theory and that it has been the most resistant within its theoretical paradigms and perspectives to i ncorporate feminist gendered theory with in its' tradition, should be set aside in order to gain the positive and complementary aspects of this tradition11. Phenomenology - recent theorists As a result of an extensive l iterature search of inquiry methods with in phenomenology, what was revealed were the number of d ifferent procedural processes and strategies. Whi le some proposed quite d istinct methodological and theoretical perspectives, overal l there was more Simi larity and constancy than difference. As saturation occurred it became necessary to delimit the l iterature to five more recent theorists, van Manen (1990); Crotty (1996); Pol l io, Henley & Thompson (1997); Creswel l ( 1994) (1998) and Fisher & Embree (eds.) (2000). Congruent to a l l these was the provision of practical ( real l ife) orientated design strategies within a complex multi-faceted, theoretical and methodological tradition, therefore providing functional frameworks and strategies appropriate to th is study. 11 For a ful ler discussion and debate on a viable relationship between phenomenology and feminism see Fisher, L. & Embree, L. (eds) Feminist Phenomenology, (Kluwer Academic Publ ishers, Dordrecht, 2000) pOl-15. 34 Van Manen's (1990) Researching Lived Experiences - Human Science For An Action Sensitive Pedagogy, encapsulated the ideology that provoked this study. H is work provided an extensive appraisal of the nature of phenomenological research and the role of the researcher with in the research process. The focus concentrated on the essence of this experience or phenomenon 'what was it l i ke to be a teacher?' Through phenomenological research inquiry methods he probed and questioned how researchers endeavoured to reveal the essence of a l ived experience through phenomenological themes. He provided three approaches for ' isolating thematic' (p92) statements. Fi rstly, the 'whol istic or sententious approach' (p93) where the researcher found a sentence that captured the fundamental meaning or main significance of the text. Secondly, the 'selective or h ighl ighting approach' (p93) where the researcher would read the data several times and ask what statements or phrases gave the essential e lements of the phenomenon or experience. Thirdly, 'the detai led or l i ne-by- l i ne approach' (p93) where the researcher asked of each sentence or cluster of sentences, what did they reveal about the phenomena or experience (van Manen 1990:94-95). In th is study the formulation of in itial themes was establ ished with in the pre and pi lot stages. This was done i n order to place the phenomenon/migration, with its multi-faceted h istorica l focus, with in a contextua l framework. These themes were not intended to premise, or imply pre-determined experiences of m igration but provided a col lective textual description as to what constituted the phenomenon/migration. Background materia l was constantly sourced and read to place the emerging themes with in context. It would have been both irresponsible and insensitive to fa i l to conduct this background scoping 35 exercise that i nformed the researcher of the temporal , spatial and relational experiences of the women involved with the phenomenon/migration. This m ight however, raise some methodological contentions or debate, in that any presupposition of what might constitute the essence of the phenomenon of m igration, could have influenced respondents to consider only those aspects when provided with a prepared predetermined questionnaire. However the cluster of common themes and the possible essence of the many experiences of the women on their arriva l to New Zealand became evident throughout the pre and pi loting process. The issues of i nterest and importance emerged with in the col laborative process and relationships with gatekeepers and respondents. U ltimately these issues provided the framework for the themed q uestionnaire. Crotty's (1996) Phenomenology and Nursing Research provided a comprehensive instructiona l text on phenomenological research . The question he asked was what were nurse researcher's perceptions of phenomenological research methods? and what importance had they placed on its inclusion within the nursing profession? He examined thirty studies that he considered best represented the wide range of research perspectives among nurse researchers. He concluded each of the studies reflected the analytical styles of Giorgi (1970,1985) and van Manen ( 1990) in that each 'displayed a common concern to drive themes or categories from the data, which coalesced to form a comprehensive description of the total phenomenon' (p9). Themes emerged from the data that d irectly influenced and directed the focus of a study. 36 This a lso reflected the process that evolved withi n this study, bearing some resemblance or paral lels to grounded research perspectives12. One of Crotty's comments was i nteresting and controversial . He suggested that with a process such as phenomenology that purported to search for individual subjective meanings ' it was curious there is so much l inkage with a method that systematical ly discarded individual subjective meanings unless they were shared with other respondents' (p03). He contended this anomaly was encountered repeatedly with in what he calls the new phenomenology, which had emerged in the last three decades and was specific to North America. He drew a d istinction between what he termed the old (Husserl ian) phenomenology13 and contended this new approach, influenced by and a l igned with Alfred Schutz (1899-1959)14 attempted to gain the sense people a re making of things. This was different from the old phenomenology that aimed to reveal what people were making sense of (Crotty 1996:03). The researcher understood this as being two paral lel theories and therefore manifested in two different research processes. Each of these was used with in this inquiry in the fol lowing way. The first or new approach, focused on capturing the essence of the l ived experience of the respondents with in the phenomenon of migration. The second or old approach, explored what constituted migration as a phenomenon, what were its components or integral parts and these were considered in conjunction with each other. 12 For an overview of grounded theory refer to Strauss & Corbin 'Grounded Theory Methodology An Overview, in Denzin, N .K. & Lincoln, Y.S. Handbook of Qualitative Research, (Sage Publ ications, Thousand Oaks 1994) pp273-285. 13 Refer Husserl , E. Ideas pertaining to a pure phenomenology and to a phenomeno/ogical philosophy: general introduction to a pure phe-nomeno/ogy. (The Hague. Martinus Nijhoff 1913/82). 14 SchUtz, A. The Phenomenology of the social world, (Heinemann Educational Books, London, 1972). 37 This immediately highlighted the importance of the research themes as they provided the structure of the component parts of the phenomenon/migration and also al lowed for the reveal ing or capture of the h idden notions of what migration as a process actual ly was. For example, 'al ienation' was a sub­ theme that emerged from the extraction of the significant statements expressed in terms of 'not belonging' . This was perceived as being an important factor or component of the phenomenon/migration. Themes therefore, provided an understanding of the constituent parts of the phenomenon/migration and also provided for the discovery of the essence of the collective and individual textual and structural description of the l ived experience. Pol l io Henley and Thompson's (1997:60) The Phenomenology of Everyday Life provided a diagrammatic schematic summary of the phenomenological research process. Figure 05, shown on page 39 provided a specific framework (with adaptation) of the processes taken in this study. 38 Schematic Summary of the Phenomenological Research Process 1 Emerging Focus -I Pre Pilot Pilot 'Warming Up' Themes Emerge Themed Interviews 'Ongoing' I Index / Coding/ Categories 1 1 Themes 1 Significant Statements I r � Clusters of Themes l Essence � Respondent Collaborative Approval / Post Pilot 'Cool ing Down' ! Presentation Figure 05 (Adapted from Pollio H.R Henley, T.B. Thompson, CJ. (1998:60)). 39 ' For a phenomenological study to be judged val id it would have to receive high marks on a l l four counts' (as shown below i n Figure 06) (Pol l io, et a l 1997:55). This diagram offered a clear picture of the tensions between fou r important issues, and a framework with in which to show what is required in terms of val id ity within phenomenological research. Methodological concerns � � experiential concerns Rigorous appropriate plausible i l luminating Figure 06 (Adapted from Pollio. et al (1997:55)) The clarity of Creswell 's (1998) material Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five Traditions impressed the researcher, particularly the provision of some insightfu l instructional material (with in this complex field) for undertaking phenomenological research. Creswel l ( 1998:271) used Doris Riemen's The Essential Structure of a Caring Interaction Doing Phenomeno/ogy15 as a comprehensive example of one method for phenomenologica l analysiS. The ana lysis process or data treatment and analysis of data of Riemens' greatly influenced the researcher with its abi l ity to el icit the essence of the experience in such a way that one could feel the l ived experience. 15 Creswel l , J . W. Qualitative and Inquiry Research Design Choosing Among Five Traditions, (Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, 1998) p280-292. 40 This analysis of the interviews is based on Moustakas ( 1994)16. The thematic analysis of the fourteen themes that constituted the experiential and essential elements of the phenomenon of migration for Samoan women goes beyond the specificity of Riemen's (1986) study. The cross-cultural nature of this study i nvolving Samoan women and the fact that the researcher was an outsider also compl icated the interpretation of the data. For example, when the respondents where asked to give their opinions about the 'dawn raids' 17 this was often met with si lence. When attempts were made to draw out the accounts of these historical ly sensitive issues, a shrug or si lent nod was the only response. The debate surrounding 'overstayers'18 has not been widely recorded particularly the experiences of women. I wanted to gain an understandi ng of the l ived experience for the Samoan women as grandmothers, mothers, sisters, and daughters, at this time when the pol ice ra ids were being carried out, as there were few accounts avai lable. When speaking with the women the very nature of their responses indicated it was then and sti l l is a very sensitive issue. One of the respondents however, agreed to ta lk a l ittle about those times and this is recounted in the analysis. This is where the analysis revealed (a l im ited perspective) of the essence of this experience. 16 Refer Moustakas, C. Phenomenological Research Methods, (Sage Publ ications, Thousand Oaks, 1994), p120-154. 17 A term used for Pacific Island migrants, who worked beyond their temporary work permit. The New Zealand Police raided Pacific Island homes in the early morning to arrest Pacific Island nationals who had overstayed their temporary work permit. 18 See de Bres, J. & Campbel l , R, The overstayers: illegal migration from the Pacific to New Zealand, (Auckland Resource Centre for World Development, Auckland, 1976). 41 Femin ism and phenomenology Fisher & Embree's (eds) (2000) Feminism and Phenomenology provided comprehensive debates on the viabil ity of a union between phenomenology and femin ism. One of the text's contributors Levesque-Lopman (2000:103- 132) admitted to being drawn to phenomenological analysis due to the premise of attempting to d iscover the meaning or essence of l ived experience, and what this might have to offer women in genera l . As a sociologist she said she did not question whether it was appropriate to use phenomenological methods, but d id question whose phenomenological interpretation she would be a l igned with. She i ntroduced Kurt H. Wolff's 'surrender-and-catch' approach saying she was 'struck by its potential for its relevancy to women's research' (p123). However she had problems with his 'gender-biased language' and the fact that Wolff 'gives no attention to women's experience' but recognised his work had ' intel lectual merit' (p123) and paral lels with feminist interviewing strategies. She proposed feminists look beyond Wolff's narrow perspective. Phenomenologica l resea rch practice or methods As with any research methodological inquiry there are theoretical constructs that sustain the theoretical perspectives and certain fundamental terms that define the ideological perceptions behind any theoretical perspective. In order to clarify some of the complex theory the researcher consulted van Manen (1990:175-187) and with the aid of h is interpretations gained an understanding of the phenomenological terminology. 42 Husserl (1831-1938) focused on 'the things themselves' getting 'down to what matters' by the extraction of essences or the Greek ousia, meaning the ' i nner essentia l nature of a thing, the true being of a thing, what makes a thing what it is' (van Manen 1990:177). The example van Manen used was the definition of the role of teachers and how there are two perceptions. The fi rst definition is the empirical or actual teacher. The second, or h idden or fundamental or ideal essence of a teacher which every real teacher was 'oriented to' , is the very real inner desire to share, impart, and empower those one is teaching; this is the essence of a teacher or the essential essence or ' intentionality' of a teacher. He stated that 'we are not reflectively conscious of our intentiona l relation to the world. ' Intentional ity' is only retrospectively avai lable to consciousnesses (p182). ' It is not possible to experience something while reflecting on the experience (even if the experience is itself a reflective acting') (p182). The example used by van Manen is when a person experiences anger, then stops to consider why they are feel ing angry, the very action of reflection upon the experience, makes one react in such a way that the anger soon diminishes. The terms 'bracketing' or ' reduction' are essential ly the same process and terms coined by Husserl ( 1859-1939) from a background in mathematics. There are four i nteresting aspects to the term reduction and the process by which it contributes as a phenomenological method with in the inquiry. It al lows the ' ... awakening to wonder of world· . . . 'to overcome ones subjective feel ings· . . . 'and incl inations· . . . 'to strip away theories· .. .'to see past or though the l ived experience toward the universal essence or eidos' . . .'as it is not an end in itself rather a means to an end' (p185). I n other words Merleau- Ponty (1996) encouraged us to look beyond the particularity of l ived 43 experience toward the universal essence or eidos that l ies on the other side of the concreteness of l ived meaning. (p185). This a lmost sounds l ike chi ld wonder, to return to a less skeptical perspective to relive l ife in a less cynical fashion to reduce theoretica l ponderings and concepts to return to a more Simpl istic outlook. So can this be done whi lst engaging in a more reflective perspective? The researcher suggests that whi le one is reflecting upon a particular instance of experience it is not usual ly possible to theorise simultaneously. Therefore on ly after the reflective period has passed, however short or long, is it possible to couch that i nstance in theoretical epistemology. However simpl istic this may appear at fi rst glance, its complexity must not be overlooked, because if one is not aware of the role of reflexivity/reflectivity in qual itative research then the integrity of the study's wi l l be placed in jeopardy, as only the researcher's theory and interpretation of the empirical evidence, and not the essence of the l ived experience of the individuals or collaborators, wi l l be evident with in the study. Smythe's (1999) article 'Phenomenology a research approach to midwivery'19 mentioned she defended her choice of using phenomenological research methods by stating that ' if you choose this path [phenomenology] you wi l l face the critics who ask what is the point, [or] it won't change anything, who throw words l i ke val idity and rel iabi l ity at you confi rming for them that it is indeed a waste of time' (p17). Smythe's comments empowered me through some major 19 See Smythe, E. ( 1998), Being Safe in Chidbirth A hermeneutic interpretation of the narratives of women and practitioners, PhD. Massey University, New Zealand. Smyth, E. 'Phenomenology - tel l ing a story an interview with Liz Smythe', in Nursing Praxis New Zealand, (2002) Vol 17 (3) p 15-26. Smyth, E. 'Phenomenology a research approach to midwivery', New Zealand College of Midwives, ( 1997), Apri l Vol 16 pl6-19. 44 misgivings generated by such a lengthy, sol itary, theoretica l ly and cross­ cultural ly complex journey. This discussion has al lowed for the triangulation of theory to be presented, showing the abi l ity of the qual itative inquiry to incorporate both complementary and diametrica l ly opposed constructs and perspectives to the mutual benefit with in a specific study. It a lso set out the ideology that informed the data inquiry and analysis stages of the study. The next chapter addresses the complex methodological and ethical issues to be considered when embarking upon cross-cultural research. 45 Chapter 03 Cross-cu ltura l considerations in the research process I ntroduction ' It's about time someone did something l ike this, [women's experience of migration] no one has in the Samoan community. There is a lot about the matai, church and not a lot of what the women have done and they have done a lot'. (Respondent 13 - interview material and quoted verbatim) . The methodological approach taken in this thesis is to emphaise the voices of the research respondents alongside other contributors of material regarding cross-cultural research processes. It addresses the complex methodological issue the in/outsider researcher status, the relevancy of language i n the interpretive analysis stage of a study, the eth ical need for complete researcher transparency, the awareness of the 'bridge bui lding' relationship that occurs with cross-cultural collaborative research. 46 Researchers have ideological , theoretical , methodological paradigms and method-strategy technique decisions to make when considering cross-cultural research. The most distinct and d ifferent or polarised approaches, (however between these two opposed views there are variations and combinations or approaches) would be firstly, to proceed with the research with an impl ied inference of right to undertake research withi n ethnic groups d ifferent from that of the researcher i nvolved, paying l ittle attention to cu ltural difference or sensitivity to cu ltural expectations. Alternatively, the researcher can acknowledge the in/outsider researcher status while clearly stating her/his d istinct world-view, examining the ethical perspectives there by positioning themselves with in the research process and being aware of how this effects and affects the research process. Literature addressing eth ica l considerations The fol lowing readings/studies addressed some of these issues and the moral di lemmas expressed by some of the writers. Each added a cross-section of theoretica l , methodological and practice opinions and debates in the complex cross-cultura l research arena. Five were written from an outsider perspective and two from an insider perspective. The reader should decide what consideration the researchers showed toward their research participants and what emphasis they place on the issue of ethics with in the cross-cultural research inquiry. 47 Kal len, (1982) produced an insightful exploration of Samoan kinship but the study resonated with her exposition of western val ues and perspective that she both overtly and covertly expressed through the study. That is not to say it diminished its authoritative voice, but it magnified the researcher's bias and colonial ideology that was so evident in earlier anthropological material . As an historical text it provided i nvaluable background information on the theories of migration and the 'multi-causal migration nexus between Western Samoa and New Zealand' and patterns of migration. Research ethics now require a more col laborative stance and this work provided a classic example of an era when terms such as informants and participants, rather than col laborating respondents were in vogue and the question of ethics within empirical explorations was left to the moral outlook of the researchers. This text should however sti l l be recognised for its historical textual , contribution to cross­ cultural research. 8arnes, (1981) conducted a short-range exploration of the work of women night cleaners in Hamilton in the early 1980's. This work inspired me with its accounts of visits to cleaning sites and the i nteractions between the researcher and the participants. This materia l did not include respondent narrative, nor was it intended as an ethnographic account of the women's l ives. The focus of the empirical fieldwork was to gain information for the Labour Department in order to initiate performance criteria and to gain an overview of a specific problematic area of night work. Although not discussed, this was an early cross-cu ltural study (of employment issues and labour market influences) but it was not specifical ly acknowledged as such. 48 No empirical eth ical i nterview guidel ines were put in place with in this study. It appeared very much a moral issue decision placed upon the researcher, as the Labour Department did not acknowledge that there might have existed a need to address the ethical issues of access, i nformed consent and harm. Loomis (1993) was of particular interest to me. H is study provided an interesting analysis of 'the best and the worst' job categories as perceived by the Cook Island participants in his study 'Pacific migrants labour class and racism in New Zealand' for the Social Research and Development Trust. He discussed how one group within the fieldwork viewed the work of cleaners (p179). The integrity of the strategies and the effort to provide clarity of h is position with in the study was impressive. Though not an expansive report, it was a sensitive look at some major issues, 'race' and disadvantage experienced through low­ paid low-ski l led work undertaken by Pacific Island migrants. Pitt & Macpherson's (1974) Emerging Pluralism positioned within the 70's i n an era of more positivist perspectives and methodology and the fundamental issue of ethical collaboration was not then a foundation premise of research with in the academy, (as establ ished by the Cartwright Commission 1989). This work is an excel lent resource if taken in context. This was not a gender specific study and therefore did not address many of the issues that a rose in this study, for example the adjustment to city l iving and the stress involved in learning how to purchase food for the fami ly, is j ust one i nstance that the respondents of this study revealed (that is expanded upon in this study's i nterview data analysis). Larner's (1991) text was of particular significance to <­ this study with its exploration of employment issues for Samoan women. 49 What were of additional interest were Lamer's comments in the conclusion (p63) 'There is a clear need for more research into the ways in which the ;>­ experience of different groups of women are constructed and reconstructed in th is dynamic context' [and the [need for the] 'diversity of women's experiences [to be] acknowledged, then feminism can develop theoretical analyses that wi l l encompass the concerns of a l l women . ' There are two i nteresting points here. Firstly, Larner's (1991) suggestion that '! the d iversity of women's experiences needed to be accounted for reflects the ideology of this study, and the subsequent decision to gain the l ived­ experiences of Samoan women, through a phenomenological perspective of analYSis. The fact that Larner (1991) stated that femin ists can then analyse the material , immediately ra ised some queries, the assumption of the appl icabi l ity of feminism to appropriately analyse cross-cultural materia l , may not be a given. However Larner's remark, that feminists (and women) are better able to analyse women's i nterview data is a stance that I also propose. However, feminist theories originated and were an emergent ideology or construct in (European) positivist era (as discussed in chapter two), and arose from white middle class women's theoretical debates, opposing white male pedagogic authority. Whi lst not meaning to unnecessarily exacerbate or present a negative stance, nor discredit feminist writers, caution is appropriate in cross-cultural studies in relation to adaptation or i nterpretation of respondent's data. The fact I am not Samoan, a female academic, a femin ist and an outsider attempting to i nterpret the l ived-in-experiences of Samoan 50 women with in an empirical cross-cu ltural study, raised the question of how appropriate wi l l the findings be? These issues have been addressed later in the chapter and i t is hoped they adequately address Larner's (1991) concerns. More current, is the relevancy of moral and ethical practice in research as exposed by the Cartwright Report ( 1988). Not only did the report prompt important changes i n research practice with in the New Zealand medical community, it a lso generated a renewed focus with in the academy regarding -' � gairi T ng informed consent for research with human subjects. Pertinent to th is study is that it also addressed the issue of medical research with in Pacific Island communities and Pacific Island women, therefore provid ing relevant overarching guidelines for research of a cross-cultural nature. The next two writers are addressing the research process from an insider perspective, both being members of the ethnic group of which they are writing, both are academic writers, one a Maori female, the other a Samoan male. Smith's, (1999) text addressed some rather sensitive areas of cross-cultural research methodology and methods. The fact that it is written by a woman, a Maori academic, highl ighted the d i lemmas that have been experienced by non- European writers both with in the academy and outside. Reading this text impressed upon me the often-overrid ing assumption of colonial researchers who displayed the inappropriate right to gain cultural intel lectual property and to i nterpret this in a fashion that not only discredits the subjects but was also instrumental , through the texts in incorrectly portraying the community and its l ife ways. 51 Identica l problems have been experienced with in this research, substantiated by comments made to me by Pacific Island people at the pi lot stage of the study, that South Auckland Pacific Island families are sick of being researched by palagi who take the knowledge and give nothing back. This emphasised the on going need for truly col laborative work, in order to overcome these negative aspects within this complex arena. Meleisea, (1987) stated, that as a Samoan this gave him an insider perspective and therefore advantage. He explained the problems experienced i n attempting to come to terms with the slow disintegration of traditional ways particularly with regard to the economy and community development. At fi rst glance this study may appear to have l ittle i n common with ethics. He stated clearly that he struggled with the perception of Samoans as presented in works prior to the Second World War and the way Samoa was used as a laboratory by researchers, this was debated, most notably by Freeman (1983) by his disagreement with Mead ( 1929) for her m isrepresentation of Samoa. Meleisea (1987) questioned the fundamental influence of colonial theory and methodologies that had been i nstrumental in changing traditional authority and the deconstruction of h istorica l pol itica l systems and the results of fragmentation and d ispute. Again underlying the text is the frustration expressed at the introduction of European ethnocentric paradigms overlaid over traditional Samoan systems and the question of the u ltimate effectiveness of these European systems within the Pacific nations. This was a lso the focus evident i n Smith (1999). 52 I n my M. A. thesis Socialisation: Child Rearing Practices in Samoa and Tahiti and the Need for Contexulisation in Cultural Interpretations, I draw attention to the misgivings I was experiencing in the late 1980's ' It is imperative if future research is to be successful , and to be tru ly advantageous to those people being represented that the rel iance on Western universal istic scientific value-laden, ethnocentric paradigms, are replaced, or at least put aside for the concept of research in 'context', pertaining to indigenous resources. I submit that only by using cultura l ly informed information will social science tru ly be able to appreciate the 'other' regardless of who is participating in or faci l itating the research' . (Byers 1994:pi i i ) I n reflecting upon this statement my ideology has not changed, in fact it has developed and broadened (and is evident i n the chapters, cross-cultural issues and ethica l considerations). However the choice of language, the term the 'other' is i ndicative of that point in time the late 1980's and early 1990's. The terms 'faci l itating' and 'participating' have a lso to some extent been replaced by ' responding', 'collaborating', and ' in col laboration with' those members of the research group. Empirical research is often couched i n terminology such as 'doing' - 'undertaking' - 'carrying out' - 'engaging' - and over the past decade terms such as 'col laborating' or ' in partnership with' have emerged. These, along with other terminology i ndirectly position a researcher with in the process. I experienced with in this study process paral lel ' l iminal journeys' (Deegan & H i l l 1991)1. First the academic theoretica l journey, and secondly a 1 Deegan, M.J. & H i l l , M . R. ( 1991) 'Doctoral Dissertations as Liminal Journeys of The Self: Betwixt and Between in Graduate Sociology Programs' in Teaching Sociology, 1991 Vol. 19 (July: 322-332), address the issue of the graduate studies. Its insightful exploration into the 'transforming' (p323) experience of undertaking a PhD would assist any prospective candidate. 53 journey gain i ng cross-cultural understanding. Arising from this was the understanding that researchers must situate the research respondents clearly in any study, acknowledging and giving credit to their role whether expl icit or impl icit, as cu ltural i nstructors. Couldry (2000:124,125) suggested 'cultural study practitioners can question the conditions under which they come to speak, so too can every one else .. .it is just as important, if not more so, to think about the reflectivity of others as i t is to think about the analyst's reflexivity'. The important role that language plays is paramount in my discussion in the debate on cross-cultural methodologies. Ideologica l parad igms The term cross-cultural research is a paradigmatic construct. This term has its origins both i n academic and non-academic writings. The methodological emphasis of this study is to propose alternative methodological perspectives that al low for the voices of participants with in the research process to be evident about the process itself. With in cross-cultural research it is important that the researcher creates a good rapport with the respondents and that a clear understanding of the raw data is achieved so that valid i nterpretations can be achieved in the analysis. (Pole & Burgess (eds.) 2000:02) . All cultural ly focused research is l imited to interpretation. Constructivists endeavour to understand world real ities in their complexity by attempting to gain th is knowledge through the l ived experiences told by those 54 that l ived them, this is the emic or verstehen point of view (Schwandt 1994:118) . With in this cross-cultural , social constructivist, phenomenological research perspective, language construction and usage raised some interesting questions and revealed a number of inherent problems regarding the use of spoken word to retrieve the 'essence' of l ived experience. How val id would a researcher's interpretation be if the researcher and respondents [d id] not share the 'same system of i ntel l igibi l ity, usually a spoken or written language' (Gergen & Gergan, cited in Swandt 1994:127). Language assists in the construction of world-views and l ife real ity. If reality is constructed as proposed by the social constructivist perspective, through social discourse and social systems that are perceived to contain norms or standards, then the question is whose norms and standards would apply? If knowledge and truth assumed to be normative is the result of 'complicated discursive practice' (Swandt 1994:125), and language the process by which we express our conscious thoughts through the discursive practice of speech, then any attempt to gain the essence of the l ived experience of the phenomenon of migration for Samoan women migrants ( in which much of women's experiences had been subsumed by either non gendered or male gendered material) presents some interesting chal lenges. • How much of the actual expression is the impression of the social construct or normative? • What is the essence, is it able to be el icited, is there an essence? • How can the integrity of the essence be mainta ined in the interpretation? 55 • How much social conditioning is reflected i n and upon the very answers that are gained with in a study? • How much is determined for the respondents, by these very factors influenced by experiences of gender, race and class? • How much is lost in cross-cultural interpretation or simply i n the misunderstanding of cultural context and nuances? • When a researcher approached a study as an insider from withi n the academy, what influences does the researcher bring to the construction of real ity? • How do the issues of interview expectations, image identity factors and management, effect and affect the narrative data? • How much can the researcher enter into the world of the researched? The restraints and l imitations these questions pose in the research disclosure, should not automatica l ly detract from or preclude the research being undertaken. It makes it a l l the more imperative these questions be addressed transparently, with a reflectivity that promoted a simultaneous analysis of the research process or methodology itself. Each of these questions have been addressed and adequately answered by: (a) Framing the study withi n a d iscussion of the h istorical labour market into which the young Samoan women arrived. (b) Situating the study with i n existing contemporary l iterature on migration. (c) Full discussion of the complex methodological and ethical issues that arise in cross-cultural research. 56 (d) Adherence to feminist research perspectives that promote women's voices to be evident in the data, with the recognition of the importance of multiple world real ities. (e) The addition of a self-prepared researcher i nterview audit, which assists as a distinct methodology, that promotes researcher transparency with in the research process. As d iscussed previously the concern I had that many of the respondents voices and in particu lar Samoan women's voices have not been captured in much contemporary material and in particular their view point on the research process or methodological and methods withi n qual itative research . Therefore to counter balance this Figure 07 on page 59, presents material i n a way that enables the exploration of further aspects, including the commonal ities and inter-relational nature of qu ite distinct yet contiguous contributors. It provides a visual exposition (or conceptual isation) of the ideological paradigm in a concept that assigns each distinct group equal va lue in its contribution, thereby placing no greater emphasis on one group or the other. This al lowed for the respondent's voices within the contemporary l iterature addressing cross-cultural research. There is l ittle phenomenological 'structura l ' (feel ings experienced) evidence about how Samoan women actual ly felt about any relationship they may have experienced with in the research process and in their interaction with a researcher. Placing respondent's comments with in Figure 07 on page 59, Quadrant 02 addressed th is. Though not necessarily referring specifical ly to their reactions to 'cross-cultural ' research (as the interviews where not conducted to gain this data) each woman, to some degree, engaged in bridging the cross-cultural gap, provid ing interesting 57 personal, experiential comments, helpi ng to balance quite polarised opinions within the academy with regard to the appropriateness of conducting outsider research. In addressing cross-cultural issues in this way, and presenting this four-quadrant approach, I acted as a ' bridge-bui lder' , not with any assumption of authority, but drawing together and l ink ing four distinct contributions in order to provide an [w]hol istic approach. 58 Figure 07 Ql Q2 Q3 Q4 Four Quadrants Interconnectedness of Contri butors Researcher's - Identity Samoan Women Respondents - Gatekeepers/Openers, Secondary Sources Pacific Island - Contemporary Perspectives Academic - Contemporary Perspectives 59 Smith (1999:01, 02) in 'Oecolonizing Methodologies ' stated ' . . .it galls us [Maori] that Western researchers and intellectuals can assume to know a l l that it is possible to know of us, on the basis of their brief encounters with some of us' . . . ' ind igenous peoples across the world have other stories to tel l . ' 2 I consider it appropriate therefore to expla in my role with in the study. Quadrant 01 - researcher's identity - extracts from researchers d iary - aud iotape extracts I am a first-generation English-speaking woman of (bi l ingual ) Welsh parents. On arrival i n New Zealand in 1957 ( in itia l ly on hol iday) I experienced 'plura l ist' identity problems discussed in many i ntra-inter migrant studies as discussed in chapter one. I am of a simi lar age to the women respondents, a mother, received early church instruction, and had been l iving in both rural and metropolitan areas (Auckland) for 44 years when the interviews were conducted. Though an outsider with regard to Samoan culture, I suggest there are some simi larities with the l ived experience of the research respondents. Steier (1991:175) stated .. . 'when the observer is placed with in her or his inquiry we have a beginning for a reflexive methodology for research. By recognising our own role in research our reciprocators [respondents] are seemingly paradoxical ly given a greater voice' (p180). 2 Refer Smith, L.T. Decolonizing Methodologies Research and Indigenous Peoples', (Zed Books Ltd., University of Otago, Dunedin , 1999) pOl-17, for an explicit condemnation of historically i nappropriate research. 60 This comment l i nked with Mataira's (2001:21) concern regarding provid ing 'dejargonized summaries back to the community with whom the research was carried out, and the chal lenge for academic researchers i n providing this commitment to the research respondents. ' I t is appropriate to mention at this juncture that the terminology researcher and I have been transposed where appl icable to the context. Bridge bui lding The fol lowing diary and journal entries (extracted verbatim from my diary) reflect both the positive and negative aspects, as they recount the l iminal experiential research process and chal lenges. Extracts from researcher's diary (Verbatim) 28/5/98 I am beginn ing to see the relatedness of my research to many of the issues - I am taking onboard the importance of viewing my materia l through cross cultural perspectives, as well as the feminist. 22/6/98 Looking forward to meeting with [a gatekeeper] as this may open doors to the community - I hope? 61 31/7/98 The fear of the fieldwork has subsided a l ittle. I feel that by the time it is about to be undertaken I wi l l have a c learer picture of the background, and where the women are placed in today's labour market. 22/3/99 Becoming very conscious of the fact, I am not Samoan . I am an academic and the differences between my l ife and the women with whom I am talk ing. 8/4/99 Spoke with Hazel Barnes 'Night Cleaners' study i n Hami lton3. 12/4/99 I kept thinking while I sat [ i nstitution] at 2 .00am i n the morning drinking tea and ta lking with women night cleaners' -what am I doing here? - I should be home in bed. 14/4/99 Met union rep. at 11.00pm outside [the i nstitution] to meet night cleaners - feeling very vulnerable. 20/4/99 I am feel ing very unsure what I am doing. At times it a l l seems so good until you come to actual ly do it, then it all seems so vague and unsure. Real ly questioning whether I should proceed, the night hours, the language problems and access problems have made this research a hard piece of work to do - therefore I need support with it. 3 Refer Research and Planning Division - Department of Labour New Zealand 1922-1979. 62 2/5/99 Use site visits as pre pilot information and procedure and practical issues such as notes, must remember to take notebook or tape, to get informal comments as wel l . 7/5/99 Ask [mentor] to check themes and q uestions, are they appropriate for respondents - to confirm I am on the right track. 25/5/99 How am I feel ing about research? - well i n the beginning I doubted I would get to this stage, and when I did, I was very nervous about it - this is good preparation for the Ethics appl ication. 9/6/99 Met with Union Reps to d iscuss employment issues for pi lot. 1/7/99 Have composed themed questions, wi l l ask [mentor] and [col league] to check for cultural appropriateness - this is a hard piece of work - have I taken on too much - I am putting myself i n some very awkward cross cultural situations that I know l ittle about - help! 16/8/99 Remembering comments of n ight cleaners about l iving in the city and not the country - how relevant is th is? 24/9/99 How am I going to pul l this work through the gauze of feminist theory? This could be a problem as the Samoan women may not see it this way and there wi l l be an ambiguity in the information? how wil l I resolve this? 63 22/11/00 I am finding that some women wil l say yes, then they tal k to relatives, and I do not hear back from them, this is frustrating as I am contacting a lot of people - however this is what research is a l l about. I wi l l find it hard to attend Samoan functions as an 'outsider' . I recorded this personal de-briefing after meetings - giving rise to pertinent questions and reflections: Audiotape extracts 2/8/00 I am thinking PhD was monastic and patriarchal . How wi l l the women who I am interviewing l ike being presented i n this format. The women may not l ike the content analysis or theory analysis process (would they even be interested)? How would a PhD look with lots of verbatim stories in it - would it look rigorous enough? Wel l I think it would look rigorous enough, if I have shown the l imitation and del imitation and I certainly th ink it would be rigorous enough if I say that this is why I am doing it and this is why I am not doing it from a positivist approach rather a qual itative interpretive approach. Life is as it is told and as it is l ived, so why can't that be recognised in academic papers?4 The whole process of cross-cultural research is about partnerships - whose language - academic? How wi l l I final ly present this thesis? 1/9/00 I have been to a weaving group, walked into the room and introduced myself to the 'gatekeeper' there to meet me. I felt a bit nervous, I was the only palagi in the room, and they wondered why I was there, but their response and welcome was lovely. I sat attempting to weave - it is hard! - attempting to relate the two worlds that have just coll ided - one the academic research - the other weaving Samoan mats sitting on a church floor . . . why am I doing this? I have to keep in 4 Evidence of what would result in being attracted to a phenomenological inquiry perspective (2.8.00). 64 mind the perspective, from the feminist perspective, keep gathering women's h istories from an anthropological perspective. We need to know from an oral h istory perspective. We need to have record of the women's l ives because these stories however 'mundane or ord inary' these women say their l ives are (and many confessed to this idea) these stories wil l have impl ications for future generations - and we need to have a record. However expla in ing to some of the women in academic jargon is just absolutely incorrect and absolutely impossible, and I wouldn't even think about doing it, but it does make it hard to very simply explain what I want to do and why I am dOing it and to an audience that real ly (a) are they interested (b) are they suspicious (c) do they real ly want to know (d) or do they want to get i nvolved (e) what is in it for them - and the whole complex issue of where is it going to end up - why was it an issue in the fi rst place? 20/10/00 I went to [church] where there was a [women's] afternoon was being held to raise funds. I had prearranged with the [organiser/gatekeeper] of the group to speak to the women. When I arrived they had not been informed and so I was confronted with numerous negative comments as to 'why I was there' 'what right did I have to take up their personal time in this way' , 'why did I not research in my own community' 'what was I going to do with the i nformation I got'. I thought I had by visiting [the gatekeeper] at her home a week before and speaking with her on the phone twice that I had covered for this type of eventual ity. However this was not the case - by simple lapse of memory on her part the afternoon became very much an inquisition, and an embarrassment to both myself and the women at the afternoon function. I was able to explain what had happened and resolve much of the misgivings. However, this was an excel lent learn ing point - it real ly turned the tables on me - I now more fully understand what it must be l ike to be ' researched' , it can leave one vulnerable, a feel ing of ' invasion' . . . I considered I was being cultural ly sensitive and appropriate in my actions - but as a result of this it 65 took the need for sensitivity i n my work to a new level - I have incorporated into my research ski l ls. (Subsequently I have reflected on Smith (1999)) 25/10/01 Getting women in the demographic group I want is not easy, real ly why is this? 'cold cal l ing' to start the 'snowbal l ing' effect has been hard - respondents don't come to the researcher - I must go out there 'and be purposeful ' . Creswell (1998:118) Quadrant 02 - Samoan - gatekeepers-openers/women­ leaders/gatekeepers as secondary sources Creswel l ( 1998:117) stated a 'gatekeeper [is) an individual who is a member of or has i nsider status with a cultura l group'. The[se] gatekeeper[s] [are] the in itial contact[s] for the researcher and lead the researcher to other i nforma nts. ' Access to respondents with in a specific community through gatekeepers is important in order to establish rapport and trust in the in itial stages of the study. Gatekeepers were seen as pivotal i n this study, not only for referrals to respondents, but also to gain credibi l ity within the Samoan community. Gatekeepers/openers - 01-05 - cultural instructional extracts from audio­ tapes, journal and diary The following are five commentaries from gatekeepers revealed how each assisted or contributed further to the researcher's cultura l understanding and knowledge. 66 (G01) assisted with suggestions she thought might be helpful when approaching women for interviews. (as these are Gatekeeper verbatim cross cultural instructions it is appropriate they be defined) • Samoan women tend to respond more to verbal communication than phone cal ls, just have friendly chats, j ust show up. • Using a table between you and the woman you are tal king to is maybe threatening - a barrier - it depends on the woman. • It is good to bui ld up word of mouth, as some wi l l encourage workmates to be part of your interview. • Finding a place to i nterview - some of these women would not l ike being taken to lunch, they would not be used to it as a palagi would , they would be very quiet and not talk . I asked what role might the husbands want to play i n the interviews? • It's a personal thing, but the husband may want to know what they are doing as a family thing more than approval to do it. • It would not be appropriate to ask about thei r sexual l ife. My response This was not part of the i nterview or the research focus. (G01) • You may find them interviewing you . As a femin ist researcher, i t was both a welcome and unnerving remark, when striving for transparency and honesty in the research, to consider that my world-view and l ived experiences might be appropriate to share with the respondents. I asked, what might be a suitable gift to give to the respondents, to show my appreciation for the time given. 67 • We Polynesian's are always eating so something different from food might be appreciated. We spoke about language and the problems it could inadvertently pose. GOl commented • Be careful using double negatives, as i n the Engl ish language, Samoans find this a problem, because while the answer should be a yes, you get a no, because you have asked in a double kind of way. (G02) I visited [women's organisation] to meet with [a gatekeeper] who asked: • Who was funding me? My response was to tel l her: I do not have any grants or funds. This drew the question from G02 • Why was I doing it, why was I not doing research i n my own community? (G03) Journal entry (22.9.99) [gatekeeper] asked to meet - this was then cancelled but we spoke for some length on the phone, G03 told me she. • Liked the research focus, and confess that very l ittle of this type of work had been carried out in her community - there was a lot of work regarding men, church, ch iefly systems, employment but l ittle on the history of the women as migrant workers in the early days. I met with G04 (SSOl) and G05 (SS02). Both approved of the study and how it was proceeding. My request was that they would act as secondary sources, as both had been active in employing a number of Samoan gi rls in the 1950-60's both the women were happy to assist. This enabled employment issues to be 68 discussed in relation to young female migrant workers and to d iscuss h istorical labour market influences. It also opened d ialogue on the pol itica l economy of the 1950-1960's that created and maintained the flow of transient migrant low-ski l led labour, for the booming factory and secondary service New Zealand economy. Journal notes 18/10/00 I made point of tal king with prominent or titled Samoan women in the community tel l ing them what I am doing, so they know I am working in their community. Their reactions have been 'great' even though I am palagi they acknowledge no one has done this before, and so it wi l l be i nteresting to read. Also young Samoan women, some of these are academics and have agreed that it would open up avenues for future research within their own community. I nteresting observation - more women interested and more wi l l ing to participate i n West Auckland than in South Auckland - there seems to be some resistance and I have discussed this with gatekeepers (two Samoan women on the Samoan Advisory Counci l ) who say that 'Samoans in South Auckland are ti red of being researched', however they both gave me the promise of help to get respondents, and thought that my 'angle' was good and they 'supported' what I was doing even though I was a palagi. It is important to note that the fol lowing are comments made by the respondents in the course of the interview process. Their viewpoints about how they felt about the i nterviews and the research project in general is important in this phenomenological study with its emphaise on methodological perspectives and femin ist methods. 69 Respondent contributions - b ridge bu i ld ing extracts from researcher's journa l , d ia ry, i nterviews and i nforma l d iscussions R015 It's unusual for you to want to take down my l ife story. It was good. I wil l do the interview in Engl ish - (though a Samoan version was supplied). I l i ke sitting tel l ing my story, I enjoy the quiet way we just sit here. remember things that happened, it makes me happy to relive and share. Not troubled you are a palagi woman, I want to help you. I attended a women's church weaving group at [church] from which two women agreed to share their experiences of coming to New Zealand in the 1950- 1970's where respondent R014 R012 I have never been asked to tel l my story - the family don't do that sort of th ing - I do not mind you are palagi, we are both women, and understand some of the same things. I can sti l l see my home and vil lage when I talk to you - I can see the palm trees and hear the water over the road from my home. I really enjoy the interviews it makes me question what I think -it is stimulating to d iscuss and remember experiences. I want to start to write my own l ife history for my grandchi ldren. I know you don't understand about fa'a Samoa, but thanks for doing this, I hope some others wi l l do this also. You have made me th ink I could start writing about my own l ife 70 These are further comments from meetings with the respondents. R009 I l ike the questions. I l i ke the way they ask me questions about things I have not been able to ta lk about. Gate Opener (GO) R009's daughter . . . relayed that her mother had real ly l iked remembering. R005 Respondent 05 held three jobs, however she rang and advised she would make the time to meet and that: [she] I didn't mind help ing you. Again the use of the word help is sign ificant, for t ime, was at a premium for many of the women. R003 Was extremely shy woman who spoke l ittle English who told the researcher: I do not mind speaking with a palagi. Who did the Samoan questions, it is good. The women who embarked on doing the interviews showed their wi l l ingness to col laborate, sharing their stories 'even with a pa/agi' to expand this knowledge base. Therefore they acted in accordance with the ideology of the theoretica l paradigm of 'bridging the cultural gap'. 71 Journal Extracts 20/1/01 I say this is bridge bui lding - I said to many that I wanted to start something that could be carried on by the next generation, so this is bui lding bridges with the help of the women, it appeared to be col laborative, as it helped some of the women get closure on issues i n their l ives. They are sharing their cu ltural insights, doing this with me tel l ing their stories. I see this as reciprocal not exploitive. The women told me they did not feel they were being taken advantage of. The women were strong. We shared many stories that were quite similar to my own experiences in coming to NZ. 19/2/01 Some of the women did not th ink it necessary to sign the Consent Form as required by the Massey Human Ethics Committee they said they "trusted me." (This is discussed in chapter four) Quadrant 03 - Pacific Island - contemporary perspectives The contributions i n this quadrant have been l imited to organisations and institutions that have been 'given ' or 'assumed' the mantle of authority to provide and oversee guidel ines for research within the Pacific Island/Samoan community. I requested from The Health Counci l of New Zealand (07 March 2002) a copy of research guidelines for research in the Samoan community. No guidel ines are currently avai lable, however the researcher was advised the Council was working toward formulating such guidel ines in consultation with Samoan and non-Samoan interested parties. 72 Douthett (1988 Apri l ) in a paper ( resulti ng from the 'Unfortunate Experiments ' at National Women 's Hospital'5 which instigated the Cartwright Report) stated ' it [is] essentia l to i nvolve Pacific Island researchers i n every step of the research project that involves Pacific Island people. The Pacific Island researchers should be of the same ethnic background as the participants' (April 1988). No guideli nes were discussed should a researcher not be a Pacific Island person (therefore of a different ethnic group from the (participants) respondents). This posed the question - who has the right to assign guidelines and from whose perspective are they speaking? It is reasonable to say that funding agencies would have their own financial and pol itical agenda's. Spoonley (1999:52, 53) addressed this issue and suggested that researchers be aware of the requ i rements funding bodies and host institutions expect from researchers, and any h idden obl igations that might be placed upon researchers, this could cause a confl ict of i nterest between the researchers, respondents and the financial supporters of the research. 5 Refer Cartwright, Dame Silvia (1988), Report of the Cervical Cancer Inqu iry, The Committee Inquiry, Auckland (section C- p116) for specific debate involving Samoan women. www.womens­ health.org.nz/l inks.htm [Accessed Nov 2000). 73 The fol lowing papers and publications contributed to quadrant three and provided additional insights into current (contemporary) cross-cultural research perspectives. Tamasese, K. Peteru, C. & Waldegrave, C. ( 1997) project which culminated in the report, 'Research Project carried out by the Family Centre' 'DIe Taeao Afua' [presents a] 'Qualitative Investigation into Samoan Perspectives on Mental Health and Culturally Appropriate Services' addressed the issue of perspective in cross-cultural research inquiry. Their advice is that when undertaking research with Pacific Island communities the researchers should be aware that the focus should be toward the community as a whole ' rather than an individual approach' (p82) that 'the whole person exists not as an individual , but in relationship with other people' (p83). This study attempted to d iscover the community perception of appropriate mental health services and stated, 'Western models of methodology when seeking knowledge about other cultural contexts are reputedly by design and habit significant interpreters of the real ity of people's l ives. Methodological frames should be more rigorous and sympathetic to thei r participant culture without compromising the i nherent bel iefs and values that sustain those communities. Research methods therefore must not preempt the unknown witness with conceptual frameworks that anticipate and address non- western cultures from biased perspectives' (p08). 74 The Min istry of Pacific Island Affairs held a 'Pacific Vision International Conference'. The first stage strategy was released in Ju ly 1999 from which four papers were of di rect relevance to this study. Raewyn Good (1999:02) suggested, 'that Anthropology and Sociology fieldwork methods have provided a useful base for the development of more people sensitive research approaches.' [Then], 'whi le the university tra in ing is important much social research craft actual ly comes from di rect experience i n undertaking research, from the understanding gained through years of l iving and from team sharing/learning' . Or Airini ( 1999:01.04) shared how she 'was the learner'. This material covered an interesting approach to l ife stories with paral lels to this study in the discussion of cu lture and identity. Or Airin i (1999) stated 'We hear l ife stories - and we discover something more than clear cut reflections of either culture past or present, rather we encounter statements about the human mind and l ife ways and what it means to engage that mind and l ife in Aotearoa New Zealand'. This reflected (without actual ly stating) a phenomenologica l perspective of Husserl 's ( 1931) 'essence of l ived experiences' . Southwick (1999:01) remarked that, 'the consequence Margaret of the ' insider/outsider' framework for research in which Pacific people are always located in the 'outsider' position is that there is l im ited opportunity for Pacific people to set their own research agenda'. She a lso expressed concerns about the emerging 'el ite' (p02), this reflected the decision to include respondents within the four quadrant format. The Min istry of Pacific Island Affairs publication, 'The Piloting Methodology Framework' A tool for testing innovative 75 initiatives for Pacific peoples (1998) is an informative guidel i ne for piloting procedures6. This framework would not be complete without the contributions from the academy. Quadrant 04 - Academic - contempora ry perspectives Massey University's publ ication from the School of Social and Cultural Studies (November 2001). 'Negotiating the Boundaries: The Politics of Cross Cultural Research in the Social Sciences ', edited transcripts of a seminar convened on 'Mono-Bi-Multi Cultural Research: Who Should Do What and When?' Emerged as a significant contemporary practice orientated publication. In which the panelists reflected on various issues from a 'practice perspective' and the debates surrounding cross-cu ltural procedures, the expectations with in the university system and the ' concerns for the reputation and function of the university in relation to the various communities it studied and served' (p.V) . There are a number of issues relevant to this study, I was particularly encouraged when reading this publ ication that the panel had discussed a number of the issues I considered at pre-pilot and pi lot stages of this study. Of particular interest were the comments made by Tafa Mu ltialo, a Samoan matai and lecturer i n Social Work at Massey University (School of Social and Cultural Studies). 6 Ministry of Pacific Island Affairs, ( ISBN: 0-477-01856-4, Well ington 1998). 76 He reflected upon the positive aspect of being an i nsider with in the Samoan community and the fact this enabled him to 'bridge the gap between the Samoan community and the academic community of which he was [also] part (p05). Hutchings M (1998) text 'New Zealanders By Choice ' presented New Zealand m igrant women's l ife stories. These included the experience of U lata Alaelua , a Samoan-born woman (p44-50). The authors incl uded a textual description of U lata's l ife and verbatim extracts from interviews. Wendy Larner's (1989) M.A thesis with Samoan women i n Christchurch, 'Migration and Female Labour: Samoan Women in Christchurch, New Zealand, (1989) ' and the subsequent article 'Women and Migration ' in Spoonley, P. Pearson, D. & Macpherson, C . provided early insight into some of the issues Samoan women faced in the labour market. Larner's ( 1989) conclusion in this publ ication suggested that there is a need to develop a more in-depth understanding of women's l ives in New Zealand (Spoonley, P, Pearson, D & Macpherson, C 1991:63). Sei Brown's discussion with in his research essay for M .A in Sociology (1995) 'Research Partnerships for the New Age Researcher' advocated that a 'pa rtnership design holds great value, it is this sharing of knowledge that becomes one of the key i ngredients to successful research as researchers we do not know everything that we need to know and to be prepared to asked when we do not understand'? (p34). 7 Refer to Byers, B. ( 1994) Socialization: Child Rearing Practices in Samoa and Tahiti and the Need for Contextualisation in Cultural Interpretations, M.A, Auckland University - page i i i for similar ideology. Note the term 'other' used throughout the text is now considered inappropriate by the researcher (2002). 77 I n Anae's (1998) doctoral study 'Fofoa-I-vao-'ese: The Identity Journeys of NZ- Born Samoans ' she explored 'fi rst generation chi ldren from migrant Samoan fami l ies' and addressed the issue of the 'tension between culture and Christianity' (p288). Anae's work is i nformative and quite specific about the Samoan church's role in the daily l ives of the Samoan community. Tiatia (1998) 'Caught Between Two Cultures - a New Zealand - Born Pacific Island Perspective' wrote of concerns with the 'decl in ing attendance of New Zealand born Samoan youth' [ in churches] (pOl). Th is was most informative on the issue of church membership and identity problems experienced by young Samoans who were born in New Zealand who identified more as New Zealanders rather than thei r Samoan identity. A number of this study's respondents mentioned that they also found they identified as New Zealanders to the expense of their Samoan heritage. Krishnan, Schoeffel & Warren (1994) 'The Challenge of Change: Pacific Island Communities in New Zealand' provided a brief account of Pacific Island Women Workers (p23-24) where they quoted Larner (1989:23, 24) 'Samoan women in New Zealand have been largely omitted in the l iterature examining migration. ' One of the most comprehensive historical publ ications is that of David Pitt and Cluny Macpherson (1974) 'Emerging Pluralism the Samoan Community in New Zealand' who comprehensively wrote on the 'emerging plu ra l ism' . They also addressed this issue in 'Migration and Settlement ' a paper Macpherson presented at the 'Pacific Vision I nternational Conference' (1999) . Robin Fleming's (1997) 'The Common Purse - Income Sharing in New Zealand Families ' incorporated reports from the I ntra Fami ly Income Study 13 i ncluding material from Pacific Island fami l ies on the a l location of fami ly money_ This 78 comparative study concluded that extended Pacific Island fami l ies preserved a fami l iar social structure in an a l ien social New Zealand environment. The study provided an important contribution for its real l ife approach to how money was perceived with in pakeha, Maori and Pacific Island fami l ies. Verhoeven J.C in Pole C J & Burgess R.G (eds.) (2000:01, 20) 'Cross-Cultural Case Study' provided some enl ightened d iscussion on the problems of 'cross cultural interviewing'. He 'warned that cross cultural research more general ly is prone to an inevitable ethnocentrisms where one of the parties involved bel ieves they and their worldview is superior to the other.' 'The first consideration in cross-cultural research is the safety of the community involved but there is a lso the safety of the researcher.' (Spoonley 1999:50) In conclusion Spoonley in his paper 'The chal lenge of cross-cultural research' , in Davidson, C. & Tol ich, M. (eds) Social Science Research in New Zealand Many Paths to Understanding (1999:53)8 chal lenged researchers to know: • 'What is the purpose of the research'? • 'Am I the right person to be doing it'? • 'Wi l l the research be compromised by any conditions imposed by funders, host institutions, fel low researchers or possibly the community i nvolved'? 8 See Davidson, C. & Tol ich, M, (eds) Social Science Research in New Zealand Many Paths to Understanding (longman, Auckland 1999) p51-61. 79 These methodological aspects are important if col laborative research is to benefit the researcher and respondents. Before concluding this chapter it is appropriate that I address Spoonley's (1999) comments (above) and relate them specifically to this study. H is question 'what is the purpose of the research'? (p53). I consider this has been more than adequately addressed with in the chapters deal ing with h istorical aspects, pi lot, interviewing and phenomenological analysis. 'Am I right person to be doing this'? (p53). From the start of the research I have been conscious of my outsider status. In order to be clear about my role as researcher, in this chapter I have presented the chal lenges whi le addressing sensitive cross-cultural aspects. 'Wi l l the research be compromised by any conditions imposed by funders, host institutions, fel low researcher or possibly the community i nvolved'? (p53). The fi rst part of the question regarding funding, as mentioned I chose not to apply for funding. The reason being that as the pre-pi lot and pi lot stage progressed it became apparent that the women who spoke with me, once they found that I was not attached (or obligated) to any organisations appeared to be much more ready or wi l l ing to engage with me and the research project. As far as the community involved, I can only remind readers that the Samoan gatekeepers as shown i n Figure 08 on page 100, were extremely approachable and very wi l l ing to assist and open doors for me, I was made to feel very welcome. I was completely transparent with each i ndividual I spoke with, taking the time to explain and gain a measure of confidence with in the process, resulted in many of the gatekeepers encouraging me and confirming that 'it was a good piece of 80 work and should be done even if you are a palagi'. I could not have asked for more than this show of confidence. The next chapter is divided into two parts the first explores the practical processes with in the pre-pilot and pi lot stages of the study, and how the themes began to emerge in col laboration with members of the Samoan community, and the subsequent complexities of gain ing access to Samoan women respondents. The second part discusses the interview process and provides respondent's reflections that emerged from within the interviews. 81 Chapter 04 Resea rch - p i loting/interviewing strategies Introduction ' [the] final preparation for data col lection is the conduct[ing] of a pi lot study. The pi lot helps investigators to refine their data col lection plans with respect to both the content of the data and the procedures to be fol lowed.' (Yin 1994:74) This chapter is divided into two parts the first, a d iscussion on the methods used within the pi lot stages the second engaging in the fieldwork. The anthropological term 'rite of passage', Van Gennep (1909)1 reflected my experiences through the pi lot stages of this study. Coming to terms with entering and engaging in cross-cultural research. 1 Refer Keesing, R. Cultural Anthropology A Contemporary Perspective, (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York 1976) p234. 82 Janesick's (1994:211) 'warming up', 'ongoing' and 'cool ing down' had paral lels to this study's three pi lot stages. The correlation between the ultimate substantive and methodological effectiveness of this study was di rectly l inked to the utilisation of these three pi lot stages, each added rigour with in the process and val id ity to the analysis. Pre-pi lot - in itiation - warm ing up - partia l pa rticipant observations The pre-pi lot site visits had some para l lels with the process of G laser and Strauss's (1967) 'grounded theory' strategies to gain insights through observation to gain a particular focus, in this case corporate culture for example, night cleaners2• This observational method of site visits or partial participant observation had the advantage of being able to get at ' real l ife in the real world' (Robson 1993:191)3. With the cooperation of the union representatives I gai ned access to work sites to conduct non-participant observations and partia l-participation observations. I spoke with the women night cleaners endeavoring to gain information regarding the positive and negative aspects of n ight work. I was aware that much of this i nformation could possibly provide the framework for the formal fieldwork. 2 Refer Hatch, M .J. Organization Theory Modern Symbolic and Postmodern Perspectives, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1997) for organizational culture debate, p200-400. 3 Refer Robson, C. for a ful ler account of observational methods in research inquiry, Real World Research A Resource for Social Scientists and Practitioner-Researchers, (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 1993) p190-225. 83 I n hindsight becoming fami l iar with the culture of night work I a lso gained an understanding of the complex nature of the role of ethics in research. No formal Ethics Committee approval for this stage of the empirical work was sought, however it was undertaken with the concurrence of the researcher's supervisors and in cooperation with the Service Workers Union representatives. To ensure that no deception occurred on the job sites, my researcher/observer role was made clear. I had constructed a 'forty-five­ second-sound-bite' (Tol ich & Davidson 1999:95, 96) expla in ing the level of respondent's participation, and the perceived benefits of the study. These points were explained (without exception) to al l the women. I experienced discomfort when women would shrug their shoulders and walk away with apparent d isinterest. This was an early lesson in making me aware of how sensitive any research process is and more particularly, cross-cultural research, when language is not shared. As researchers we are passionate about our topic, but this is not a lways the case with participants. An undated journal note below shows the level of d iscomfort as a complete outsider both cultural ly and with respect to job identity and ethnic group. 84 Journal Note (verbatim circa June 1998) 11.30pm and a meeting had been cal led for a l l workers of late shift. Sitting outside on cold concrete wall with twenty women l istening to [union representative] and waiting for night security to open the doors, [to the institution] uncomfortable experience so foreign to me this 'culture of night work' I 'm debating the rationale of such a complex study. It also makes me conscious of my way of l ife. In order to record conversations two audio-recorders were trialed prior to the formal interview. A multi-d irectional (smal l enough to be hand held or placed d iscreetly on a table for i nterviews)4, and a voice-activated model to enable more d iscreet informal recordings (at the pre-pi lot stage) at work sites. I had spoken in depth about the ethical considerations of this practice with my supervisor prior to this strategy being used. At no time in this process was any deception of women on site visits intended5. Any potential for this to occur was therefore removed, as prior to engaging in conversation each woman was shown the microphone and her approval was gained6. A number of the women wanted to know if I was from income support agencies or government agencies. A number could not understand why I was i nterested in their work, and with some skepticism engaged only briefly in conversation. An additional precaution was instigated to substantiate credibi l ity, in that, if a woman did not 4 This was subsequently posted to Samoa and Wel l ington and given to the respondent in Auckland who self taped their interviews. 5 For a comprehensive d iscussion refer to Punch ( 1994) Politics and Ethics in Qual itative Research in Denzin and Lincoln ( 1994) Handbook of Qualitative Research, (Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks) p83-98. 6 See Tol ich, M . & Davidson, C. Starting Fieldwork an Introduction to Qualitative Research in New Zealand, (Oxford University Press, Auckland, 1999), p95-96. 85 speak Engl ish fluently enough to understand what was being asked of her I d id not record those conversations. This was not meant to preclude women who wished to engage in conversation, nor that I wanted to only record clear Engl ish speaking voices, it was done to ensure that al l women had clearly understood what I was requiring. Only when I was assured that the women had completely understood the request to audiotape their conversations and no misunderstandings had occurred, was the audiotape activated. The ethical tenet of 'do no harm' was therefore strictly enforced and adhered to. The in itial question focus at pre-pi lot work site visits were as fol lows. Could you tel l me please? • What type of cleaning do you do in this bui ld ing? • What buildings do you clean? • What are the hours you work? • Do you have another job as wel l as this one? • How long have you been a cleaner? • What made you start working as a cleaner? • How does it affect your home l ife? • Do you have children - how do you manage with the hours you work? As the pre-pi lot developed and sites visits became more frequent, evidence of the h igh percentage of Pacific Island women in this work was confi rmed at the particular work sites visited (it was not assumed it would be the same at other work sites). The fol lowing extracts from my diary provide insights into issues 86 surrounding early site visits and the methodological and ethical aspects that required addressing. Journal entries of pre-pi lot site visits (Verbatim) • 12 Apri l 1999 I have a bit of a di lemma I have been invited to site [institution] and I am concerned that I wi l l be i ntroduced as a [union rep.] is this being transparent? - am I anticipating problems? - just go and see. • I was introduced 'as a friendly' . Standing in a dark hal l at [the institution] at 11.30pm waiting for a l ift with [cleaner] not good! I wanted to go to sleep. • I don't speak thei r language - it was rather lonely out there. • The shift was 90% women - this actual ly reflects the stats. • What are the ethica l considerations here? • Don't l ike being locked in a bui ld ing at n ight - some women said it is l ike being in a prison. I agree. • 5 May 1999 - meeting at 5.30am at ( . . . ) ai rport - so on the road from Devonport at 4.30am - interesting! [from audio recording in car] Four issues arose from within the preparatory 'observational' pre-pi lot to: • Define - the parameters or focus • Select - or define which ethnic group • Decide - the best research instrument for gain ing qual itative verbatim material . • Determine - the most appropriate way of conducting interviews. 87 Triangulation of emerging data - defin ing the parameters As saturation of empirical i nformation occurred, driven by the participants rather than the l iterature (at that stage) and the triangulation of data from my journal , diary notes, recordings from job sites, informal conversations, gatekeepers and tria l participants, one issue emerged as significant. It was the fact that young women from the age of 16 years had migrated to New Zealand, often alone, with l ittle support networks established on arrival , with the intention of supporting fami ly back in Samoa. They would tel l me they came to 'help their families' and that they 'sent money home all the time '. Early statistics shown in Figures 01 and 02 on pages 5 and 6, confirmed this smal l percentage of women, yet did not high l ight they were single, nor do these statistics inform that they remained in New Zealand. This is where my study provides (a) the respondent's confirmation that they arrived often alone in New Zealand, (b) through a reflective process of respondents' interview data that many women stayed in New Zealand and (c) their perception of how this affected their l ives and that of their fami l ies. Fol lowing the informal partia l participant site interviews, d iscussions with friends and associates, consulting with mentors and gatekeepers, ongoing reading of background l iterature, the in itial inquiry themes began to emerge as the range of employment and social issues. To substantiate the emerging material I consulted with secondary sources. A friend who had worked as a night shift cleaner/telephonist; a family member who had worked in a factory on permanent night shift; a Samoan nurse aid who had worked night shift at 88 ( . . . ) Hospital (now ( . . . ) Hospital ) and a Pacific Island (female) minister who I asked to clarify some cultural issues. Tapes of these conversations were transcribed to hard copy by a commercial typist who had signed a Confidentia l ity Agreement (appendix A). This enabled two aspects fi rstly: • Gaining of comprehensive cultural, employment and personal background information and gain answers to some of the questions resulting from earl ier site visit observations. • Ascertaining the competency of my fieldwork recording ski l ls. Margin notes were made on each transcripts covering conceptual issues; how best to structure questions; searching for emergent categories or themes; or questions that needed further d iscussion or clarification. More practica l issues focused on my verbal interviewer ski l ls. 89 Human Research Ethics Approva l 'Because the objects of inquiry in i nterviewing are human beings, extreme care must be taken to avoid any harm to them'. (Fontana and Frey 1994:361) Concurrent with this pre-pilot stage an appl ication was made to the Massey University Ethics Committee (appendix B to J) i n order to move on to pi loting the emerging themed questionnaires. I was requested (by letter 14th June 1999) (appendix K) to meet with the Committee to clarify issues regarding the cross-cultural nature of the study and respondent and researcher cultural safety. The fact I was non Pacific Island and the issues that could arise from this (if any). Committee members posed questions regarding what considerations and measures had been put in place by the researcher to address the issue of appropriate access to the focus community. Fol lowing the meeting of 30th June 1999 amendments were sought by the Committee (appendix L) to Information Sheets, with additional d irectives as to specific wording. These were considered seriously but rejected as the Information Sheet wording had been thoughtful ly composed in collaboration with gatekeepers to encourage respondents to dictate the length of time they wished to commit to the interview stage. This was also considered appropriate practice in l ine with feminist ideology of providing a non-threatening fluidity i n terms of time contribution. By not setting exact temporal parameters for the interviews, this was seen to neither encourage nor discourage possible respondents. The Committee raised the question, 'would I be asking women 90 what they were paid and would this be included in the final report' or 'would the researcher reveal to employers those women who had participated in the research '. Surety was given to the Committee that neither would be disclosed in the final thesis. The detai ls for contacting the researcher's supervisors were i ncluded in I nformation Sheets, should prospective respondents wish to clarify any issues. The supervisors recorded no contacts throughout the duration of the research. Pi lot - rite of passage - on going preparation of the primary data col lection instrument - themed questionna i re Janesick (1994: 213) suggested 'the time invested in a pi lot study can be valuable and enriching for later phases in the study' and that the ' pi lot interviews may be used to test certain questions' . The categories that emerged from the preparatory pre-pi lot then provided tentative themes. For instance. night work was a category. but with in this were a number of sub-themes such as 'identity' - working as a cleaner. In order to gain an understanding of this within the interviews I asked women that identified they had worked as cleaners - how did they feel tel l i ng friends about their job? One reply was 'I have status in the church so cleaning doesn't worry me'. This was considered an important issue to address with in the i nterviews. 91 Five important points emerged whi le drafting and re-drafting the primary data collection instrument, the themed questionnaire, to reach the final version: • What were the problems associated with using Engl ish language as a medium for gain ing information in a cross-cultural situation? (as d iscussed in Chapter 3) • Would the questions have cultural significance to the respondents? • Would the questions be able to elicit correct or adequate answers? • Was my background knowledge of Samoan culture sufficient to produce appropriate questions? • What degree of immersion in the Samoan community was required in order to be fami l iar not only with the more overt knowledge, but also with an understanding of the subtle nuances? It was considered inappropriate that I learn the Samoan language, as this was not possible under the constraints of this project. Nor was it considered appropriate for me to be engaged in total immersion7• However it was important that I ga ined an understanding of specific cu ltura l issues such as the importance of non-verbal communication, cultural ly sensitive behavior, so as not to cause offense to the respondents and the community. The final interview themed questionnaire (appendix M & N ) was considered capable of extracting and understanding certain individual and collective behaviours that constituted the women's understanding of the phenomenon of 92 migration. I wanted to gain the feel i ngs they experienced in the process of migration, attempting to understand how the respondents viewed their every day situations, and therefore to establish a comparative perspective to some historical material about the lived-in-experiences of Pacific Island women who arrived in New Zealand and undertook low-skil led, low-paid work. I undertook pi loting the (emerging) and final draft themed/questions with this network of individuals chosen for their specific backgrounds to provide broad base conceptual and practica l perspectives for the final primary instrument for the empirical fieldwork, the themed questionnaire. • Language: Gatekeepers and secondary sources in the Samoan community, a Samoan friend and academic colleague. • Labour relations and employment issues: S.W.U, Department of Labour, Equal Employment Opportunities Trust, and the M inistry of Womens' Affairs. • Night-shift work - a network of fami ly, friends and colleagues, who had, or were working night- shifts. Also women from the n ight-clean ing sites. • Cultural appropriateness: three Samoan (prominent) women. 7 This term indicates when a researcher undertakes long term fieldwork for example Malinowski' Trobriand Island study ( 1914). 93 • Translation of questions to Samoan: a Samoan interpreter who acted as a gatekeeper and respondent a lso providing confirmation that the questions were worded i n a cultura l ly appropriate manner for academic purposes. When the final English language questionnaire was approved in col laboration with a Samoan mentor and gatekeeper, arrangements were made to have it translated into Samoan. While reading the questionnaire (appendix N) one gatekeeper mentioned it was too formal and would have the affect of al ienating the women as opposed to encouraging them to participate. We agreed she be remunerated at current rates to translate another version. I had unwittingly requested the English version be translated l iteral ly, striving for integrity and cultural appropriateness. However this l iteral translation did not provide the appropriate informal ity. All but two respondents preferred to conduct the interviews in English, however two chose to be interviewed using the (second and later) Samoan language version. Reflecting on the pi lot Conducting the pi lot stages within the study provided the framework to establ ish the conceptual and practical aspects i n order to commence the empirical fieldwork. 94 • It establ ished trust and rapport and col laborative relationships with gatekeepers and respondents. • It gained (for me) an understanding of the culture of night work, by going to work sites. • It encouraged confidence in my role as academic researcher i n a cross-cultural research situation. With comments 'even if you are a palagi ', and the impl ied positive or negative connotations, reconfirmed the need for absolute integrity and transparency, to establ ish effective networks within the Samoan community. • It enabled me to ascertain conceptual understandings, through the constant process of triangulation. To constantly assess the soundness of the information being gathered, unti l saturation occurred, or as Morse (1994:230) stated 'repetition in the information' . • It assisted me to develop the practical arrangements of i nterviewing and audiotaping and experimentation with different techn ical equ ipment, and to produce a chart for recording each individual's place within the study. • It enabled me to consider how I would proceed with the analysis of the large volume of fieldwork data that would be generated. • It a l lowed for time to address the issue of the ethical requirements mandatory with in the research process and to apply for ethics approval . 95 What became apparent as the pi loting of the study progressed was the subtle and constant refocusing of perspective. What had been the original idea of the research, that of a study of the social and economic impl ications of n ight work particularly n ight cleaning with more focus upon the employment issues, a ltered as a result of speaking with Samoan women. What emerged was the importance of a wide range of supporting and influencing factors with in many areas of their l ives. The focus then both broadened and narrowed simultaneously. Fi rstly, it broadened to incorporate issues of migration and resulted (in col laboration with various groups and women) in the fourteen themes generated for and incorporated with in the questionnaire. Secondly, it narrowed, in that it ultimately included only Samoan women, from with in the broader context of Pacific Island women (appendix 0) . Engaging with the fieldwork 'The basic premise of phenomenological (hermeneutic) is that humans attempt through consciousness, to make sense, or interpret l ife experiences carried out often reflectively, through narrative, story or conversation' (Cohen et a l 2000:59) Del im iting - the defined demograph ic group As previously discussed work, whether day o r n ight does not occur in a vacuum separate from other social influences and experiences. This i nformed the decision to expand the parameters of the study to i ncorporate an exploration of 96 more social issues as they specifical ly related to women. Coinciding with this was the refinement of the group to Samoan women, not as a result of observing a h igher percentage of Samoan women working as night cleaners, but to del imit the ethnic background of the respondents to a l low for a more commonly shared social context for a l l participants. At this stage also I began to meet with gatekeepers. Creswel l ( 1998:117) stated that these individuals 'have i nsider status with [in) a cultural group', to expla in why I was undertaking this study. It was paramount I be observed working ethical ly in this community so as not to d isadvantage the respondents. Role of gatekeepers/openers and respondents with in the process I introduced myself to a number of women leaders within the Samoan community. I received encouragement from a number of gatekeepers who contacted women they thought might fit the study's demographic criteria. At this fi rst meeting with either a gatekeeper or respondent each was given a copy of a l l the research forms, both in Samoan and Engl ish. Al l forms were read through thoroughly with each of them, and informal d iscussions took place, often over a cup of tea or coffee. The focus of the research genera l ly met with enthusiasm, the women saying they recognised the need for such research even if you are a paJagi. Two gatekeepers however were somewhat skeptical about why I wanted to undertake this research, asking why did / not research my own culture? was I doing it because the women were not able to refuse? This raised both moral and ethical questions for me. What could the 97 reasons be, as to why the women felt they could not refuse to participate? This made me very aware of my role as an outsider academic researcher, and the perceived power differentia l that can exist within research. Therefore the answer to this was to ensure as much knowledge was imparted to the respondents by entering the community through gatekeepers, and referrals, so that they could if required expla in the study to the respondents to overcome any confusion that might arise. It was paramount to the success of this study that I be observed working ethica l ly in th is community so as not to disadvantage the respondents. Fifteen gatekeepers were telephoned (only/not visited) . These communications did not proceed: either they did not know women in the demographic group ( required for this study): i ndicated they did not have the time avai lable: did not appear to consider the study relevant: or were cautious about agreeing to be i nvolved. Thirty-three gatekeepers were telephoned and visited personal ly, they were interested suggesting they may know of women who fitted the criteria or were in the demographic group. Five prominent men were contacted, I met with two with one provid ing two telephone numbers of women leaders, whom I rang, and also that of a pastor of a local church , who invited me to join in a fund ra ising (dance) afternoon, which I thoroughly enjoyed. Neither of these led to respondents, but provided further valuable cultural knowledge. One gatekeeper/respondent did not proceed though showed in itia l interest but due to her prominent position withi n the Samoan community she thought it i nappropriate to continue. Four (possible) respondents did not proceed further after the in itial discussions. The reasons given were, sickness in fami ly; a death in fami ly; insufficient avai lable time (night worker) and privacy issues. 98 The schedule presented as Figure 08 on page 100, shows the i nterview procedures. Its origina l purpose was to keep an accurate record of the diverse process of gain ing respondents. However it a lso provides a strategy or method by which in reflection an assessment of the effectiveness and role of gatekeepers can be made. 99 Gate Keepers/Openers a nd Respondent Schedu le Gate Keepers/Openers Phoned and Visited - 33 p o o Phoned Only - 15 Possible Interview, did not Proceed - 02 Respondents • Interviewed - 13 Self Taped - 03 Possible Respondent - 01 Respondent did not Proceed - 03 Secondary Source Secondary Source - 02 Figure 08 The identity of al l partic ipants i n this schedule is protected (even though the original has the names of each participant). To retain thei r anonymity (beyond a brief description of their designation) is paramount to the ethical percepts of this study. They were: • A women's health counselor who subsequently put me in touch with two friends one l iving in Samoa (who self taped) . • An administrator with in an aged concern group; a newspaper publ isher who referred me to two prominent women leaders a l l three encouraging me and showing particu lar interest in the study. • A close friend (non Samoan) with a Samoan daughter (who has grown up as a close friend of my son). • A counselor/social worker who referred me to her mother. • A studenVcounselor who opened the door for interviews with her mother. • A manager of a cleaning company who i ntroduced me to a col league. • A col league who referred me to a student and subsequently her mother. • A church minister (male); a female minister; a relative (of mine) who introduced me to a col league who is a social worker. • A col league who introduced me to a clerk of the court. • A friend who had contacts with a min ister who had contacts within a 'mothers group'. 101 • Two union representatives who assisted and introduced me to two women. • A local body representative who made it possible to connect with two women. • Two Cathol ic Sisters who were i nstrumental in opening doors with i n a work place. • Personal friends who had connections within the Samoan community. • A matai (title excluded) who was very active i n promoting Pacific Island (Samoan) women's status within the commun ity. There were three others women with chiefly titles, however to designate these women might identify them, therefore they are not included in the bul let points above. The individual squares indicate the status of each person's relationship with in the study. It is interesting to reflect on the many levels of i ntroduction encountered prior to gain ing some of the respondents, for instance column 20 - 3 x 1 x 1 x 3 the respondents were five levels from this original gatekeeper. Though the fi rst l ine may look as if it indicates these introductions a l l occurred around the same time, they were i n fact staggered, and ranged between August 2000 and February 2001. However, it does indicate (from top left hand side) that contacting respondents occurred vertically, horizontal ly and simultaneously. The chart also shows the relationsh ips between and among the individuals in the study. This pragmatic approach to detai ls of the 102 i nterviewing strategy reflected a desire to substantiate quantitatively, by provid ing a complementary statistical perspective for the empirica l functions of the interview process. Two women agreed to be interviewed as Secondary Sources. One provided information about the i ntroduction of the Samoan language i nto hospitals and government departments and law courts. The other provided information on the employment of migrant workers with in hospital in the 1950-1960's. They also provided additional r ich cultural background information. Seventy- two persons were actively involved. Many more contributed informal ly and a lso a number of participants with in the pre- pilot stage assisted in forming the final draft of the questions. Many are unaware of this and therefore it is appropriate they be acknowledged. Three of the respondents chose to self-tape as one was l iving in Samoa ( in itial ly in New Zealand on holiday), one l ived in Wel l ington ( having recently moved) and one wanted to maintain her privacy (as parents l iving with the fami ly). When I had engaged in conversations with n ight cleaners as early as 1987, I had a lways been impressed with the strength of these women, therefore I approached this study with the positive view of the role of these women both with in their communities and fami l ies. A number of gatekeepers asked 'what organisation is funding you? The cynicism of some of some women to government and welfare organisations was evident. Some women mentioned quite categorica l ly that Pacific Island people were tired of being researched by palagi. Evidence of this has been confi rmed by a number of gatekeepers who shared thei r concerns, in that people take from the community and give nothing back and in the process they have portrayed Pacific Island people 103 falsely, often doing irrefutable damage and exacerbating the stereotypical image of Pacific peoples in New Zealand. Some asked what was the study going to do that was different and why should they help? Predominantly the women were quite receptive to the idea of the study. The hours spent speaking with prominent Samoan women achieved a depth of welcome that was to some extent overwhelming and unexpected. Eth ica l expectations with i n the i nterview process Punch (1994:90) suggested that professional codes of ethics are 'beneficial as guideli nes' but they also have the opposite effect of constra in ing informal research. He saw the strict adherence to them as being problematic in some cases. I experienced this di lemma i n the early part of the empirica l pre-pilot fieldwork when ta lking informal ly to women on work sites, with questions about the justification for the fact these conversations took place when prior approva l clause 1.3 ( informed consent) had not been sought nor granted by the University Ethics Committee? Subsequently fourteen of the sixteen respondents signed the Consent Form, with two refrain ing giving an explanation that they 'trust me and therefore didn 't see the need to sign it'. This made me a l l the more aware of the moral and ethical impl ications of respondent trust i n a researcher, and more specifical ly within femin ist research. Only after these extensive introductory briefings where confi rmation was sought from the respondents, did the fieldwork interviews commence. I 104 ensured that under no circumstances had the women been coerced i nto participating in the research, al l participated of their own free wi l l . To ensure anonymity and confidential ity (as set out i n clause 2 .3 of the ethics appl ication), information that included detai ls regard ing employers, fami ly members, or other respondents did not automatical ly remain in the interview data. Respondents were asked to reconfirm their approval prior to the fol low- up formal interviews at the fieldwork stage. Any secondary source materia l gained through discussions with Samoan women, either providing cla rity or confi rmation of data gained in the fieldwork has had prior approval for use from the persons supplying the information. In order to protect the identity of a l l participants, the audiotapes; computer discs; typed transcripts, wi l l be returned to them personal ly on completion of the study. Al l possible respondents were asked to discuss their participation with support or fami ly over a two to three week period. No pressure was placed on prospective respondents. Opinions d iffer as to whether it is advantageous to the research if respondents a re permitted to withdraw from the research if they have signed the consent form and have participated in the interviews. The way this was resolved was that I consider that every individual has the right to decl ine as set out in clause 2.7 of the ethics appl ication. Unforeseen circumstances arise that can override any presumption on the part of a researcher to expect respondents to continue. It may not be appropriate for the respondents to tell the researcher why they wish to take th is action, and it is not the right of any researcher to expect to be confided i n by the respondent. There is always the potential to do harm to participants within research 105 therefore it is important to guard against this occurring. This was ensured as required in clause 2.4 (appendix 8). Tol ich and Davidson (1999:71) pOinted out the apparent harm Whyte (1981) did to participants within the Street Corner Society. The accusation that his work was too personal now threatens to dispute the i ntegrity of his work. Fontana and Frey (1997) a lso stated that on reading the work the participants of the study said that what was written about them did not reflect the vision , they had of themselves. All research has the potential to harm those i nvolved. I was conscious of the harm that can arise with in a cross-cultural study when the researcher is an outsider. Harm can be construed and occur in various ways, cultural , emotional and physica l . With regard to cultural safety, and the premise of 'do no harm' (Tol ich and Davidson 1999:71), I gained prior approval of gatekeepers/openers with in the community, who opened doors to a number of the respondents. No respondent was considered for inclusion in the study unless I had met with her at least twice, and had spoken with her about the study and read over a l l forms and discussed any concerns she may have. For example some respondents thought their lack of English would or should prevent them from participating. I overcame this i n two cases by having the i nterviews conducted in Samoan (one respondent had her daughter with her, it was her daughter who had been a previous gatekeeper/opener) and the transcripts were ava i lable in Samoan and English. I gained appropriate cultural advice in consultation with col leagues, Samoan mentors and prominent women of the community. Emotional safety issues were handled sensitively. 106 If emotional stress occurred in the i nterviews the tape recorder was turned off and any data that could be construed as sensitive or inappropriate was removed from the transcripts, i n accordance with the women's wishes, after I had personally returned transcripts for each woman to read and approve prior to subsequent interviews. At all times I reminded respondents that they could \ withdraw for any reason if they did not wish to continue. One respondent withdrew early i n the interviews, her transcripts have been returned. Having considered all these issues throughout the course of the fieldwork, sti l l had cause for concern about the personal nature of some of the thematic ana lysis. Al l attempts were made to minimise di rectly disadvantaging women through an over emphasis on negative issues that arose within the interviews. This could be considered premeditated researcher bias. Alternatively the integrity of the respondents is maintai ned. If this resulted in the loss of some of the interview data, then this was a moral di lemma that was resolved by considering the long-term effects such negative reports could have upon the women involved. Feminist research emphasises the need for trust empathy and non-exploitative relationships. Punch ( 1994:89) stated ' it impl ies a standpoint epistemology that not only color[s] the ethical and moral component of research related to the power imba lance in a sexist and racist environment, but a lso inh ibits deception of the research subjects.' This research promoted cooperation and col laboration, whilst establ ishing and mainta ining a personal commitment to both mora l and ethical behaviour. No physical harm occurred to the respondents over the course of the research ( interviews). Additional to the Committee application 107 and approval , permission was requested (September 2000) (appendix 0) to widen the demographic group. The I nterviews The questionnaire was structured as themes and prompts with in themes. With in these themes were incorporated d irect questions. It was not intended that each question be asked then fol lowed in succession with the subsequent questions, (this would be more in l i ne with a survey). The intended ideology of themed questions was that a logical progression of important issues would be incorporated into the interviews and each subsequent question would flow through to the next, generating and producing a more spontaneous flow of conversation that included and encapsulated those themes. Each respondent had been given the questions a number of days/weeks prior to the interviews, and was therefore informed of the general d i rection of the i nterviews. Once in the interview process itself, I took the necessary steps to ensure that al l major themes were addressed and as many of the sub-questions answered to ensure simi lar information was gained, in order that a comparative thematic analysis cou ld be undertaken of the verbatim i nterview data. The themed prompts/questionnaire instrument were chosen to encourage the respondents to determine the course of the interviews, leaving sufficient scope for the respondents to expand and even largely change the thematic context of the i nterviews. By not dictating the outl ine of the questions too stringently, it was hoped this would encourage or el icit accounts of their Iived-in-experiences and 108 this could be better achieved through a conscious effort to maintain constant flu id ity and an informal conversation style throughout the interview. Fontana and Frey (1994:367) stated that 'because the goa l of unstructured i nterviewing is understanding, it becomes paramount for the researcher to establish rapport'. It was considered that a more structured approach would have undermined the very reason for engaging in this study, a semi structured and open ended format al lowed for a 'greater freedom i n the sequencing of questions, in their exact word ing, and in the amount of time and attention given to different topics' (Robson 1993:237). Tol ich & Davidson (1999:113) suggested 'themes maybe a l ist of concepts germane to the topic', or 'as a checkl ist' (pl13). The women were asked where they would l i ke to conduct the interviews; eleven respondents invited me to their homes. Two women had me arrange private rooms at a local l ibrary and a Citizens Advice Bureau office. An important part of the fieldwork was how to 'present myself' ( Fontana and Frey 1994:367). Having met with each woman once or twice and having spoken by phone to each other, once the interviews commenced we were more at ease with the situation. However due to the complexity of undertaking cross-cultural research total transparency, honesty and cultural safety for both myself and the respondents were the criteria for this part of the research process. The interviews ranged from one hour to two hours dependent on the length of time the women chose. This was left as flexible as possible. This is where Levesque-Lopman's (2000) 'surrender and catch' theory is appl icable to this study. Some respondents kept strictly to the designated hour/so Others took a more i nformal approach and offered a coffee or tea and suggested some time 109 to talk after the tape recorder had been turned off. It became apparent early on that some of the women wanted to extend the themes to i nclude issues that were of importance to them. They had been made aware (prior to the interviews) that the themes on the questionnaire were a guide, and that they did not preclude the women adding their own additional information. This to a great extent drove the interview focus, and in the ana lysis provided such rich additional narratives and sub-themes within the major i nitial themes, such as travel ing to rel igious festivals, information about their chi ldren 's achievement, Samoan wel l-being (health) and medicine. A gift was given to each respondent at the fi rst interview, a pot plant, flowers or vegetable plant for their (at times) large vegetable gardens). Having gained prior consent to audiotape the interviews, the multi-directional battery-operated tape recorder was used. The reason for this was to ensure seating flexibi l ity, to ensure the flow of conversation was not hampered by the fact that the tape recorder had to be placed i n at unsuitable position, and to ensure that no usage of the respondents power supply was requ ired . 110 The fol lowing tables show - interview timetable - i nd ividuals i nvolved - transcription process. Breakdown of Individuals I nvolved i n Figure 08 Gate Keepers/Openers 33 Telephoned and Visited at home, work or organisations i .e. churches, community groups 15 Telephoned only 2 (Possible) Gate Keepers/Openers (did not proceed) Respondents 13 Proceeded to i nterview stage 3 Self Taped Interviews 3 Did not proceed - 1 possible only Secondary Sources 2 Provided clarification of background data Total Participants 72 Breakdown of interviews Eight respondents Five respondents Three respondents Three interviews Two interviews Self-taped i nterviews Two respondents met with personal ly prior to self-taping One (posted) self-taped i nterview Two secondary sources Interviews taped (total of four i nterviews) Total number of transcript pages (1025) (not including secondary source material estimated, including pi lot materia l 400 pages). 111 Interview and transcription timetable The time frame for: Gain ing respondents (with Eth ics Committee approval) Conducting interviews Transcribing i nterview data Respondents checking al l transcribed data for approval to use in the study extended from 01.09.2000 to (approx) 16.03.2001 Figure 09 Respondent comments with i n the i nterview context Certain comments emerged from the interview data that related to the actual methodological process, and how the women felt about being asked to reflect on their experiences giving some insights i nto how they perceived the interview process, that revealed some emotional responses. The fi rst three comments elicited positive aspects of reflectivity. It is good to remember those th ings. I haven't thought about that for so long. It brings back memories of Samoa (often with a tear). This aspect was not original ly the focus but emerged as a creative aspect of the interview process by the women recognising the need for memories and identity by staying connected to their cu ltural roots. 112 The second two comments however reflect a more negative reaction. Nobody has asked me that before. No one has been i nterested before. The two women who expressed these comments were both expressing surprise and curiosity about the fact that firstly, they had not been approached to reflect their experiences of migration previously, and secondly, that no one had apparently been interested in their experiences (pa rticularly their immediate fami ly) . These two further comments reflect a rather denigrating attitude to thei r achievements on their a rrival and the courage needed for the chal lenges to adjust to a new culture. It is not important what I have done It is too ordinary This apparent negative reflection on their achievements posed the question , what are they basing this comparative analysis upon? The scope of this study does not a l low for such i n-depth analysis this shou ld be undertaken possibly using an i nter generational analysis framework to compare what the daughters of these women say about their l ives as first generation New Zealand Samoan women and compare this to the reflective status of their mothers and grandmothers. The findings would be extremely i nteresting and useful within the wider context of the phenomenon/migration in respect to women. 113 The last remark was actua l ly voiced by two other women (off tape) and since the i nterviews these women have commenced their own l ife history. I am going to start writing my own history Post pi lot - cool ing down - a na lysis and presentation This phase extended over two specific areas. • The analysis of interview data • Keepi ng in touch with the respondents In 2001 1 gained a place at Oxford University as a Study Fel low i n the Centre for Cross Cultural Research on Women. Whilst there I undertook an extensive l iterature search to gain an overview of migration of Samoan women to the United Kingdom, specifica l ly between the corresponding years of their migration to New Zealand. I was able to confirm after extensive communication with both the Statistics Department i n Samoa and the (corresponding) UK Immigration Department (whi lst in the UK), that few Samoan women had immigrated to the United Kingdom duri ng the period being examined in this study. I kept i n touch with respondents advising them of my invitation to Oxford and progress in the UK. On my return I arranged meetings over the space of seven days from 4th December to 11th December conducted at their homes. 114 I chose not to conduct Focus Group meetings as I considered them inappropriate to this study (appendix E was approved by the Ethics Committee, but subsequently unused). The reasons for this were: I had promised anonymity ( refer clause 2.3, appendix 8) for the women i nvolved. This also meant I d id not speak with any of the respondents about another respondent's involvement in the study (though some knew of others that may have been involved) . Most respondents had been visited individually; therefore to request at the conclusion of the study they meet col lectively would have negated the anonymity promised them. I chose not to place the women in this situation. Once I met with the respondents they were (a) shown how the work had progressed to near completion (b) asked if they wished to clarify any points, for example, one respondent's being identified as a nun within the text (was approved by the respondent with her saying she welcomed the additional perspective it brought to the study) (c) asked again if they were sti l l happy with being i nvolved i n the study and that their data could be included in the final copy (d) were reminded each would receive a copy of the study. The next chapter explains the methods used in the analysis of the verbatim i nterview material , along with the four stages of phenomenological interpretive analysis of the ten themes emerging from the fieldwork. 115 Chapter 05 Data management and the four stages of phenomenologica l ana lysis Introduction This chapter explains the process of transcribing the interview data, the data management i ndexing and coding, and the four stages involved i n the phenomenological analysis process. Process of transcribing data The importance of transcrib ing the interview material accurately was an important factor. For this reason I chose not to undertake this procedure for two reasons, it was considered more appropriate to pay for a professional transcriber to undertake this complex and extensive work, to ensure complete accuracy in the verbatim transcripts. I was then able to concentrate ful ly on organising, preparing for and conducting the i nterviews. 116 The instructions to the transcribers were to: format the font as fol lows, the respondent's words be placed i n Times Roman 14 font, the researcher's words in Times Roman 14 font italics, so that the different contributors could be easily distingu ished in the analysis. Additional to this was that the interview tapes be transcribed verbatim. That al l words such as - um, ah, and any other indicati ng noises be included; that pauses be defined with ( . . . ), along with laughter and tears; that a l l Samoan names be typed if possible; but if any data was not clear then a l ine of dots be placed to i ndicate the need for further inclusions or corrections; that one and a half spacing provide for hand written notes, a long with wide margins to provide for hand written side notes. Two academic transcribers carried out the transcription of the i nterviews data, one for the Engl ish version and one for Samoan. Each had previously signed the Transcriber's Confidential ity agreement. When the (typed) hard copies of the audio recording were completed I returned them to each respondent. The respondents were asked to check for errors, (appendix P), such as Samoan words, fami ly or place names, parts of the conversation they may have wanted to delete, also for any gaps in the data where the recordings were not so c lear. These were indicted with . . . . . . . . . ? Further interviews were not arranged unti l each woman had approved the content of previous transcript that I del ivered to each respondent. Early in the research consideration was given as to whether the data should or could be analysed using a computer software programme. The most viable 117 programme for qual itative research is NUD* ISP. To make an i nformed decision I attended a workshop2 to assess what NUD* IST might offer. decided that the programme in its present form would be too restrictive. Its capabi l ities for analysis of larger more comparative studies3 is not d isputed, but its abi l ity to facil itate capturing the essence of the l ived experiences of the women with in th is study was questioned. Procedura l steps for data ana lysis - i ndexing/coding The development of i ndexing/coding categories for retrieval was the first step. This was approached in a pragmatic way after careful consideration of how the process would impact on the final outcome of the data; therefore a few weeks were given to deciding what might be the best procedure. The raw data was assigned to one of the original fourteen themes, they in itia l ly provided a comprehensive description of issues that would be relevant to the phenomenon of migration and therefore it was appropriate that these be the fi rst thematic division of the raw data. 1 NUD*IST - Non-Numerical Unstructured Data Index Searching and Theory-Building Refer Robson, C. Real World Research A Resource for Social Scientists and Practitioner-Researchers, (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 1997) p390. 2 Dr M Neville's seminar on her use of NUD*IST for analysis for doctoral thesis in Education at Massey University (24.07.98). 3 For a comprehensive discussion of computer programmes for qualitative analysis see Richards and Richards (1994) in Denzin, N. K. & Lincoln, Y. S. Handbook of Qualitative Research. (Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, 1994) p445-462. For an interesting explanation of innovative indexing and coding see Waldergrave, C. (1999) in Davidson, C. & Tol ich, M. (eds.) Social Science Research in New Zealand (Longman, Auckland) p239. 118 There was the some concern that the in itial themes (gained in col laboration prior to the composing the questionnaire) would be instrumental in predetermin ing the parameters of the interpretation or analysis. However, their relevancy as specific to Samoan migrant women and their experiences, were establ ished through rigorous col laborative pi loting and therefore was considered valid initial categories. • Each respondent and transcript was assigned a number from 001- 016. All transcript pages were consecutively numbered. Each interview was numbered 01, 02 or 03 dependent on the number of times each respondent was interviewed. • A colour-coded chart was drawn up with the theme and corresponding colour, for example fami ly green, migration purple. To some extent the transcribed raw data coincided with the format or progression of the questions considered within the semi-structured open-ended interviews. For example, the questionnaire commenced with issues relating to the fami ly and extended fami ly background, therefore the fi rst data read was (mostly) those issues relating to the fami ly. The colour green was assigned to family and so h igh l ighted those portions of the scripts. As the scripts were read each major paragraph of each script was then numbered. 119 • Using Index Book - Col l ins Idea double Cash 6424 book pages were assigned for the fourteen themes. The named themes were entered at the top left of the page and the assigned colour code beneath it (appendix P). The practice of assigning one of fourteen different colours continued throughout the complete in itial reading of the interview data, eventuating in a l l scripts being extensively h ighl ighted with the thematic assigned colour code. • As the scripts were read, the themed data was recorded on the specific page of the I ndex Book under one of the fourteen themed, colour coded categories. Each respondent's number was entered under the corresponding theme, each time that particular theme was mentioned with in the transcripts. The scripts page and paragraph was entered alongside each respondent's number and name (appendix Q). • Simultaneously my contributions are highlighted in bright yel low to contrast with the fourteen colour coded themes (this was inva luable when the audit was conducted, however its relevancy was not obvious at that time). • The themes were flagged with green stickers. This was for ease of retrieval once the analysis of the data commenced. An i ndex page of content enabled easy cross-reference and access to respondent's individual interview scripts, to any specific page or paragraph or colour coded themes withi n the scripts. 120 • Concurrently another record was kept of specific statistical profile facts, in an additional Index Book for coding statistical facts - Gui ldhall Account Book 14 columns as summarised quantitatively in Figures 10, 11 and 12, shown on pages 122 - 126. 121 Respond 01 Respond 02 Respond 03 Respond 04 Respond 05 Respond 06 Respond 07 Respond 08 Respond 09 Respond 10 Respond 11 Respond 12 Respond 13 Respond 14 Respond 15 Respond 16 � I\) I\) Samoan Born Vi i I . Town * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Respondent Profile Figure 10 Family Titles Finance From Father Mother Left School NZ Yes No Yes No Age Yes No * 17 * * * 18 * 15 * 15 * 18 * * 7 * 7 20 * * 17 15 * 18 * * 15 * * * 7 * 15 to18 * * * 15 * Marital Status M D sgl P Children Age H. NZ * 5 20 * 5 8 * 0 * 4 7 * 2 13 * 15 * * 2+2 * 13 * 15 * 2 07/08 * 2 16 * 3 19 * 3 19467 * Respond 01 Respond 02 Respond 03 Respond 04 Respond 05 Respond 06 Respond 07 Respond 08 Respond 09 Respond 10 Respond 11 Respond 12 Respond 13 Respond 14 Respond 15 Respond 16 p I\.) w Respondent Profi le Figure 10 Migrate / Immg To NZ Choice Age Year Yes Some 23 1957 19 1967 18 1967 * 25 1972 23 1974 * 13 1970 25 1962 * 17 1952 23 1957 * 15 1952 25 1970 20 * 18 1958 * 20 1967 * 1956? * 21 * 7 2 Average age of M igration 19/20 years Transport Accommodation No Sea Air Friends Family * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 6 Expectations English Language Impressions NZ Yes Some No Like Dis Like * * * * * * * * ? * * * * * * * * * * * * Some * * * Some * * * * Respond 01 Respond 02 Respond 03 Respond 04 Respond 05 Respond 06 Respond 07 Respond 08 Respond 09 Respond 10 Respond 11 Respond 12 Respond 13 Respond 14 Respond 15 Respond 16 Respondent Profi le Figure 10 Employment Unions Church Yes No Yes No C P M * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * ? ? * * * * * * * * * * * ? ? * * 12 1 1 C - Catholic P - Protestant M - Mormon Mth - Methodist Dawn Stay i n Raid NZ Mth Yes No Yes No * * * * * * * ? ? * * ? * * * * * * * * * * 1 80% of Catholic Faith Accommodation Figure 11 In order to mainta in anonymity for respondents ( . . . ) have replaced employmenVaccommodationjresidency. Respondent � tv (J1 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Year of Arrival 1957 1967 1967 1972 1970 197 1 1962 1953 1957 1952 1970 1958 1967 1956 1960 Stayed With Relatives Rented a House Brother in Law Aunty State House Husbands Aunty Flat Sister Undefined Husbands Cousin 1962 Aunty - Short Whi le Aunty - Short Whi le Cousin Cousin Undefined 1958 Brother in Law Undefined Rented/Family Lived at Hospital Own Martial Status (now ( . . . )) Home 1958 M 1973 S ( . . . ) S * M 1992 S * S 1963 M Short Whi le S ( . . . ) * S * S * S * S ( . . . ) 1973 S 1967 M 1957 S ( . . . ) 1962 S * Year Undefined Combined - Marriage and Chi ldren Figure 12 Martial Status Married before coming to NZ Respondent 01 04 07 14 15 Total 05 Chi ldren P. I'V 0) Married after Samoan arrived in 01 NZ 04 Respondent 05 02 07 05 09 06 14 09 15 10 11 12 Total 07 13 16 Total 09 Ch i ldren with G randparents in Samoa Responden Number t of Ch i ldren 01 2 09 2 Tota l 04 Married To Never Divorced re- UK English Austral ian New Zealand Married Partnered 10 02 06 03 05 13 16 08 12 Total 02 16 Total · 03 . - 02 01 02 Respondents Chi ld ren Respondent Number of Respondent Number of Chi ld ren Chi ldren 01 3 10 5 03 5 11 4 04 4 12 2 05 1 13 2 06 2 14 4 07 2 15 2 09 3 16 2 14 Women with tota l of 41 Chi ldren -----_.- • Having completed the in itial colour-coding indexing of the raw data into fourteen designated colour-coded themes it was then important to retain the thematic integrity of the data as it was then transferred to individual themed files. • This was done by re-reading each script i n detai l and typing al l data verbatim to the individual named/themed fi le. In this phase many of the extraneous words were el iminated. • At the same time care was taken to refer back constantly to the themed Index Book to ensure al l themed data was transferred in its enti rety to the ind ividual fi les. No attempt was made to use the ' Edit' capabil ities of M icrosoft Windows at this stage of the formulation of clustered themes. The reason for this was my awareness that re­ typing the material provided a growing and more in depth fami l iarity with the data so important for the final phenomenological analysis procedures. • On completion of th is procedure fourteen individual themed fi les had been created, containing comprehensive verbatim narrative with which to commence the last stage of the analysis, the phenomenological data analysis. The deconstruction of the data had been carried out in such a way as to ensure that it had not become so fractionated that it invalidated or 'severed' Creswel l (1998:280) the connection to the in itial themes. 127- • No fi le was made specifically for my comments even though they had been highl ighted; as it was determined that this would fracture the data unnecessarily. My contributions were placed in reference with the respondent's verbal contributions. • Within this second stage I revisited the audiotapes and l istened to parts of the interviews that needed clarification for example, names or cultural i nformation or sections on issues of specific interest. One such issue of additional material that appeared to be of great importance to the respondents and quite outside the themes was the influence of the nuns at ( . . . ) Hospita l . • I n the margin early observations of the textual/actual happenings and the structural/values, attitudes and emotions were highl ighted for consideration in the third stage analysis. ' In our efforts to make sense of our l ived experiences with theories and hypothesizing frameworks we a re forgetting that it is l iving human beings who bring schemata and frameworks i nto being and not the reverse. Some argue that phenomenology has no practical value because you cannot do anything with phenomenological knowledge. But to paraphrase Heidegger, the more important question is not: Can we do something with phenomenology? Rather, we should wonder: Can phenomenology, if we concern ourselves deeply with it, do something with us'? (van Manen 1990:45) Van Manen (1990:167) provided an interesting d iscussion 'working the text', in which he suggested that the structuring of a phenomenological study or organising it ' is a search for organizational form and organic wholeness of the text that is consistent with the methodical emphasis of the research approach' . 128 He provided six possible structures or processes. To organise the material 'thematical ly' where emerging themes provided a generative guide for the writing in which the text is d ivided into chapters, parts or sections, which elaborate on an essential aspect of the phenomenon. The phenomenon is then further subdivided into sub-themes. While van Manen (1990) recognised th is as not being exhaustive of a phenomenon it does permit systematic investigation. These are the six strategies: (1) I n-depth conversation interviews that may be reworked into reconstructed l ife stories. (2) A singular description of a particular l ife situation or event the focus to show a puzzl ing and depthful nature of a research question. (3) Or to reveal a more thoughtful understanding or analysis of taken for granted assumptions. (4) The exempl ificative approach is done by 'rendering visible the essential nature of the phenomenon and then fi l l ing out the in itial description by systematical ly varying the examples .. . by considering various modal ities of [the specific topic] (p171). (5) The exegetical approach 'orients itself fi rst or primarily to the ava i lable phenomenological human science literature and organizes itself in terms of a discussion of those tests and the structural themes that their authors have a lready identified and discussed' (p172). (6) The existential approach is to, 'weave one's phenomenological description against the existentials of temporal ity ( l ived time), spatial ity ( l ived space) , corporeal ity ( l ived body), social ity ( l ived relationship to others) . . . how parents experience time differently form non-parents . . . how parents experience their pedagogical relationship to their chi ldren and with their spouses' (p172). Each contributed in part and could be presented as inventing an approach where 'a combination of the above approaches may be used' (p173). It is 129 important to recognise that the analysis structure 'should largely be decided i n terms of the nature of the phenomenon being addressed and the investigative method that appears appropriate to it' (p173). It is important to reiterate the fact that the themes emerged in col laboration with ind ividuals that played a pivotal role in the pre-pilot and pi lot to some extent determined the thematic focus uti l ised in the 'working of the text' or analysis of the data. 'Phenomenology is a systematic attempt to uncover and describe structures, the internal meaning structures, of the l ived experience . . . (p10) when you listen to a presentation of a phenomenological nature, you wi l l l isten in vain for the punch-l ine, the latest information, or the big news . . . (p13) . . . phenomenological research is a search for the fu l lness of l iving, the for the ways a woman possibly can experience the world as a women, for what it is to be a woman'. (van Manen 1990:10-13) Migration cannot exist without certain aspects. I n this i nstance the phenomenon of migration consisted of fourteen (possible) factors (themes) for these women as defined by a variety or triangu lation of sources with in the study. Each of these factors impacted upon and influenced the process or possibi l ity from early germination of the idea to the actual process of migration and the multi faceted experiences that constituted the l ived phenomenon migration. The ages of the respondents ranged from 15 years to 25 years of age, m igrating from 1952 through to 1974. It became apparent while conducting the i nterviews that the respondents were a strong vibrant group of women who simply did not fit the profi les or stereotypical negative images historical ly 130 evident i n popular writings and dialogue, with in an era in which progressive New Zealand Governments encouraged migrant workers to fi l l jobs within the service sector of the secondary labour market. My use of the term stories and narratives places the focus on the l ived experiences. Often through the interview process the women told me that this was the fi rst time they had been asked to reflect on their experiences in coming to New Zealand. This was confirmed with a l iterature search prior to, and a longside the empirical stages, that showed the paucity of any gendered studies, as stated, predominantly the historical emphasise centered upon the males as in itiator withi n the phenomenon m igration. By bringing forward the experiences of the women and attempting to gain a col lective thematic analysis of the multi faceted nature of the phenomenon of migration for women adds another dimension ( in reflection) to the existing knowledge and aspects of l ived experience as understood and experienced by women, that have been missing from both qual itative and quantitative empirical historical texts. From the commencement of the study, I struggled with the way i n which the respondent narratives might be presented with in the thesis, how best to place them with in the framework of an academic presentation. It was envisaged in itia l ly that the thesis be made up of two separate components, fi rstly addressing my peers with in the academy, secondly presenting the women's self-defined i nterpretations. As the work progressed each developed in para l lel . The constant di lemma of how to retain the essential integrity or essence of the stories became paramount. It is proposed the way in which the 131 methodological phenomenological perspective has proceeded, has a l lowed for a distinct separation of the two aspects of the thesis, yet each complement the other and without each working in close union neither would have developed with such clarity. In addition to Figures 10, 11 and 12, on pages 122 - 126, Figure 13 on page 133 shows the contributions to the themed questions withi n the i nterviews. 132 Contr ibutions to interview themes Figure 13 Respondent 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Fami ly School Remittance * * Marital Status * * Chi ldren * * * Migration Accommodation * Language * Expectations Employment Unions * * * * * * * * Dawn Raids * * * * * * * * * * * Church Remain NZ * * * * * Where ind icated by * this is where the respondent has chosen NOT to contribute to this particula r theme. No precise comparative analysis can be drawn from the results above. Cohen, Kahn & Steeves (2000:97) suggested that it is useful for the overal l rigour when presenting findings, 'to tel l the reader how many i nformants contributed to each cluster of categories' . . .'for two reasons' . . .'to demonstrate d ifferent patterns of experience and to establish the robustness of a category'. Figure 13 shown on page 1334 was possible by referring to the I ndex Book and noting under each theme the contribution or lack of contribution of each respondent to a particular theme. However it is i nteresting to note: • Respondent 08 appeared to contribute less in al l areas as she had taken holy orders as a nun a short time after her arrival , therefore many of the issues of family and chi ldren and (service work in secondary industry) did not relate to her experiences. • Al l appeared to contribute less to the theme Dawn Raids. • Few spoke about Unions. The silences with which these questions were received were interesting (as discussed in unions and dawn raid themes). • Al l contributed to fami ly, school ing, migration, expectations and impressions of New Zea land on arrival (the structural description within phenomenological analysis). • All contributed to the role of the church in their l ives. 4 Refer Cohen, Z.,Kahn, D. L. & Steeves, R.H. Hermeneutic Phenomenology Research A Practice Guide for Nurse Researcher, (Sage Publication, Thousand Oaks, 2000) p8l. 134 • Al l contributed to employment issues. Four stages of phenomenologica l data ana lysis The four phenomenological thematic analysis procedures used in this stage of the analysis were i nfluenced by Creswell (1998:281-295) and van Manen (1990:45-51, 167-173) and adapted as appropriate for this study. To enable the essence of a l ived experience to be transformed or to emerge from the raw data the fol lowing stages have been systematically worked through. Each major theme was considered through these four stages, to gain the essence of the l ived experience for women of the multi-faceted identity of the phenomenon of migration. Having placed al l the data within themed fi les (as previously discussed) the next phase, the four phenomenological interpretive stages of the analysis, commenced. 1. The reading and re-reading of the data (from the themed fi les as previously d iscussed) was then reduced further to specific issues with in those themes, for example 'attitudes' to the idea of migration and impressions of what New Zealand might be l ike (these are discussed in the themed analysis). 2 . The next step was to careful ly consider each of these significant statements, in order to al low for the emergence of additional data or significant sub-themes. The term 'sub' theme requires some definition . I t is not meant to indicate lesser emphasis, in fact the 'sub' themes emerged as critical to understanding the additional 135 revelations. The term indicates those themes that emerged from the data as opposed to the in itial themes that were gained col laboratively and in triangulation for the composition of the questionnaire. For example from with in the school theme the sub- themes desire, ability/independence and emulation of role models began to be revealed. This was due to the fact that the women mentioned these particular words or similar significant words inferring these emotions as affecting and effecti ng their intention to migration. These were then extracted from the data by expl icit exemplars and placed within a separate fi le. These exemplars provided the descriptive interpretation of the structural experience for the women. It a lso provided a strategy to show the clusters of comparisons; simi larities; differences and anomal ies with the experiences for the respondents. 3. The extraction of these and their formation i nto common clusters (shared experiences) looking for comparison, s imi larities, difference and anomalies revealed aspects of the emotional and personal aspect of the migration process that provide a unique view of the women's experiences. These common clusters are discussed as sub- themes within each major theme as being part of the col lective and individual Iived-in-experiences of the respondents. (Creswell 1998:280-292) . 4. Meanings were formulated through constant comparative analysis from these col lective clusters, in that the expression of desire was i nterpreted as one of the intentions to better themselves - this 136 emerged in conjunction with and was highl ighted by the fact that the women al l very early on in their l ives had wanted to better their status. This was i nterpreted as the emotion or feel ings the phenomenological structural factor that eventuated into the actual or textual factor of m igrating. I constantly referred back to the original transcripts to ensure that the extracted text did not fracture or misinterpret the original textual and structural perspectives. Each of the respondents had a lready l ived through the migration experience, therefore understood the expl icit perspective. However the essential structure or impl icit reflective essence emerged through this analysis, and was a l lowed to speak for itself as the essence of their l ived-in situation. The intent of phenomenological analysis is not to present the 'punch l ine' or to find conclusions (van Manen 1990:13) but to present the lived-in- experiences and the essential elements that emerge from within data and to endeavor to formulate or capture the essentia l theme. The phenomenology approach endeavours to revea l more than what the respondent actual did as a migrant, but to reveal how and to expose the feel ings and intentions behind the aspects of an experience. Creswell ( 1998:292) in his summary of the 'essentia l structure of caring' explained 'each subject already understood what was involved in a caring and a non-caring interaction, each subject i n order to expl icitly realise and descr ibe the caring and non-caring i nteraction, had to be already l iving 137 an understanding of the meanings . . . this study sought to understand the cl ient's way of being-in-a-situation as it was actual ly l ived and experienced ... the research remained faithful to being-in-the­ situation . . . the phenomenological analysis process .. .is arrived at [using] reflective activity' . This reflective phenomenological process al lowed this to occur. 'The procedures [of phenomenology has] been recognized as a project of various kinds of questioning, oriented to al low rigorous interrogation the phenomenon as identified at fi rst and then cast i n the reformulation of a question' . (van Manen 1990:131) The research question - what was the lived-in-experience of migration for Samoan women? This question is answered in part throughout the respondent's fol lowing descriptive verbatim narratives. 138 Chapter 06 Themes and emergent revelations School - School and influencing factors that contributed to the intention to migrate. (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) - In order to be faithful to the verbatim narrative accounts grammatical changes have been kept to a minimum) This chapter is d ivided into two parts firstly the revelations of the influences at school that infl uenced the later decision to migrate and secondly the process of migration and the relevancy of choice. From the thematic analysis of the interview material relating to school day experiences, certain characteristics manifested themselves, or emerged as three self-described additional sub-themes (those aspects shared by the respondents) desire; ability/independence; emulation (not mutual ly exclusive). The women described these with in the narratives as informing their later decision to migrate. These three aspects or characteristics that informed the process of m igration have not been previously defined in conjunction with school days. 139 However the 'propensity' (Connell et a l 1976) and 'motive' to migrate (Pitt & Macpherson's 1994) had some paral lels with the essential elements revealed by this study's respondents. The poignant observation by R1: I give up now, what am I going to do tomorrow'? Ri revealed her uncertainty of how her future might be shaped if she stopped attending school . At this young age she was able to draw comparisons between her abil ity to attend school , and her contemporaries and her desire to achieve more was evident in these fol lowi ng exemplars. We walk to my vi l lage school every morning. I go to bed at 10 o'clock and get up about half past four, and get ready to walk back to school at five. It is hard to walk by myself in the morning. If no one walk with me, my mother go with me. Some kids walk about a month and they give up, too lazy, I think I give up now, but what am I going to do tomorrow? Ri I look at some other young ladies they go with a husband and kids. I th ink, I don't want to be in that l ife, walk around with three chi ldren and they so young. That is what is coming to me in my own mind. [ intent] I think, I try my best, do whatever I can, for my future l ife, instead of this l ife. Ri There was clearly a distinction being made and evidence of dissatisfaction with the (self-chosen) situations of her contemporaries. In R1's opinion, they appeared be too young to be responsible for chi ldren. This appeared to indicate that R1 considered her peers could not, or had not real ised thei r potentia l . This early abi l ity to compare and judge appeared to in itiate early 140 aspirations to attain or achieve. This appeared to be one of the motivating factors influencing the subsequent (at that time) unreal ised decision to migrate. R's 12 and 13 revealed that their fami l ies could not afford to pay for school ing. Their desire to attend school, and the fact they understood and appreciated that gaining an education would prepare them and improve their chances to attai n a future status. The frustration expressed was evident in the following revelations about missing out on the chance to further thei r education. I wanted to go to St Mary's College but I didn't have a chance. They reckon I was too old. Now I know. I thought anybody can go to school, whatever age. I thought to myself how stupid, how stupid the way things , _ ) . worked and I don't know why. I was disappointed not going to school. My parents wanted me at home to help. I stayed home for a few years. It was boring. R12 We l ived on a plantation t i l l I was about eleven. Because we were so poor we couldn't afford any expensive school . The Catholic Church school was very good. They would take in a l l the poor chi ldren who can't afford a uniform. I left at sixteen, as we could not afford me going to school . I was really glad that I was able to read, Samoan especia l ly. R13 Each of these women felt the loss of not being able to take advantage of an education, not through any lack of i ntent on their part, but due to the parental influences and economic situations within the fami ly. (This woman is now a manager withi n a large institution with the control of a number of staff). 141 I went to a Cathol ic board ing school i n town. I think that's where I learnt to be i ndependent, and to learn things about l iving by yourself. I learned English because we weren't a l lowed to speak Samoan when we entered the convent. I used to cry a lot when I fi rst went. My mother used to come if she happened to be i n town. She made me more homesick when she left. My brother started going to school and my mother asked me if I could, you know, find a job, to support my brother. The Sisters give me job to teach the young kids. My brother he went to col lege, I wanted to go too. R11 The fact that the opportunity to attend col lege appeared to be taken away from the respondent and given, or provided for the brother made it obvious to this respondent (R13) as a young gi rl , that in her family the role or position of the brother was paramount to her desires. This aspect was not pursued i n-depth with in the interview, however there is strong cultural evidence (at this point in t ime) that male education was considered of more significance that that of thei r female fami ly members. Schoeffel (1979) and Holmes & Holmes (1974) studies address the issue of preference being given to the male members of the fami ly and the girls (at this point i n Samoa) being overlooked. Six of the respondents professed to speak confidently in Engl ish, with n ine speaking a l ittle English and one unable to speak English. The abi l ity to read and write in Engl ish was aspired to and a val ued commodity for opening up possibi l ities for the future. Rl1 showed how her desire and then abi l ity to read was one driving factor at school , if this meant she had to disobey the teachers then she revealed she was fatal istic about the punishment that fol lowed. 142 We got no letterbox so letters come through the school. The Sisters give you your letters, but every letter I got they open. But nothing wrong, it's not a boy, it's a girl . I love reading love comics but Sister caught me sent me to Matron to get a punishment. It's a sin to read comics. Comics make me understand English. Rll Reading (Engl ish language) romance comics appeared to project and stimulate a desire to succeed and this was done by continuing to struggle and teach herself to understand a foreign language (English). However this was not appreciated by the Cathol ic Sisters perhaps for two reasons: these comics were viewed as not suitable for young girls within the period 1950 to 1960 particularly i n the more traditiona l religious schools. Looking at comics at school (under an up-turned desk l id) was perceived (by the teacher) as not attending to the lessons at hand. The school's discipl inary procedures required some corrective process. This was administered by corporal punishment. The revelations of such situation accords with other claims with in Samoan school in that secular l iterature for example ' romance comics', with in religious schools, at that t ime was d iscouraged. The perception of ability/independence was establ ished in a number of the respondents at an early age. Rll mentioned this occurred as a result of boarding at school, away from home. This forced them to look after themselves (there are simi larities to the tradition of church boarding schools world wide). Those that did not go to boarding school , spoke about how far they walked to school each day; the long hours; the length of the school day and then the additional responsibi l ity and involvement with family and 143 household duties on their return home each day. These routines, though considered hard at the time appeared to stimulate and encourage a strong work ethic. These respondents reveal some of the manual work expected of them in the course of a school day. It took one hour to walk to school, cause no bus. You start away at 7 o'clock. The girls plant taro and fish at school sometimes. I stay in the vi l lage and help the pastor to teach the kids when the pastor and h is wife go they leave al l the kids in the vi l lage for me to teach. R15 We bui ld a school in another vil lage. We done a lot of work in that school picking up stones. We go to schoo l , but we a lso go and work in those days at the school . If you naughty you pick up stones. R1 We mostly in those days at school, we do a lot of work around outside, you know, cleaning and tidying and weeding and things l ike that. R13 This revealed how at times these young girls undertook manual and semi­ manual work whilst growing up, and the length of time and distance covered while walking to school indicated a resi l ience, and displayed the importance they placed on their education. Two of the respondents revealed their desire to emulate the Catholic Sisters who taught them. When I was quite young, at that time we had a Sister from America. She was very pretty. She had very dark hair and rosy cheeks. She was 144 beautifu l . I used to look at her, and thought when I grow up I 'm going to be l i ke her. R8 This resulted i n this respondent taking holy orders shortly after she arrived i n New Zealand and is sti l l in the order. The Catholic Church had a strong i nfluence on the respondents as girls. This is confirmed i n the statistica l analysis. Figures 10-12 on pages 122-126 show twelve of the sixteen women sti l l profess to fol low the Catholic faith and attend church. This positive female role of the Catholic teaching Sisters was an inspiration to the girls who attend Cathol ic schools. It was not a lways expressed in a positive manner. However the influence and strong identity with the church and successful women was seen or perceived as being a status that was desirable. What is significant about these sub-themes is the essential element that emerged, that this particular group of women as young girls, were aware, as they compared themselves with their contemporaries, that they wanted to achieve more than their peers. The sub-themes of desire, ability, independence and emulation, al l present positive self-images as each l ived or experienced these emotions on a daily basis. The women were conscious of status, and the implication for women of d is-empowerment if they remained in Samoa i nto adulthood. This drive to better their self, acted as a strong impetus to aspire toward a situation, where they could improve thei r status and attain those benefits they perceived were possible, by disengaging themselves from fami ly and country. This is what sets these women apart from their peers temporal ly and spatially. It provides clear evidence that they perceived the 145 advantages of migration as quite young girls, and thei r awareness and international ity for self-improvement. A number of studies have concentrated on migration for education, one significant study being Dunlop's (1982) Samoan Parents Perceptions of Primary Schools in which she questions forty fami l ies on 'their views on the choice of school for their chi ldren'. She stated that previous studies have been undertaken yet there was a 'fai lure to explore the minority groups viewpoint' . My contention is that few studies have centered on the hidden phi losophical i nfluences of school l ife as important or pivotal in the early formulation of the ' intentional ity' to migrate plus the influences of role models particularly the teaching nuns, are significant revelations emerging from the data exploring the germination of the idea of who or what were the influences in the young women's l ives whi lst sti l l at school . The respondents with in this study primarily preceded much of the immigration for education era, therefore more current l iterature does not capture the Iived-in-experiences of these young girls as far back as 1930-40. No previous study has provided this approach (a) the journey focus (b) a gendered perspective (c) a reflective interpretation of the underlying processes that occurred within the lived-in-experiences of these women as young girls. Lonise Tan ielu1 (2000 p49-60) provided an i nsightful reflection on her school days in Samoa, yet did not specifica lly address the role of the three sub-themes in the emergent findings. Jones (1985) also provided an informative expose on the achievement levels of Pacific Island gi rls within the 1 Jones, A, Herda, P. & Suaal i i , T (ed . ) Bitter Sweet, (University of Otago Press, Dunedin, 2000) p48-60. 146 New Zealand education system2. More contemporary material such as Pasifika Education Research Guidelines (2001) proposed research guidel ines and di rected that Pacific Island researchers develop more research expertise. The M inistry of Education's Pacific Peoples and Tertiary Education Issues of Participation (2002), Finau I Mea Si l i 's ( 1992) unpubl ished thesis and Kerslake & Taylor (1993) are but some of the texts that help define the role of chi ldren with in the school system. Bloombaum's (1973) extensive exploration of the educational achievements of Samoan chi ldren, and his questioning whether fami ly environment and acculturation had significant influences, showed some l inkage with school and early influences. However it was not the intention of my study to address the extensive issue of education achievement of Samoan children with in schools in Samoa or New Zealand. This is better undertaken by research focused on educational issues and is therefore beyond the scope of this study. With the study's focus on women, I posed the question - how did the phenomenon of migration germinate with in their consciousness? -migration did not occur in a vacuum. The women (as young girls) did not simply say one morning, ' lets go to New Zealand and work. ' What then began to emerge were significant experiences through school days, specific to the l ives of the respondents as women that were instrumental or effective in generating an intention or consciousness of l ife beyond Samoa. What was it that made these respondents, as opposed to others in Samoa, decide to make this l ife-changing move to New Zealand? What was it about their characters that defined their 2 Jones. A ( 1985) Which G i rls are learning to l oose? Gender, Class, Race in the Classroom i n New Zealand Women's Studies Journal, August, 2,(1);�-27. 147 perspectives to migration that was possibly not apparent i n other members of that community within this period? Through the interview process solid evidence was gathered that a majority of the respondents had arrived as young girls alone, some with no or few family in New Zealand. What emerged showed from their school days were significant sub-themes the women described as informing their later decision to m igrate. What was critical was the essential element that emerged about the d isposition and sub­ conscious decision on the part of the women as young girls to improve thei r status. The three sub-themes desire, ability/independence and the need to emulate role models, (not mutual ly exclusive) appeared to distinguish these respondents from their peers, each perceiving themselves as achievers. The emerging positive self-image was the motivation for and acted as a strong impetus for their decision to m igrate. What appeared to set these women apart from their contemporaries (this period in time) was that they could clearly see the advantage of moving from Samoa, (though this meant leaving fami ly, friends and country) but th is awareness and intenational ity for self­ improvement, extended beyond the emotional and physical discomfort that they knew would occur and that many in itia l ly experienced on their arrival in New Zealand. Existing l iterature has failed to make this l ink between the experiences of school and the germination of or the intentional ity to migrate. Therefore for these respondents these self-defined perceptions were the underlying factors or personal traits that i nfluenced their later journey. It is these col lective and 148 i ndividual clusters of characteristics that played a major role in their later lived- in-experience of migration. Migration - the positive and negative effects of 'choice' in the decision to migrate (refer to Figure 10, shown on page 122-124) The findings that emerged from with in the data d ivided the respondents i nto three groups, with three d ifferent perspectives in relation to the discretionary power each was perceived they had within the m igration process. The first group appeared to have been able to make an individual choice to migrate; the second group had some abi l ity to chose, but appeared to be influenced by fami ly members or fami ly members played an important role; the thi rd group appeared to have no abi l ity to choose. By taking the demographic data Figures 10-12 on pages 122-126, and overlaying it on the interpretive analysis, what the findings revealed were three d ifferent reactions to each process. Fi rstly those that revealed they had personal choice, spoke of empowerment and autonomy that resulted from an independence, producing (for those women) self confirming identities and a perceived control over their l ives. Secondly the apparent ambivalence experienced by the women for whom minimal choice existed, appeared to be balanced by referring to outside relationships that provided the support or the relational ties that had been severed on their move to New Zealand. Thirdly and sign ificant was the group for which choice was not an option, and the fatal istic attitude adopted towards their situation. These revelations produced the evidence of three d istinct, self-described, l ived-in- situations with settling in New Zealand. The respondents spoke about the fact 149 that they were able to make the decision or had the abi l ity or flexib i l ity for individual choice, each spoke positively about the experience of migration. I want to come to New Zealand. I 'm the first in the fami ly. I support and send money home. R7 I j ust wanted to come and see what New Zealand was l i ke. It is easy to get a job here. R5 I decided there was no way I get a job. I had to go somewhere. We didn't have fami ly here. I go to the office [in Samoa] all the time to find out if I get a work permit. If you have plenty of money you can afford a cabin, if you don't you kip on the seat. Rii [this respondent slept on the deck of the ship]. They cal l your name on the radio for immigration. They cal l my name. I don't want to be a slave for anyone in the vi l lage. I go to New Zealand. R12 I was about sixteen when I thinking about coming to New Zealand. I was th inking how poor we a re. I decide that I got to go to make a l iving, go to New Zealand. After three months I came over with another girl of the same age we came on the Matua3• R13 What is most significant in these five emergent revelations is the finding that the respondents who made the choice to migrate spoke less of the negative influences of homesickness and culture shock. 3 Matua, name of shipping vessel. 150 It cannot be assumed the women did not experience these, but it was significant that they appeared to assign less emphasis to it in comparison with the other two groups. The question might be, could this be taken as an indicator that if an i ndividual has the abi l ity to make such a l ife changing decision and is able to act independently? Coul d this help lessen the negative effects with in a process, in this instance the negative impact of the phenomenon of migration? Essentia l ly the women appeared to be confident of their individual choice and the self-generated repercussions of their decisions. Bonisch-Brednich (2002:170) provided a further interesting aspect to how women make decisions to migrate, stating the interviewees with in her study 'added a second dimension to the discussion: that of a pre-determined destiny' . For some of the Samoan respondents the migration was ' preordained' during chi ldhood or puberty; with others mentioning they experienced a 'spiritual ' aspect on a rrival in New Zealand This was also reflected in the emergent theme desire, and draws some paral lels between the experiences of the Samoan women and the German women of Bonisch-Brednich's (2002) study. The second reflective revelation were women who stated they had experienced limited choice, or that the decision was greatly influenced by fami ly, expressed or revealed, more emotional distress about the process to migrate to New Zealand. The separation grief these two respondents have suffered i n being separated, to some extent against their wi l ls, from chi ldren [in Samoa] . R1 revealed she went for medical help. 151 I don't want to go. I love my parents. I got two boys. I don't want to miss my family and my own land. It is very bad time when we left. My parents have my chi ldren. I cry I miss my boys I was real ly sick very bad every week. I go see the doctor and he said there's noth ing wrong with you. Ri I had two kids, I leave them with my parents I came over on my own. R9 The physical signs of grief were evident. The fact that the patient doctor relationship was a cross-cultura l , cross-gender exchange added to the misinformation and R1's distress. Separation anxiety is now also known to be a common symptom of homesickness. Grief counsel ing would have been an appropriate measure for this respondent. However l ittle evidence exists of the recognition of the adjustments to the New Zealand l ifestyle of the early migrant women between 1950 and 1960. Any support and network groups for new Pacific Island migrants were perceived as best establ ished by their churches and other Pacific Island organ isations. In some circumstances (as th is revealed), exposing one's perceived i nabi l ity to cope with this type of separation with in a close-kn it community, that traditionally encouraged the care of chi ldren with in the extended fami ly, was not considered an appropriate option for this respondent. R1 it appeared was expected to make these sociological and emotional adjustments with l ittle assistance outside immediate fami ly, which she chose not to discuss. My Aunty said you going to New Zealand. We taking you with us on hol iday. When we arrive my Aunty went off and make arrangement for me where I was going to work. She said you are going to work at the ( ... ) . I d idn't know what the ( . . . ) was. She took me to the hospital and I went, 152 Samoans always obey your parents, she was l ike a mother. I was absolutely homesick. I was seventeen. R8 My girl friend met me on the wharf. I came on the Matua, for a week. I was real ly homesick. My grandmother say don't stay you go for your l ife. My Grandmother die the week before I get the Tofua4• R16 It was fi rst time on a plane. When the plane coming up, oh make me scared. It's an adventure. You put on a dress and l ipstick you stay in hotel in Fij i . I got my own room and single bed. R9 These women expressed emotional and environmental sickness. It was significant that each spoke about friends or fami ly as provid ing compensatory support and fami l iarity or security on arrival i n New Zealand. Anae (1998) in her study addressed how important these affi l iations were as a 'coping mechan ism'. The respondents indicated a lso that going to l ive with fami ly (if able) assisted them in overcoming, (by rel iance on members with in the community groups), some of the a l ienation they experienced in the new culture. This is widely confirmed in contemporary l iterature, naming specific centers and regions that Pacific Island peoples gravitated to in order to l ive with relatives. A smal l publ ication Sione Comes to New Zealand A Samoan Migrants Story ( 1971) provided an ' instructional ' story of one boy's journey to New Zealand and how he had to adjust to the many 'strange ways' he found in New Zealand. It was a imed at non-Pacific writers in an endeavour to gain understanding for migrant chi ldren. It is also interesting to read Fairbairn­ Dunlop's (2002:144) account of Emele-Moa Teo Fairburn's m igration journey 4 Tofua. name of shipping vessel. 153 i n 1943. They bought a house i n Ki lbirnie Wel l ington and 'were the only Samoans in Kilbirnie, and for many years it seemed like we knew every Samoan in Wellington, and in New Zealand', how the fami ly 'built a large shed at the back of our house to fit all the people ', who arrived to stay with them as the fi rst point of contact in New Zealand. The ambivalence the women expressed to problems experienced on their arriva l is balanced by the fact they were able to draw support from extended support groups to counter the feel ings of disjuncture and the cross-cultural adjustments that were required in itially. Except for R16 these women stayed with extended family on arrival . The five women who revealed they had no choice, also revealed it was authority figures with in their immediate family, or parents who decided they should come to New Zealand. It was a hard; I was caring for my mother. We needed the money. R4 I d idn't have a choice. I d idn't feel sad because I a lways thought of going back. My parents thi nk it best. R2 My parents decide it was best. RiO I left school to tra in as a nurse. My parents cannot afford to help. They want me to come to New Zealand. R9 No one left in Samoa [a l l fam i ly migrated] . R3 154 Four of the five women in this category revealed their parents made the decision that they would be better off in New Zealand and so either accompanied them or encouraged them to migrate. Larner (1991:55) stated that the 'migration decision was made for the woman by her extended fami ly [and] . . . such decisions were made i n a cultural setting i n which there are strong obligations of family members to one another'. The respondents testified to this w ith some adopting an almost fatal istic attitude to the fact that the decision was made for them. The fact that none of the women spoke about homesickness and the problems of adjustment raised the question. Did they simply deny the existence of negativity within the experiences in order not to draw attention to any perceived personal inadequacy on their part to justify fu lfi l l ing the ir obligations? What was significant about these three revelations was that the women, who revealed they had personal choice, spoke of an experience of empowerment and autonomy that resulted from an independence to choose, establishing self-confi rming, positive self-identities with perceived control over thei r l ives. They spoke less about any negative influences such as homesickness and cultural shock. It cannot be assumed that the women did not in fact experience both of these as a result of migrating. However, they appeared to assign much less emphasis to these i n comparison with the other groups that revealed they had l imited o r no choice in the decision to migrate. The question of coping with the situation they were in, or had actively chosen possibly represents the self-empowerment they enjoyed . 155 . depth interviews and verbatim narratives giving a unique contribution. By al lowing the Samoan women respondent's revelations of issues of choice, little choice and no choice, to surface and be shown as a different and distinct expression from that used by Pitt & Macpherson (1974) of 'motive'. The l inkages between choice and 'motive' in the migration experience are strong, but the significance of these findings revea led by the respondents added the d imension of choice and revealed how the women perceived this d i rectly affected the way they were better able to cope with the new l ife in New Zea land. On completion of this part of the data analysis I noticed an interesting anomaly. Those respondents (above) that claimed they had 'no choice' did not in fact appear in the narratives projecti ng positive images in early days. There was a lack of positive exemplars. This then raised the question, if they d id not reflect on experiences that were positive might this then indicate they lacked or did not attain the three sub-theme categories? M ight this be seen as contradictory evidence that could appear to negate the assumption of my first assessment of the women's 'desire, ability and emulation ' qual ities? After consideration I consider it does not, as the women did not state they actively refused to come to New Zealand, or that they sought other ways of avoiding the move. However it does reveal or confirm, the l imited positive narrative from these respondents to the in itial move to New Zealand. The evidence of their emergent self-confidence is sti l l an important and integral part of the attitude and decision-making process they went through. Few expanded upon this aspect of the process. 157 The invisib i l ity of Samoan women's lived-in-experiences could be perceived as not wanting to draw attention to ones self, as emerged within the interviews and to some extent confirmed within these comments: 'I don't want to make a fuss' I don't want others to know' 'I just keep quiet about it' ' It's nothing' 158 Chapter 07 Themes and emergent revelations Expectations and impressions - the cost of undertaking the phenomenon migration (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) This chapter is divided into two parts fi rst the revelations of the expectations and impression of migrating to New Zealand and secondly the role of language with in the migration process. What emerged from the thematic analysis were four self-described sub-themes that revealed the adjustments the respondents were required to make as part of this phenomenon/migration. Each is interwoven and therefore frames much of the fived-in-experiential adjustments required of the women. The rural to city l iving adjustment; the often h idden impl ications of the different weather patterns; the often critical issues of identity that emerged when arriving in the era when New Zealand held suspicions 'about people that were different'. 159 One of the respondents used the term 'skin colour'; and indicated how the fact that she had suddenly become more aware, and had been made to consider her d ifferent ethnic background had come as a shock to her. The women stated they engaged in a 'coping mechanism' using Anae's (1998) terminology, they 'just got on with it', in order to function amidst very new and unfami l iar surroundings. Spoonley et a l (1995), Pitt & Macpherson (1974), Fuamata (1994) and Jansen (1990) each addressed this issue and in particular Jansen (1990) showed some paral lels to this study, in that it is the gendered narratives of ten ethnically diverse women. None of these studies took an historical reflective viewpoint or approach, or endeavoured to d iscover or reveal through phenomenological analysis the lived-in-experiences specific to women. Each of these sub-themes (above) revealed the lived-in-experiences of the unfamiliar; strange; often alienating; and sometimes frightening experiences on entry to the New Zealand way of l ife. The determ ination and degree of confidence that emerged from within the respondents' narratives revealed their abi l ity to take a risk in leaving fami ly and country in order to actuate their ambitions to improve their status and di rectly and indirectly the status of their fami l ies in Samoa. For the respondents, where the average age at the time of migration, was nineteen years in this study, showed an impressive attitude to 'perceived' responsibi l ity. This aspect of kinship obl igation is well documented in contemporary l iterature, (Connell 1980, 1976), Ahlburg (1990), Fleming (1997), yet none of these writers h ighl ight the ages of the women. The Samoan women with in this study revealed not only that they had to deal with major adjustments on arrival in New Zealand, were 160 also sti l l nearly a l l teenage girls. There has been a fai lure to acknowledge this with in previous studies. The adjustment from rural to city l iving coming to terms with change One of the most difficult adjustments (for the women) was the move from the (rural ) v i l lage in Samoa to the metropol itan cities of New Zealand. Twelve came from rural Samoa , four from with in the vicin ity of a town (Apia). These next exemplars provide significant insight into issues that have not been expanded upon in many other studies particularly in the voices of the participants or respondents. In my mind I th ink I am stupid. Why I leave my family and my job. I start crying. In the night I look outside, another new thing for me the l ights on the whole night, the l ights outside. I look in the middle of the n ight, and I think, oh the l ights never turn off t i l l the morning. I can't sleep. Why I come here. It was so quiet in Samoa. In the night we sti l l play outside the moonshine in Samoa. R1 I thought [NZ] all concrete no trees no grass. The closed bui ldings, I found that real ly difficult. I thought goodness just l ike prisoners. It took me a year to settle. It was scary. I find it hard to adapt to fit into palagi society. I thought goodness the way they do things, they l i ke to own a home it is very important. R6 I thought New Zealand no grass. I shocked it's the same as the island, but is land poor. R7 161 arrive i n New Zealand and see beautiful homes on the street. Everything was nice and clean beautiful manicured lawns and gardens and each house so neatly p laced and fenced off from the house next door. I found it exciting. RiO We l ive with relatives. I think back my home. Four kids and two bedrooms, every day and night I cry I want to go back. We sleep on the floor four months. We sleep on the floor in Samoa but in New Zealand the floors are hard not soft l i ke in Samoa. Ri4 Coming from a small vi l lage, it was noisy here. Lots of traffic a l l day. I missed the silence and the birds in the morning. We l ive in Penrose by the factories. R11 I didn't know how to use a phone, it ring, and you look at it, and pick it up sometimes, but we put the phone upside down [to our ear] . Also alarm clocks, did not know how to turn it off. We don't have that sort of thing back home. It is the chickens and bi rds, they sing early hours of the morning that is how we know it dayl ight, our rooster, our alarm clock. Ri2 Few studies have actual ly presented the women's Iived-in-experiences of the environmental , spatial and situational changes moving from rural Samoa to inner city Auckland required self confidence and the abi l ity to adjust quickly to new surroundings; l iving with friends or relatives in a New Zealand style house rather than an open Samoan fa/e. Pitt & Macpherson (1974:81) provided i l l ustrations of the d ifference in accommodation, yet l ittle has been asked of Samoan women about the emotional and physiological costs as a result of this dramatic and instant spatial adjustment on arrival in New Zealand. 162 Fairbai rn-Ounlop's (2002:144) poignant comment 'we learned to l ive with windows and cold ' also reflected the difficu lties for the women of this study. In addition to these was the experiences of; applying for work; organising individual accommodation; learn ing to cook on Western stoves; (one respondent told me how she continued to cook on an open fire in the garden until it got too cold), beginning to recognise food types, particularly in the supermarkets as the purchasing of food was (more so) considered a basic female responsibil ity at that point in time. One respondent revealed the ongoing hardship of attempting to read food packaging, and how this once simple job had now turned i nto a stressful exercise negotiating the shopping at the local supermarket. One respondent stated that she would walk into a large shop and not know where to go. I n the early 1950's there were few Pacific Island specia lty stores sel l ing taro, green bananas and other fami l iar and important components of the Samoan diet. ' It's the noise! ' ( . . . ) The women frequently revealed, what was particularly hard for them, was the apparent level of background noise (which is part of any city envi ronment now known as 'white noise') the constant drone of the city activity. The women mentioned this caused them varying degrees of depression, exhaustion and anger, particularly as they were not used to the pervading, constant, low droning background sound that was present in many of the work and l iving areas some Samoan came to such as Penrose, El lersl ie and Mt Wel l i ngton . Many of the women also went to work in noisy factories, working at machines al l day being subjected to constant and at times deafening noise levels. The 163 respondents revealed how ti red they constantly were, (there was no early afternoon rest period traditionally observed in Samoa). Some of the women found this d isruption to their body clock extremely hard . The combination of the noisy work place and surrounding city noise exacerbated and further al ienated some of the women from and with in their new surroundings. Many of the respondents had to walk (long distances) to work, then stand al l day on concrete floors, often not being used to this type of ground surface. One aspect of working at night was the fact that often the women were a lone i n either office blocks or large institutions. One respondent mentioned that the buildings were like prisons and that she found it hard being locked in at night, each woman was required to lock herself in the bui lding while working for security reasons. A number of the respondents who worked as n ight cleaners, mentioned that this lack of freedom of movement and the concrete structures of the bui ldings appeared to make the women fearful of being alone in these spaces, yet they were expected to continue and adjust. It appeared no formal agency sponsored advice for new women migrants, unl ike the current plethora of advice provided by government and non-government agencies. After a considerable l iterature search I was only able to access some early work place documents provided by the Labour Department (1978) that provided some background i nformation on how to work with palaigi Metge (1978) late in the 1970's attempted to al lay the misunderstanding with in the work place by publ ish ing this small booklet. The Vocational Training Council (1976) and the Polynesian Advisory Counci l (1985) publ ished two instructional booklets in an endeavour to assist with inter-ethnic relations with in the work place one aimed at non-Pacific peoples, 164 the later for Pacific peoples. This lack of support information was a d irect result of these workers being perceived as peripheral to the main workforce. Being migrant, transient and often i n work that made them i nvisible to the majority of the work force, such as night shifts, exacerbated the lack of support and formal advice on how to cope with such situations when they arose. This is confi rmed extensively within the existing l iterature. Larner (1991:21) stated .. .'governments . . . expected that Samoan migrant workers would pack up and go home should their labour become superfluous' , therefore l ittle was in itial ly undertaken to assist migrants with resettlement. A number of the women spoke about the weather and its affect upon them mental ly and physical ly. We look at al l the people walking with long overcoats, scarfs on thei r heads and hats. Ri I l ike New Zealand but when winter comes I don't l ike it. R4 I d idn't have many clothes for the cl imate I couldn't afford them. It was cold at night when we sleep on the floor. R14 It was so cold. I had to wear a l l my clothes. It was hard for me to move. I don't want to tidy anymore. I am too ti red of leaning, al l new things, and different th ings every day. R12 This revealed some of the discomfort and ongoing stress experienced i n adapting to envi ronmental changes. The continual effort that was required to perform even some of the smal l daily routine tasks and the conscious effort to overcome these stressful pressures in order to function. This situation was exacerbated for those respondents who were employed under contracts to 165 either private companies or i nstitutions such as hospitals (where they often had l ive-in positions) and had to reconcile the aloneness and isolation and unfami l iar surroundings, with the need to earn money to support family both i n Samoa and New Zealand and this appeared to generate a fatal istic attitude, with comments l i ke we: 'Just got on with it' ( . . . ) 'We learn to cope' ( . . . ) In addition to the envi ronmental changes six of the respondents revealed how the rising racial tensions made them feel . What emerged was evidence that prior to arriving in New Zea land, their Samoan identity was the norm, rathe r than the exception, however i n New Zealand they began to be aware of the i r ethnic difference. 'We see the way New Zealanders' look at us' ( . . . ) I meet Maori people and European people not used to them because not such people in my l ife in Samoa. R9 There wasn't many Samoan around the factories in those days (1968) . R11 I wasn't happy the way people treated my being Polynesian. I d idn't want to bring racism. I d idn't want to be Samoan I didn't want to be palagi I d idn't want to be Chinese. I just wanted to be me. R13 Some people were nice and some people not nice. They don't l ike our colour, our way. R15 166 There is considerable material that addressed in-depth issues of racism, and the media's role in producing, mainta in ing and exacerbating the often overt racial tension, Spoonley (1995:11) discussed the problems that were encountered by Pacific Island peoples and the emergence of racism. He argued that 'the contemporary expression of racism relate[d] d irectly to the pol itical economy of labour migration in the post-war period' . The findings or revelations emerged through the analysis of the Iived-in-situation of this racism for some of the respondents. Anae (1998:230) addressed this stating that 'the theme of racism permeates members recollections and experiences of the 1970's'. The respondents revealed how they had not previously had to consider their ethnicity or skin colour and that on arrival in New Zealand they became conscious of the fact they were dark skinned. Often Pacific people experienced overt racism. Spoonley (1995:14) addressed the problems Pacific Island peoples encountered with the derogatory terminology ' Islander', and the stereotypical way they were defined as a 'problem' with taking work from non Pacific Island workers. However this term combined the many nations of the Pacific together under this racia l ly motivated and maintained title that then disadvantaged individual ethnic groups. Krishnan, Schoeffel & Warren (1994:21) addressed the issue of stereotyping of Pacific Island workers, and the negative affects i t produced with both the community and for individuals, yet l ittle opportunity was taken in the early days to define which Pacific Islands were migrants. They were simply lumped together and the negative racist attitude that prevai led was directed across the board. The women stated this added a further dimension of uncertainty as to how New Zealanders would react to, and subsequently did react to them as individuals as belonging to a 167 migrant group as they did not l ike being cal led Islanders with the inherent racist overtones. Many of the women revealed they were contracted on two-year employment contracts, or working out work permits, meant few had a freedom of choice to go home, even when they felt terribly homesick. They strove to honour their commitments, whi lst ( in not a l l cases), experiencing the emotional and personal stress and the frustration and disempowerment that the comments revealed. Little emphasis has been placed on this aspect of women's l ived-in- situations. I promised to stay two years [at the catholic hospital] , they good to me bring me over with a contract in those days it was easy. Ri6 In those days you don't have organisations to support you, you learn to cope as you go. R2 I took me about a year. Al l the time I wanted to go home. Ri4 I did not have to send money home. I just spent it on myself, buy pretty clothes al l those th ings and shoes. Samoan people here at the Orange Hal l [a dance and function venue in Grey Lynn in the 1950-70] were very protective and caring of me. I get mad, I think I 'm not a baby, but it was lovely. R8 The women 's expectations of the new l ife they aspi red to in New Zealand, was to some extent countered by the early impression of New Zealand and the actual lived-in-experiences. The women revealed some of the adjustments 168 they were required to make both emotionally and physical ly, i nvolved the adjustment from rural l iving to city l iving, particularly as many of the women resided with fami ly or friends either in the inner city areas or situated a longside industrial areas of metropol itan Auckland. The feel ing of a l ienation that occurred with the women is a common factor with this form of upheaval and is widely documented in international femin ist studies, Benmayor & Skotnes (1994), Momsen (1999), Knorr & Meier (2000), yet few studies i n New Zealand have focused upon this issue as one factor of migration adjustment for Samoan women , and from their own perspective. Pitt & Macpherson (1974:81) i l l ustrated within their text the difference between the city and rura l environment of Samoa and Auckland, yet l ittle was expanded upon on how women adjusted to the enormous changes that were required to adapt to this structured, concrete-fi l led gray dwel l ing situation. Few studies in this period attempted to gain the actual participants viewpoint, or attempt to reveal the particular stress level caused to women migrants when l iving with in a city envi ronment, as opposed to the (mostly) rura l background of thei r chi ldhoods. The words the respondents used within this study described their feel i ngs, unfamiliar, loneliness, being alone, fear, and inferiority. Many of the women were under contract (for a specified period) and not able to return to Samoa, i rrespective of how homesick they became, ' It took me a year (to settle) R14 mentioned, reflecting the general opinion of many of the women. Fai rbai rn-Ounlop (1996) on the front cover of Tamaitai Samoa Their Stories, aptly quoted 'In times of adversity, they literally shrugged their shoulders and kept going, adapting to every life event'. This is the phi losophy these 169 respondents brought with them to New Zealand, and it was this attitude that so impressed me in 1987 when considering the need for this research, the women did actual ly shrug their shoulders and tel l me, '/ just have to do it get on with it'. Ravuvu (1992:334) briefly touched on this issue stating these 'pioneer settlers became the source of encouragement and security for the next wave', l ittle recognition has been given to a gendered view as emerged from the respondent narratives, and how as fi rst wave pioneers for fami ly with the critica l aspect of their youth (average age 18 years) they often struggled alone. This important issue has been historica lly subsumed with in the context of the existing materia l . Language - l inkages between language self-esteem and identity (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) From the thematic analysis, three self-described sub-themes emerged: firstly the women's abi l ity to speak and read Engl ish; secondly thei r attitudes to and their l inking language use and their identity; thirdly their efforts to preserve the Samoan language by insisting chi ldren and grandchi ldren spoke only Samoan when addressing them. Of the sixteen women, six could speak Engl ish reasonably fluently prior to their arrival in New Zealand. This abi l ity obviously helped as it became apparent in the succinct statements each gave. I speak Samoan and Engl ish. I n school you take both languages. Most of the nuns are Engl ish ladies. The nuns they tal k in Samoan but some 170 words you can't understand. The generation before us there was no Engl ish at al l up unti l 1920. R1 This respondent was born in 1934 and was first generation bi-l ingual in Engl ish and Samoan. It was interesting to note the effort she subsequently made to ensure her chi ldren and grandchildren retai ned the Samoan language. Before I came to New Zealand I spoke Engl ish in school . R4 I just pick it up. I speak more Samoan. Some mothers wanted their chi ldren very much to speak only Samoan and not much Engl ish . R5 I learned English at school . I could read a l ittle. R9 We were encouraged to speak English at school but when we got home we reverted back to our mother tongue. R10 I went to a boarding school. That's where I learn English because we weren't a l lowed to speak Samoan. We stopped as soon as we entered the convent. R11 The fact some students (this did not appear to be the situation expressed by a l l the respondents) who attended convent schools, were not permitted to speak Samoan with in the convent compound appeared to some to have a detrimental affect, rather than a positive effect on their learning abil ities. Few of the women could communicate in Engl ish, with even less being able to read to any extent in English or Samoan. It appeared that the authoritarian approach to learn ing Engl ish ( in some i nstances) by forbidding them to discuss or practice 171 articulating English amongst their peers might have had a negative result. This situation was also enforced at some employment sites in Auckland. It is suggested that a more interactive learning process whereby they cou ld speak thei r own language and exchange comments whilst practicing Engl ish, woul d have produced a more supportive l earn ing environment. The non-inclusive approach to incorporating Samoan whi lst learning English, acted as a barrier rather than a benefit. There is an extensive amount of texts addressing the complex question of language and identity (Vasta 2000), Chal l is (1973), Tamasese et al (1998); yet no writers provided the narratives of the lived-in-experiences of the research groups. It was i nteresting to note that they were at times stopped from using their own language whi lst at school and this was repeated in the work place in New Zealand. They ind icated is had both a negative affect 'we stopped speaking Samoan ' or drove others to ensure they retained their language and encouraged their ch i ldren to use the Samoan language. In school days I love reading comics. I col lect them. Sometimes I open my desktop and read comics. Sister caught me and give me a strap. We not a l lowed to read comics because it's a sin, wou ld you bel ieve that? Anyway I d idn't read at school after that. I read at home. I learn. R16 Painful emotional memories sti l l remain with this respondent (shared off-tape) over the fact that as a girl she was attempting to improve her reading abi l ity ( i n a somewhat unorthodox way) by reading Engl ish comics and was frequently punished for this. Her determination was not d iminished, by this corporal 172 punishment she continued to want to improve her Engl ish reading fluency when removed from the authority of the teaching nuns. The level of Engl ish language usage and abi l ity of new migrants, particularly the migrant temporary workers, was not aggressively pursued or actively assessed by the Immigration Department between 1950-1970. This is evident with the number of women stating they spoke very l ittle Engl ish and one not at al l . The abi l ity to speak English could possibly have been over-estimated at that time. Few of the women would have understood the finer nuances of the English language, therefore would not have been in a situation where they could assess for themselves their own competency level . The fact they remained i n manual jobs, expressing the fact that their Engl ish was not good enough to get 'office' work, few were able to greatly improve their Engl ish language ski l ls. At the time of the interviews, this group's Engl ish language abi l ity greatly exceeded that of the women, who revealed they spoke l ittle or no Engl ish on arrival in New Zealand. Three women self-taped and therefore the answers to the questions were brief and they did not mention how they learned English. R6 and R8 both had excel lent Engl ish. Both women were raised in bi-li ngual , bi-cu ltural fami l ies. Four spoke a l ittle Engl ish. Two women spoke about 'picking up' factory English. When I arrive here I understand when people speak slowly, but it was very hard for me to understand if they speak fast. My Engl ish was very 173 poor when I arrived. When I went to work here, I pick it up from the girls at work. We could not get into an office job, our level of Engl ish and education not good enough. So service work is al l we can do. R12 I learn my English when I come here, as the nuns were al l from France we teach them Samoan. R7 Often the language ski l ls they were able to 'pick up from the other girls ' known as 'factory' English. This did not help to improve their vocabulary to any great extent. Whi lst remain ing in these occupations, further reduced their opportun ities into other areas of the labour market, requiring a good grasp of the English language. One respondent spoke no Engl ish. I worked in the kitchen [hospital ] which was a real ly hard job because of language problems. I was so scared, because I don't know what this and what that, and everything. You are on your wits end, in case you have done something wrong. I th ink to myself, the most important thing to learn the language was to l isten to the radio. So I made an effort to hear the radio, just to l isten to the sound, you know, the sound of how to say. Then final ly you pick up d ifferent words to say, but you don 't know what they mean. The one I l ike was Aunt Daisy [morn ing talk host on 1ZB radio in the 1950'-1960's]. I can remember one thing that real ly hurt me. I was asking a guy about the name of a street because I can't read. He turned to me and said 'cant you read'? I was so ashamed to tel l h im 'no I can't read' , I just went frozen, i t real ly hurt me. I remember walking down the street and crying. I thought isn't that bad when you can 't read . I was blaming myself. I wasn't blaming the guy for being rude. I thought 174 this is why is so important to read you don't have to ask anything. I go to a coffee shop I recognise the word 'tea' 'meat' . R13 I got this shy feel ing you know to talk to palagi in Engl ish. I take the kids to school . I was nervous but I have courage I ta lk to teachers I th ink they understand me. R14 A number of women mentioned how nervous they were of communicating i n Engl ish and also of being scared to talk unless people were Samoan. What emerged was how physically and menta l ly exhausting it was to constantly think in Samoan and translate and speak in Engl ish, a point few studies have developed in relation to the Iived-in-experiences of Pacific women . The fact that the women were performing manual jobs (they stated) enabled them to watch what was taking place and copy. This lessened the need to communicate in Engl ish. What was revealed was the 'aloneness'l and isolation many experienced, created and exacerbated by the barriers faced in al l a reas of communication. This further decreased their self-confidence and any attempt to practice speaking in Engl ish. Added to this 'aloneness ' was the fact a number of the women had not previously worked in factories or large manufacturing plants or bui ld ing where commercial cleaners are employed. The language problems increased this disorientation in the work place. I work in a factory some boss they understand how to explain slowly. I cannot understand unless they know how to expla in slowly and by doing the action. They al low us to ta l k in Samoan but soon they make us stop 1 Refer Barrel l , J . E 'Feel ing Alone' in Pol l io, H. R. Henley, T. B. & Thompson, C. J . The Phenomenology of Everyday Life, (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997) pp157-19. 175 for six months, then the manager said ' it's not fair' and we al lowed to ta lk in Samoan again. R9 Seventy five percent of the women were from rural a reas, where predominantly (at that time) the Samoan language was spoken; therefore (they stated) thei r inabi l ity to speak English effectively stopped them from forming friendships on the job sites, this increased the feel ings of separation and of d ifference, many revealed they had experienced. When I come here they have n ight classes for people but I have no time, who is going to look after the kids? My husband work at night. R7 The respondents revealed that their i nabi l ity to communicate in Engl ish was mistaken as them not wishing to cooperate, or being too lazy to try. Being unable to speak with other migrants (as directed by supervisors and managers) during work hours, also hindered thei r abi l ity to improve their Engl ish, as the women said that as they joked about and laughed, they were sometimes tel l ing each other what not to say and slowly learning from the other Samoan gi rls who spoke more fluent English. Being told not to speak your own language appeared to have a detrimental affect on the women, as language and identity are closely l inked. There has been extensive material written on the desire to retain and the resurgence of languages in this case Pacific languages. Hunkin-Tui letufuga (2001:197) stated 'Professor Spolsky's 1988 report on the Samoan language in New Zealand and Samoa . . . noted . . . the Samoan language is fundamental and important to the maintenance to the Samoan culture in 176 New Zealand .. .it is also critical . . . in maintaining . . . traditional ethnic social , rel igious and cultural values'. The women indicated that by being refused to speak their language they felt ' cut off' from their fami l iar Samoan identity yet had not become fami l iar or able to communicate in Engl ish. Therefore experiencing a frustration i n not being able to establ ish a new identity in New Zealand, and slowly loosing their abil ity to speak Samoan. Each woman revealed the problems encountered when attempting to read bus timetables; fi nding the street name for their work place; fi l l ing in English written employment and union forms; adhering to company rules often explained in Engl ish ; then having to perform a long hard day's work in addition to al l these energy sapping lived-in-experiences of orientation. They revealed that on arrival the fami l iar cu ltura l cues (both environmental ly and emotional ly) they took for granted (in Samoa) d isappeared. This acted to some extent to d isempower them (if only for the in itial period after a rrival ) . A number revea led it took about a year to lose the feel ing of 'a/oneness '. Some spoke about the frustration and subsequent anger that overcame them, experiencing disorientation with their new surroundings. The fact of being misunderstood caused d iscomfort and emotional sensitivity, making them further aware of the existence of racial tension. A number of the respondents had not previously been exposed to th is situation, (having been protected to some extent) whi lst growing up in Samoan vi l lages, with Samoan fami l ies. A feel i ng of inferiority that was revealed as experienced by the respondents was di rectly l inked (by them) to the fact they were refused permission to speak Samoan in many New Zealand work places. I n some instances this made the women more 177 determined to ensure their chi ldren and grandchi ldren spoke both Samoan and Engl ish. Five of my children were born here. When they smal l I never ever ta lk to them in Engl ish. I always tal k to them in Samoan. When they start to go to school I th ink that's the only time you can speak Engl ish, when you come back home we are Samoan so we talk in Samoan. Some Samoan kids come together with family and they j ust sit there just l ike deaf people they just don't know what other people are talking about. When we a re laughing they just sit there and stare. I th ink some people have lost their culture lost the language not from the chi ldren it's from the parents. My grandchi ldren I tried to teach them I said if I ta lk to you i n Samoan you try to speak to me i n Samoan, I 'm a Samoan not a palagi lady. I ta lk to you in Samoan so you speak to me in Samoan. R1 The fol lowing verbatim narrative was gai ned through interviews with a Samoan secondary source/gatekeeper. It is used here with the permission of the secondary source providing a women's perspective of some of complex issues of language and identity that arose in the early period of migration. ' . . . It was hard they were so determined and so happy to have a job and to be paid they real ly worked hard and if someone else who understood the language was there they would ask of the person. Everything was sort of done slowly or by instruction methods. [English speaking people] some were very impatient they had this bel ief that these people should understand. This happened in the 60's but I became aware of it in the 70's. Some of the supervisors thought they should not speak in Samoan to each other during work time, but that was how they were learning from the ones who could pick up very quickly. Samoans very happy people when amongst themselves, smi l ing and laughing, this is what the 178 palagi objected to, they thought they were being ridiculed, but they were not, they [young women working in the hospital] were laughing at themselves for being so stupid with some of the th ings they were doing. We learnt by watching, by using our skil ls of observation by using our hands . . . I think New Zealand's took [young migrant women workers] for granted, we are good workers. In Samoan society the men sit in conference nearly every day, the chiefs of the vi l lage and they dictate what happens in the vi l lage whi le the women and young women and the young gi rls go about their work. I th ink we were very brave. I think those people that fi rst pioneered a lot of these jobs that they were asked to come to I think they were very, very brave and it's their chi ldren now who are the graduates in New Zealand'. Pitt & Macpherson (1974) briefly touched on ' language competence and status' . . . competence in English. This a lso impl ies an understanding of European culture and the European social and economic system. However they pointed out that 'a person who speaks Engl ish badly often becomes the butt of jokes . . . prestige is also derived from a knowledge and correct use of Samoan' . They a lso noted that some Samoans could not speak their language. The respondents of this study confirmed this when they drew strong distinctions between their chi ldren who are ab le to speak Samoan and other fami l ies who have let their language sl ip. Hunkin-Tui letufuga (2001:208) stated that 'over the last th irty or forty years there has been a downgrading of Pacific languages, brought about in part, by their neglect and relegation and, i n part, by uncertain ly and misguided advice given to Pacific communities in New Zealand' . The respondents confirmed their concerns with their chi ldren loosing the abi l ity to speak Samoan. The level of Engl ish language abi l ity and usage was not aggressively pursued or assessed by the Immigration Department 179 between 1950 and 1960. This resulted in some women speaking minimal Engl ish on arrival . Many Pacific Island workers arrived at this time on temporary work permits, and were therefore viewed as a transient work force. The Government(s) provided few agencies to address settlement criteria; it appeared to have been primarily left to church and community groups. With i n this study a number of women recal led how they had picked up 'factory English ', which did not u ltimately assist in greatly improving their Engl ish vocabulary. This acted as a barrier to improving their work status. Larner (1991) credited the fact that the women could not speak Engl ish well assigned them to the more menial jobs and th is was a factor that kept them with in this employment. This was confirmed by the respondents when a number revealed that by watching the job/s being carried out, this enabled them to copy the process involved, and by this system of observation they were then able to perform and maintain their jobs, but did not need to understand the verbal instructions for the work involved. Of additional significance is the fact that the women were not able to speak sufficient Engl ish to gain friends and they therefore experienced varying degrees of 'aloneness ' that was exacerbated by the fact that many of the women undertook jobs that required primari ly working a lone, such as evening and night cleaners. This often resulted in women maintain ing strong ties with a church and affi l iated groups with in which they a lready had assigned status and self-identity. The revelations within these sub-themes has shown the isolation and disjuncture that can be and was felt by the respondents and the questions of identity that arose due to the fact that they could not communicate adequately in Engl ish nor read Engl ish to an extent that enabled them to move seamlessly 180 between the two cultures. A number of the women addressed this issue, as did Hunkin-Tui letufaga (2000:28) when he commented upon Fishman's (1991) theory of ' i ntergenerational mother tongue transmission' stating that it was a mechanism used to ensure the next generation did not have to experience the same a l ienation. The use of this mechanism (though not the respondents terminology) was evident with the comments made by Ri and the driving force behind her unwavering desire to ensure her chi ldren and grandchi ldren retained their abi l ity to speak Samoan in her words: 'Not lose their heritage' 181 Chapter 08 Themes and emergent revelations Rem ittances - Women redefin ing parameters of traditional obl igations (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) This chapter is in two parts fi rstly addressing the issue of monetary obl igations secondly the role of the church with in the l ives of the respondents. The findings that emerged from the analysis showed from the original sixteen respondents, four stated that when growing up they remembered (but could not confirm) family in Samoa were receiving financial support from New Zealand; ten stated that no remittances were being received. The majority revealed they were the fi rst in their immediate fam i ly to migrate and send monies home to support family (R3 and R8 no information). There is extensive l iterature deal ing with an infinite variety of questions and interpretations of the importance and place of kinship reciprocity and traditional obligations within the migrant communities. 182 For example Connell ( 1980:04) refers to the 'determinants of remittances' . Ahlbury (1991), Fleming (1997) Tiatia & Deveral l ( 1998) each covered specific time frames, each being some thirty or more years after the women of this study migrated to New Zealand. The thoughts of early Samoan women migrants of their lived-in-experience regard ing the reciprocal economic system that underli ned much of their social economic decisions once in New Zealand has fai led to be included or transparent. Pitt & Macpherson (1974:13) refer to the 'basic institution of Samoan l ife - the aiga' , and how the 'aiga stimulated migration in several ways' . They state 'for some especially the women, a prime motive was simply to be able to l ive with relatives - chi ldren or parents'. The respondents in this study provided a different perspective that adds another dimension to Pitt & Macpherson's (1997) earlier findings. My study did not seek to provide extensive expose on the actual process or usage of remittances. What emerged from the analysis was the emergent ideology of how early in their re-settlement in New Zealand a number of the women voiced their d isagreement with traditional monetary obligations. The critical emphasis that emerged was the respondent's significant attitude to kinship reciprocity. Extensive analysis of the l iterature on remittances and i n particular Samoan women highl ighted the lack of information of women's lived-in-experiences and feel ings and subsequent justification for the re-defin ing this traditional reciprocal economic exchange system. I also found none emphaised how young these women were. What these findings revealed was the unique position of the respondents as pioneers in economic terms within the migration process, which then confirmed my original assessment of the women in 1987 183 that worked two jobs including night work, i n order to sustain their kinship obl igations. These revelations from the respondents showed how they actual ly felt about provid ing economic assistance to fami l ies. This has previously appeared to be subsumed with in the male generic term, or non-gendered text, or col lectively within statistical tables that overtly made these young women almost invisible. This point is critical to show how this study's narratives provided the emergent voices of young women, provid ing one of the important underlying premises of this study, therefore representing one of the most importance factors within this descriptive presentation. The respondents revealed the lived-in-experiences of these decisions and how they viewed the traditional obl igations and how this influenced the redefining of their role within this cu ltural expectation of reciprocity. We got our own money our father went fishing and sell it. We dry copra and bananas. I left two chi ldren with my parents, so we send the money to them to buy what they need. We open an account for them so my mother can get tins of mi lk and food for the boys. R1 R1's need to support her chi ldren influenced her to migrate. The respondent's seemingly unemotional remark about leaving her boys hid a deep grief (this respondent shared off tape) leaving her chi ldren to come to work in New Zealand. A number of women both single and married, suffered simi lar losses i n order to earn the money needed to support them i n Samoa. What emerged was the question, how does a mother resolve the ensuing emotional stress ( if experienced) particularly if this was a long-term a rrangement? There appeared to be few avenues for counsel i ng or support and the wages the women earned 184 cou pled with their fi nancial obl igations, it could be assumed there would be l ittle money left to pay for these services. Fewer wou ld have considered it thei r right to seek assistance for the emotional stress caused and experienced by separation from their chi ldren. The fact they revealed they would not have been able to support thei r chi ldren if they stayed in Samoan appeared to l eave them with little option but to seek work elsewhere. Leaving chi ldren in Samoa for a ny l ength of time resulted in a slow and pa inful estrangement from their chi ldren. Some mothers did not return who remained in Samoa to be raised by grandparents. We didn't have any fa mily in New Zea land at that time. I send money now my pa rents are both deceased I send rem itta nce to my sister and brother as gifts for mass or any other time they need fi nancial help. R2 I 'm fi rst in New Zealand and I su pport, whatever I get, I send some money. R7 When I stood on the land in New Zea land I was happy because I cou ld have a good l ife. Not only I knew I cou ld help my parents and my brothers and sisters. I worked and sent money to Samoa. I hel ped bri ng over my brothers and sisters. New Zealand is a land l i ke a father of the fa mi ly, because it helps a l l people that come here to strengthen the hel p for their family in Samoa. I th ink and feel about New Zea land it is a good place, a very good place, especia lly the Pacific peopl e. They have good l ives here in New Zealand. R9 We send money when we a rrive. People say, [you] I work at the ( ) for twenty th ree years some people say that is a long ti me. I say, wel l we did n't come looking for careers we ca me to look for a job to help our fa mi l ies. R11 185 I got an older brother, he here before the girls, he didn't help much. My sisters the ones sending money to help rebui ld the fami ly home. R12 I was first one in fami ly who left. So I had every month to send money home to my parents. I had two jobs when I moved out of l iving in jobs. I had to get a job and place to l ive. I had to do al l the commitment by sending money home and keep myself. I got sick, I know if I don't do something I lose my chi ldren and husband and my fami ly and of course my loyalty to my parents of sending money. I would go without th ings. I would l ie to my husband. R13 The women revealed ( in varying degrees) their disagreement with the matai system and the burdensome obl igations to the church. Some considered their giving as a 'weakness ' in their outlook, 'too generous ', and considered it a negative aspect of their personal ities that they could be made to feel obl igated. This emerged as the element that defined the ' intentional ity' toward the re- defin ing of traditional obligatory ideology of giving for these women. The fact that the respondents stated how fami ly sti l l impinged on their privacy and expected this form of assistance frustrated and often angered some of the women. They portrayed it as a 'no win' situation, if they didn't give they lost standing in the family and community, but if they did give their immediate fami ly suffered and had to go without things. The emotional d i lemma was evident. In New Zealand some women waste money for the church and thei r chi ldren no shoes, no school l unch. They go to social welfare, because 186 no money left for fam i ly. It is harder to grow food in New Zealand, you have to earn money to provide help and it is harder to do this so some people are trying to change the traditions to suit the new monetary system. In my own understanding, because most of the fami ly in New Zealand they hard ly go back because some women I work with they l ive here, they say too much things to do for other people. Their family fi rst now, I work hard for my family not for others. R5 My three sisters and brother send money especial ly the gi rls send more money to my parents. The money went to my father he was the head of the fami ly. He would decide he give money to the church and some to the vi l lage matai , that's where the money goes a lways to support the matai and vi l lage funerals even if you are not related. R12 I was working at ( ) Hospital . I was getting six pound a week for eighty hours, sometimes it went up to ten pounds. I had to pay this woman my fare back. I had to send money home. I had to keep some for myself for clothes. We need shoes and young girls l i ke pretty things. But by the end of the week there's nothing left. You start aga in and next week it is the same thing. You have no money for bus fare so I used to walk every morning for forty-five minutes [simi lar to the walk to school]. I managed to save enough to bring one of my brothers here and help the fami ly look after my parents. I wasn't happy it was hard I was scared to tel l my husband [married to a European]. I keep away from the Samoan church because they always ask for money you have to donate so much money. I don 't approve. I keep to the Cathol ic Church because palagi church they don't demand money. R13 Fami ly, [from Samoa] write letters and phone me to ask for a l ittle more money. I told home I 'm sorry I can't afford it I haven't got a husband to look after me and the kids. R16 187 (From the sixteen women twelve attended sti l l attend a Cathol ic Church). This clearly shows the ambivalence of the women to the obl igations of monies to fami ly in Samoa. The women were attempting to distance themselves from what was being perceived as unfai r obl igations, whilst being emotional ly torn between love of fami ly, supporting non-resident New Zealand fami ly and the obligations to their fami ly in New Zealand. Thei r comments indicated that these women were the in itiators for change with in the traditional Samoan system, as a result of l iving in New Zealand and adopting its economic systems. This indicates the changing identity and values that came in direct confl ict with their ethnic background and philosoph ies. The fact the findings show they voiced their disagreement with traditional systems and specifica l ly mentioned the matai system indicated emergent female voices. In contradiction and contrast to the predominantly traditional male perspective this provided a different perspective to much of the contemporary l iterature. Pitt & Macpherson (1974:38) use the terminology ' l ife crises' as a heading and examined how ' in l ife crises such as marriage and death and the rites of passage which accompany them . . . kin provide a labour force for the preparation of food, and a pool of capital to draw on ... status [is] gai ned for the family involved i n sponsoring and organising a large, extravagant gathering'. The respondents expressed the complex problems or burdens this placed on some of them. It became very clear that a number of them wished to distance themselves from these traditional obligations, and therefore re-defin ing traditional boundaries was being explored by the respondents as early as the late 1950's. 188 After considerable read ing it is not clear why the existing l iterature does not make this distinction and acknowledge the influence that these early pioneer women had with in the ongoing changes that occur within the process of migration and resettlement. These narratives revealed the l ived-in-situation and the significant and changing attitude of Samoan women to tradition in respect of kinship and reciprocity networks that had h istorica l ly underpinned the remittance flow. Essential ly these early women migrants were suggesting that consideration should be given to reconceptual ising this male institution or traditional custom and its relevancy to the changing situation that l iving away from Samoa can bring. The ideology of traditional obl igation now emerged to be in direct conflict with the newly accepted ideology that focused on the nuclear fami ly un it. A number of these women were in fact the fi rst members of their fami ly to migrate to New Zealand. In view of their youth, I questioned how many young women between the ages of 15 and 20, in the mid 1950's, were requ i red to, or offered to migrate to a foreign county, in order to provide financial ly for thei r (often) extended fami ly remaining in their country of origin? This finding would make a good basis for a comparative inter-ethnic gendered study, as what became evident in these fi ndings is the redefin ition of traditional ly held ideas. Since the period these women arrived in New Zealand there has been considerable contemporary material (withi n the last ten years) addressing the issue of new identities, and the transformation of identity (Spoonley (2001), Fei loaiga Taule'ale'ausumai (2001), and Anae (1998). Yet l ittle attention has been given to the issue of the young Samoan women's role, in re-defin ing by reassessment of their and others unacceptable burden placed upon them. They questioned the cultural 189 and ethnic ideology and the appropriateness of the continuance of this form or kinsh ip reciprocity. 190 Rel igious affi l iations - the role of the church in women's l ives (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) Every endeavour has been made to extract the name of churches and affi l iated organisations, the amount of monetary contributions, specific locations and designated names or employment personnel , in order to maintain respondent anonymity. From the analysis three critical sub-themes emerged that revealed the women's affi l iations with the 'church' . Fi rstly the i nfluence of religious teaching in chi ldhood and how this effected and affected the respondent's behaviour on arrival. Secondly the seeking out of similar social and religious environments that evolved into 'live-in ' at the hospital hostels. It is important to note, that often the women were not i n service work, within the hospitals, due to the fact that was the only work that would become avai lable. Rather, they actively sought this l iving environment, as it provided secure accommodation within the precinct of Cathol ic Hospital hostels. This aspect of resettlement has not been considered in the existing l iterature. Thirdly those that did not support the traditional form or obligation of monetary giving within the church. Each respondent attended a church school or the vi l lage pastors school . Al l parents (except R13) appeared to be active in the church of choice. The rel igious identity of each woman appeared to be integral to a l l areas of her l ife, with l ittle distinction drawn between secular and rel igious aspects. The distinction between the respondents were those who attended the Catholic Church, R's 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13 and 16 who were of the Catholic faith prior to, or became Catholic shortly after arrival in New Zealand. With a number of 191 the women this was as a d i rect result of working at a Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) . Non Cathol ic, R's 14, 7 , 12 and 15. R5 not attending church as she works through weekends. 'The influence of the churches in Samoa extends from the daily l ives of the people right through to national pol itics . . . [and] in the migrant community the position of the church and its ministers is as central and its influence as great as they are in Samoa' , (Pitt & Macpherson 1974:50,52). This publ ication was written in some cases ten to fifteen years after this study's respondents had come to New Zealand. The issue raised by these writers focused upon the church organisations and groups and the authority of the min isters. What is interesting is Pitt & Macpherson (1974) did not address the issue of extensive financial support provided by the young women respondents and the critical decisions they were required to make, as to how much financial support they could provide. It became obvious from a number of the respondents comments how divided, as a group, they were to this traditional form of kinship reciprocity. Those influenced by early rel igious instruction Once a Cathol ic always a Catholic. R2 When I was born into my family my l ife was ded icated to the church. This is the way of l ife in Samoa. When you born, you are born into the church. Until I arrive here in NZ I sti l l went to church and obeyed the church. R9 I support the church, it's a Catholic church, al l my fami ly attend church. I enjoy it. My fami ly is from old Christian. Everyone gets dressed up on Sunday. I never miss they give me a hard time, give me smack. I am ·192 happy to go to church every day. I sti l l attend church I go wi l l ingly. devote a lot of time to the church and to work of the gospel. R3 My mother is very rel igious, she is always talk ing to us about it, but she was the fi rst to say no to me becoming a nun1. Too many girls go into the convent in a hurry and have to come out. They can't commit to it long term. R11 I have been raised to do good things, don't do the devi l 's stuff. I went to the Congregational church in ( . . . ) as it was close to home. My sister and husband and kids went there to. At church it was boring in a way and I thought to myself, okay as long as I be good , I don't have to go to church, just show I 'm a good person, you know, I can stay at home and sti l l be a good person. R12 Non-Catholic The church is l i ke a vi l lage. That's the way we brought up in the islands. Every Sunday we be involved with all part of the church. [1940-50] Methodist church. R14 Support Samoan Methodist Church I am Sunday school teacher. R4 We go to the Samoan church once a month ( . . . ), but go to church once a week at three o'clock. We have service in Samoan unti l 1983. We have only Samoan people under Methodist conference in NZ in our own language since 1983. R7 1 Designation of occupation approved by respondent 193 The next group of respondents showed their efforts to establ ish simi lar social and religious environments in New Zealand or (fami l ia replacement criteria - with in a church organisation) This respondent shared how the Mormon Church had helped her when she fi rst arrived in New Zealand, providing instruction in how to adjust and cope with her new l ife in New Zealand. The church held classes to teach Pacific Island women how to use a stove, how to use household util ities such as vacuum cleaners. Cathol ic on arrival . R6 This respondent took holy orders shortly after arriving in New Zealand as a result of working at a Cathol ic Hospital ( . . . ) and attending a Cathol ic school in Samoa. R8 R12 was 22 years of age and fell very i l l (it appeared from exhaustion due to working long hours and not eating correctly nor wearing adequate clothes for the cl imate). She revealed a Cathol ic priest came to spend time with her to try and help get her back to health. I was a workaholic I was not happy unless I work. I was first to come here alone. The Cathol ics they treated me very well and I joined to a Samoan Catholic group. I feel very uncomfortable with my own people because I part Chinese. I break ways from the Samoan. I went to C.C for social th ings. R13 194 We hardly do any work in Samoa on Sunday. We arrive here, we see it's a big place and we decided we would keep on going in the same way, what we had in Samoa. I always go every Sunday take my kids to Sunday school. When they grow up they go their own ways. We came here in 1957 there was a church cal led Pacific Island church that's in ( . . . ) then only a smal l bui lding in ( . . . ) Street, Auckland. R1 [ I had l ived i n Grey Lynn between 1959-1963 and knew the church this appeared to encourage the respondent to continue] . When we arrive we decided to go the same church as the people we stayed with. When we come here, we decided we would keep on going in the same way we had in Samoa. It was reassuring to go and meet people at church when you are new. [she was active in various groups with in the church] We raise the money fundraising every week but is only a small group of people not many Samoans in those days. We move out from the Pacific Island Church now because of five of us we joined the Presbyterian not far from us now. We have our Samoan service twice a month. Most of the church palagi the minister is Samoan. About nine to ten Samoan fami l ies there. We have Samoan hymns bibles and sermon. I l ike it. I go there because it is near us. R1 I th ink women are very proud of the way they go and do things. When we l ive in Ponsonby we use to have a cup of tea after church it was j ust great because everybody come around and you ta l k. Maybe the chu rch not a substitute for fami ly but church becomes fami ly. When you've come from Samoa you come as the vi l lage, the church is the vil lage. I became Catholic in Samoa I sti l l have friends there. Christianity in Samoa some say are brainwashing, but people doesn't real ise they educate us. Took us under their wing and taught us to count one to ten and abc. I went to boarding school. We wake up at five and kneel down 195 to say prayer, then at six you walk to the plantation and work unti l the sun come up. Then you stop working, you go back to the convent and have some food about 500 girls there. My heart bleed for the girls that do the cooking they would never eat until everybody eats, and whatever was left they would eat, if it's nothing they would go hungry. The nuns would take us to the classroom and teach us sewing and knitting. The only food they get was from the plantation and what people donate to the school. They would teach us to read and write also. We would grow taros, papayas, coconuts and that what you eat. The church teaches you a lot. The church is l ike fami ly, it brings people together. R13 What the analysis found was there were two distinct attitudes to obligations with in the church, those who wished to continue giving, those who objected to this ongoing obl igation. Fi rstly, those respondents who revealed their feel ings regarding continuing to uphold traditional obl igations with in the church. I was in the mothers group the choir. The churches have split up now, Samoan Cathol ic Presbyterian and Congregational . [ I asked 'did you hel p to build your church'] oh yes we had to raise the money fundra ising every week, as it was only smal l group of people. Samoan people in those days, not many Samoans. We had mixed dances every month . We used the Maori community hal l down in Victoria Park. We col lect say 50 pounds a night, each month. Ri I belong to a women's fel lowship group. Twenty-two women, they look after the church. We raise funds for new toi let and kitchen, it cost ($X,XXX) and they asked women to do it, we raise the money ($X,XXX) approximately. I donate ($X,XXX). One lady ($XXX) and other lady cleaning with me, donate ($XXX). Al l the women give ($XX) a week to go to whatever needed at the church. My husband looks after the church, but he resigns, long time sick and too old. They want h im to start again , 196 as he is so good with money and look after it, not l ike other people not so good. They ask me, but I got my cleaning job, I don't want to do it. I work for six years now since 1995 I go, I l i ke to do the thing wel l . We give it to Jesus. He give me the money, he give me the money this job. He give me the money cause he give me the strength to go to work. If I can't go to work, wel l Jesus give me the money, so I give it to h im. My husband is 70 years old, he donate a ($X,XXX) . R7 [When her daughter graduated they donated ($X,XXX) to the church.] I love giving the money to the church. I give it for God. God give me the l ife give me luck. He gives me the strength. I give some for him leave some for me. R7 [There appears to be perceived social and economic status ach ieved through how other people view their giving of money to church work] If you don't empty the glass of water, then it won't be fil led up again. R7 [This respondent spoke at length about a trip to Israel and its effect upon her] I have changed churches because I married a cathol ic man. I do lot for the church, choir and mothers meeting. I don't mind what task. I do honestly for my rel igion. I help support a l l church things, by hel ping in the bui ld ing of the ha l l , that the church uses, not only that, but raising funds to help other things. I help the church and also by helping your min ister, and whoever else i n needed with in our rel igion. R9 197 I work two jobs when I finish at ( ) and then I go to another job. To work for money for the church, for the opening of the church. [in the 1970's] I also sew for two hours in the night for money for celebrations. R14 I never know how to be a mother I never how to when my kids born. R15 [This respondent had a prayer book and Samoan Bible open when I a rrived; she was doing Bible study] . She spoke alot about bui ld ing the temple in Hami lton and the manual work both she and her husband did in its construction. This respondent shared her rel igious experience on a very personal level , therefore it was considered inappropriate to leave it with in the data. Secondly those who objected to the continu ing traditional obl igations (monetary) within the church [This respondent self-taped the interview] I sti l l go to church. I give by church envelope I give whatever I can. That is one good thing about being a Catholic you can give what you want and what you can. R2 The church thing, there is too much in the Samoan church, l ike reading or ra ising money for church things. It's not their things. They come and ta l k to us, too much involved in the church thing. Too much raising of money. They give a lot of money in our church. We have our envelope we put donation in our envelope, to give, l ike ($X) to ($XX), that's a l l . But some women, working in ( . . . . ), I feel shock when they say that every some Sunday they give a ($X,XXX) in the envelope to the min ister, in the Presbyterian Church. That's too much. Most of the church too much money go to the church. The th ing about your family you have to work 198 hard, because I don't want my fa mily have no food. When the chi ldren come, no food I don't want to borrow money from anybody. I can cope on my own two feet. R5 [Th is respondent works ful l time job five days a week and works at ( . . . ) on Saturday a nd S unday] . I can work hard for my fa mi ly now. I work hard for my own life. I can work hard to do the shopping very week for my fami ly and never empty cupboards. Sometimes [Sa moan] chi ldren don't have school lu nches. I n the Catholic Church now you only go with your envelope. Its very bad I feel sorry about those fa mil ies, you no food for the kids, come borrow money. One of the lady I worked with in there borrow money they give her some money ($XX), she give me back the other day for the children's school lu nches. We have shopping fi rst, pay the bi l ls, pay the phone and rates, insurance. I not happy with how much money go to the church and the min ister. The min ister they got new car. [ I went to women's card afternoon - this is fu nd raising so how different is this] R5 [I asked about giving money to the church] I th ink because what there is it's l i ke a com petition. I mea n , they annou nce how much you give, and how mu ch you're not givi ng. With al l my heart maybe you are not giving for a reason. I n the Catholic Church you j ust put in an envelope. It is hard because you are sending so mu ch money back to Samoa. They build a l l the different flash churches and then some of them end up bei ng unable to pay back, you know, l i ke that one in Mt Albert. Your fami ly shou ld come fi rst. I went to Cathol ic Church i n ( . . . ) when I ca me. Hardly any Samoa ns here in those days I 199 didn't go to many groups in those days, not l ike do now. I am involved in prayer groups and donating things for fairs. [this respondent donates to the church hall i n Mangere. She l ives in ( . . . ) ] . Rll In Samoa we didn't have much money to go around. My father put so much into the church. He leave just a l ittle bit for us to l ive on. I said to my mother, the church l ike God you give but you don't have to give a l l you know, you got kids to look after, you give a l ittle bit, you don't give a l l . It's l ike a competition that is what happened. People show off, you gives to show off, but after you show off you have no money left. [She appeared upset as she spoke about this] If your name not on the l ist at church three of fou r times you sort of d isappear. Then the next minute they not coming to church l i ke they ashamed to go to church because they haven't got the money to put in, it how it cal led buy of time, when I back, I feel sad, I can understand now, its l ike competition, instead of giving it from your heart. It l ike they give it for show. It is a big show and they give so much they real ise they haven't got enough for the fami ly to support. [I witnessed this form of giving at a church fundraising dance when a considerable amount of money went into the bowl at the front of the hal l where fami l ies would get up and dance and then others would donate] . After you go sit down and that pride. You th ink you give it a l l because you got to so you know pride. When you get home you realise, I should not have given all that money. My fami ly, sometimes at their home, there's no food in the fridge they give it a l l . They ask to borrow money from me. I don't th ink they give it to God, but to the minister, the min ister makes a business out of them. The minister get the money bui ld church and hal l . R12 200 [She mentioned her ( . . . ) suggesting she go to church and how she refused on the principle that the giving to the church funds was not right as far as she was concerned] . [I asked about women's position in the church] I think it the same at home they a lways second from the husband they never l i ke to go ahead always behind. It l ike they got no choice of doing it, they just accept it. R12 What the findings revealed was the critical choice the respondents made by thei r decision to attend a Catholic Church. The fact that they revealed that the monetary obl igations were fewer, provides an aspect that has not previously being found in the existing l iterature. There has been the suggestion they enjoyed or sought more multi-cu ltural services, as a number of the women were of mixed ethnicity. However the respondents in this study were al l Samoan, yet sti l l considered it a better option to join the Catholic Church. Each placed considered emphasis on the fact they: 'Were not made to feel so gui lty if I could not afford to give any money' ( . . . ) One respondent mentioned the fact that as 'a young girl and supporting fami ly she was: 'Embarrassed at the reading out of the amount of money I could put in the plate at church - so I left and went to the church down the road' ( . . . ) (a Catholic church). 201 The majority of the respondents mentioned the confl ict with the traditional giving that had simply been transplanted from Samoa to Auckland2• Eleven women had original ly arrived alone in New Zealand with the sole purpose of supporting fami ly in Samoa and they resolved the d i lemma of not being able to budget for the extensive obligations by simply removing themselves from Pacific Island church groups to attend non-Pacific Island church groups where often (in the 1950's) they were (at that period 1950-early 1960) sti l l the minority group. This display of attempting to balance the gui lt these young women felt and 'trying to do the right thing', provided a gl impse of the 'no win ' situation some of the respondents were placed in. Therefore, these findings contradict prior assumptions that the majority of Pacific Island peoples attended the Pacific Island church on arrival between 1950 and 1960, and as a number were the fi rst to migrate from Samoa they were then instigating or changing traditional expectations with the move away from the Samoan churches. They were also instrumental in bringing a different perspective to supporting the church, even if it emerged often through disi l lusionment with the traditional obl igation of giving or donating money to the church organisations and therefore the subtle change in identity. Anae's (1998) Fofoa-I-Vao-'Ese: The Identity Journeys of NZ-Born Samoans focused upon how the Samoan people define their identity. She addressed the issues of the church, Christianity and culture and how each impacts upon the identity of an individual and community, 'drawn from [her] own ways of knowing as a NZ-born Samoan' (1998:03). This work is i l luminating and was 2 Considerable material is avai lable upon the Matai system that was transported to New Zealand and how it is maintained throughout the church groups. 202 able to examine in more depth the Samoan identity and church affi l iations from Anae's ' insider' perspective. She debated the question of identities in transition. Anae's (1989) study differed in focus and had the capabi l ity to delve in-depth into issues of Samoan identity, whereas I acknowledge the cross-cultural l imitation of this study and my 'outsider' status. However, it is apparent from the revelations of the respondents in this study that there was a distinct l i nking of the church and monetary obl igations as reflected upon by the women and these two factors appeared (for the women in reflection ) synonymous with early l ife i n New Zealand, and thei r reactions and resolutions to the complex problems. Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) - its' infl uence on the respondents. R6's father was a deacon in Congregational Church. We spoke about the changes made to Samoan traditions when the Christian missioners arrived in Samoa. We talked about the role of the nuns at a Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) where she worked as nurse aid (Y-Y) years and then in an admin istrative job at the hospital, this appeared to have influenced toward the Cathol ic faith. 203 Cause of Sister ( . . . ) .there's very much a feel ing of fami ly there, looking after everybody. Whereas now it is been replaced with more management and more bosses. It has been taken out of the hands of the Sisters.3 I enjoy going to mass at 6.00am in the morning [at work] wonderful atmosphere wal ked in there and didn't want to walk out I used to go with the girls when they go. But I used to mock quietly in my heart. I used to say goodness what do they make the sign of the cross l i ke that. Gradual ly I enjoying it and went up there every morning. I felt comfortable it was about how you able to help others. R6 Two Sisters who real ly took me under thei r wing and sort of looked after me and everything l ike that, I almost sort of became part of their wel l very much part of thei r fami ly. R8 This is revealed by a number of the women who found or had job waiting for them at a Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) . R8 revealed how she 'received' her cal l ing to the Church shortly after arriving in New Zealand. I was told I possessed 'mamalu ' . [this respondent shared how she had received her cal l ing to the church - off tape] . I went back to a Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) residence after the epiphany that happened one night at the Orange Hal l dance. I went back to work, and just carried on with l iving. I a lways go to mass in the mornings. I joined the Little Sisters of the Poor. 3 Refer Belgrave M. The Mater A History of Auckland's Mercy Hospital 1900-2000, (Dunmore Press, Palmerston North, 2000). 204 I was 18 years. But it didn't work out and I went back to a Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) to work. R8 R13 worked at a Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) on arrival . I keep away from the Samoan church because they always ask for money I could not afford it. I got my parents to look after and my sisters and brothers I couldn't afford it. They say these things about you have to donate so much money, which I don't real ly know where it goes to. It go to somebody's pocket and I don't real ly approve of that because at home where we l ive poverty was very strong my mother would go hungry but she would give money to the church and I felt very against that because that not what God wants. The palagi church they don't demand money, there you just put in five cents and nobody notice. But in Methodist church I grow up with they let everybody know how much you donated. A lot of people on low i ncome and some donate ($X,XXX) to the church. They go to the doctor and can't afford the fees. So I keep away my parents my fi rst priority not the church. R13 The Catholic Hospital ( . . . ) was l ike a home to me. When I met my husband, I said if you want to marry me you got to marry my church. I go to church if I got some money in my purse I give. R16 The fact the women went to Catholic Schools made the transition easier between Samoa and employment in New Zealand in particular a Cathol ic Hospital ( . . . ) . The connection between the work or employment and work ethic and early rel igious upbringing is tenuous, but connections are evident. The fact of obl igation to the Hospita l , to work out their contracts; the fact a number of the women remained at the Hospita l , the longest two over thirty years and 205 twenty five years (specific years el iminated to maintain anonymity). With that their rel igious faith had helped shape their l ives and therefore their identities. The fol lowing verbatim narrative was approved for i nclusion by Sister ( . . . ) (secondary source). It is significant that no other research focused upon and revealed the extent of the influence of the church based hospitals with in the l ives of the young Samoan women, and how many of the young women simply considered the hostels as home and the nuns as family, to the extent that some of the women chose to marry within the grounds of the hospital or included the nuns as fami ly at their weddings. The contribution of Pacific Island women within hospita ls on the service staff was considerable yet few records are found showing how rel iant these hospita ls were upon migrant labour. The secondary source above provides some insight into the complex and extensive nature of staffing the hospitals with migrant Pacific Island women in the 1950's and 1960's. Sister ( . . . ) brought them over from Tonga. She had an arrangement with the Cardinal in Tonga and the Sisters in Tonga and then later on in Samoa. They would ask, could you take x number of girls this year or this month. That is how we got our staff. We were constantly getting letters from the Bishop or the Sisters, can you take this girl , she's now 18, she's done couple of years at ( ... ) and she wants to get out. So we'd try and employ those girls in the laundry, in the kitchen, down in the cleaning of the hospita l . I t was an opportun ity for them, to get out, which was very different to the popular concept [then] in palagi NZ. They were looked upon a bit l ike cheap labour [by other people at that time] that is an ugly word. We wanted to give them an opportun ity. 206 Sister ( . . . ) brought them, she started it with the Cardinal and the Sister down in the islands. They wanted to get out of the island we wanted somebody to do the manual work. They were given a home, food, uniform security and they were paid, and they d idn 't have to pay any board. They had to be trained, they came as 15, 16 year olds. We would meet them and they [would stay] in the nurse's home. They had the bottom floor of the nurse's home. The nurses were on the top floor, so they kind of didn't mix in those days. The nurses treated them very casual ly, ca l lously and rudely on many occasions. That was the way it was in the 70's. They didn't know any better. I would fight against it. If they'd ring up and speak rudely to the girls, I would a lways say, please don't you speak to these ladies l ike that if these gi rls weren't here the hospital wouldn't run. There would be three in the kitchen proper and one in the diet kitchen. Every three girls you had on you have one off. They had their days off. We organised good rosters. So we had quite a number of Polynesians. The advantage of employing Tongan and Samoan women was they were biddable. They weren't experienced of course but they were a lways biddable and because of the fami ly contacts they would bring over fami ly and be responsi ble for tra in ing them. I couldn't speak Samoan and they couldn't speak Engl ish very much and they taught each other. I taught one and they passed it on. It wasn't wonderful, at time they got annoyed because they hadn't done something right. When the girls came they weren't trained they were j ust brought from Samoa, which was free and easy so I started sending them to ATI . Most did not know how to cook on a stove. I sent the best of them off to ATI we paid the initial fee. Then the government brought in that they could only stay in the country for a certain time. Samoans could get in qu ite easily, but the Tongans had to have, every six months, they had to have their visas, thei r 207 passports stamped. Samoans could get permanent residency. I think there was a lot more Samoans here than Tongans. I used to have to go every six months to the immigration place because we could bring l i ke half a dozen every six-month. We might bring somebody if one got married or wanted to leave. I used to go whenever thei r permits were due and get them stamped. bui lt up a very good rapport with the immigration offices. I used to say, you come to the hospital , to my department any time of the day and n ight, p lease j ust come and check it you feel you need to come, I guarantee al l my girls wi l l have thei r permits. I used to say look now we must do th is, th is is the rule of the land we have to do these things and you know as wel l as I do if you want to keep your job your have to tow the l i ne. They would come and ask if we cou ld take thei r sister and cousins. The relatives were very demanding, they would be standing waiting for them to be paying the money. That was another problem, there was about 30 in the laundry, kitchen, servery, Sister's dining room and cleaning when I fi rst came, but then the contract went to ( . . . ) . . . a contract company. They changed the contracts and the staff. The l ives the women l ive now they a l l have their own home they al l have educated their chi ldren through un iversity I don't know any of them that haven't had wonderful education opportunities because these women are sti l l working. Now with the contract ( ... ) company this changed the culture of the hospital where before it was a large fami ly now it is very formal. This reflective revelation from one of the women involved in employment and working with Pacific Island women provides a wonderful insight into the work culture, but also it shows the a lmost 'motherly' attitude of this person toward 208 the young women 'in her care'. This aspect of the 'caring nuns' emerged from the data and shows to some extent the other side of where the 'home' away from 'home' or the 'familia replacement' concept that existed within the culture of the rel igious hospitals at that time. Belgrave (2000) includes a brief overview of the service workers contribution withi n the then Mater (now Mercy) Hospita l . Apart from this work l ittle has been found in existing l iterature. 209 Chapter 09 Themes and emergent revelations Employment - beyond the economic theories (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) Every endeavour has been made to extract the detai ls of Companies, the amount of remuneration, length of service and designated names or employment personnel, in order to maintain respondent anonymity, in l ine with Ethics Application Clause 2.3, as discussed in chapter 04. This chapter is d ivided into three parts fi rstly the revelations of the work place, with the question of un ion membership and lastly the effects of the 'dawn raids' on the respondents. The intent of this chapter is to bring out, or reveal , some of the dai/y-Iived-in- experiences of the women. It is neither an examination of labour relations with in companies; an examination of relationships between company management and the women; nor does it seek to provide an in-depth expose on the pol itica l/economics of migrant labour. 210 However it provides ( l im ited to this study's spatia l and temporal processes) an analysis of some of the positive and negative aspects for Samoan women lived­ in-experiences of working (as many did) within the service sector of the secondary industry. In order to reach this point in the analysis there has been considerable (often reluctant) reduction in the material gained through the interviews. What remained are the revelations of what is considered to be the most defin ing or the 'essence' of the work experience emerged from the data. From the thematic analysis, eight specific occupations emerged as the predominant employment (between 1950-1975) of this study's respondents. The designation of work fol lows i n figure 14, shown on page 212. 211 Occupations Past and Present Figure 14 This does not indicate the full extent of the jobs the women undertook Laundry Food Prep Nursing / Respondent Sewing Manufacturing Packing Fruit Picking Service Sector Work (airline) Secretarial ROi * * * R02 * R03 * R04 * * R05 * * * R06 * R07 * ROB * R09 * * * RiO * * * R11 * * R12 * * * R13 * * R14 * R15 * * R16 * * The fol lowing a re exemplars of the respondent's sign ificant statements of experience and attitudes to work. I have presented these so they speak for themselves, keeping my i nterpretation of the experiences brief, so as not to dimi nish the voices of the respondents. Each respondent has been i ncl uded with i n Figu re 14 on page 212. Many of the respondents remained i n jobs extending beyond 20 years service, a fact lost by the endeavour to maintai n anonym ity. By the placing of the fol lowing symbols where required provides the fol lowing key. ( . . . ) company name (Y) = year ( M ) = months ($) = wage received Respondents have been grouped i n similar occupational designations Sewing Garments, soft toys, sports equipment, safety clothing and footwear Worked (sewing) for six months i n (Y) in the island we j ust used our hand machine, not ind ustria l , they taught me how to use the industrial machi ne. R1 My aunty got me job sewing because I was a good sewer. I worked in a sma l l factory i n ( . . . ) . I get about ($) dollars a week, its big money ($) compared to ($) dollars in Samoa . R5 2 13 I look in the newspaper and go and ask for a job. They asked if I could use a domestic machine, they asked me what you doing in Samoa, I told them I was a teacher over there. They asked why do you want to change jobs? I said if I could sew I could sew the kids clothes and save money. I enjoyed the work, because at night when I go home I cut the kids clothes at home, then in the morning I come in , and in my spare time I sew the clothes in the factory. When I come I bring the kids i n the morning, we a l l come together in the morning, then I leave them outside ( in a chi ld play area provided by the company) I start at 8.00 [o'clock] , the school start at 9.00 [o'clock], so the boss al low me to have the kids there before school. I pay for them to have a cup of tea in the cafe, and then they go to school . I sti l l l ike teaching but when I change my job I think its d ifferent job. It was useful coming but I sacrifice myself. I think better stick there for the sake of the kids and fami ly, not enough money to buy the clothes otherwise. My kids know I am a teacher in with the kids from the island, as we didn't have much money. It was hard being a machin ist sometime I think about it, it not l ike the job I aim for from a l ittle girl . Samoa and then I come here, I work i n a factory as a machin ist for their sake. R14 The women recognised the benefits of learning a new ski l l in order that this might and did eventually benefit their fami l ies, in respect that they were able to then sew the clothes for their ch i ldren, reducing the costs of buying ready­ made clothes. Learni ng to sew on industria l machines is not a particularly easy job if you have not had any previous experience. I think sewing is the fi rst job. I was scared th inking worry so I might do something wrong and they kick me out. I get tired because I have four kids to get ready for school in the morning before work and after work. I make soft toys. They used material velvet when you sew the ears the 214 ears not stay together when you sew the nose with t iny l ittle pieces very hard time in the toy factory, I don't want to stay there. You sew the whole toy ears; nose and the lady come up and say your nose is not straight. [at this point both the respondent and myself were uncontrol lably laughing as she described exaggerated attempts to straighten the very tiny bear's nose onto the middle of the bear's face] . I 'm not going to make toys for my grandchildren. R15 Not only was physical effort required to continue with this work but the emotional aspects as revealed by R14. R14 was a trained teacher and she 'sacrificed' her own desires i n order to provide for her chi ldren. She reflected on the fact that this is not what she had intended to do with her l ife. She did not expand on the issues of identity, but it appeared she was sensitive to the fact that her status as a machinist was not the status she had enjoyed in Samoa. R15 indicated a fear, or being 'scared' of losing her job, as did a number of other respondents, due to their lack of Engl ish and an understanding of New Zealand ways and employment standards. I n order to continue working these women had to quickly learn to understand sufficient English to be able to take instructions. At the same time they were required to produce product and maintai n a high level of efficiency. Some were supporting family in New Zealand as wel l as chi ldren in Samoa. Some of the women indicated they were prepared to work extra hours in order to (a) establish thei r loyalty within the companies, (b) earn over-time wages (c) reinforce their desire to retain thei r jobs. This accords with Larner's (1989) Migration and Female Labour: Samoan Women in New Zealand. 215 Manufacturing - assembly factory work Electrical components, soldering l ight engineering equipment, stationery. I worked in ( . . . ) we soldered and assemble lV's. There wasn't many Samoans around the factories in those days. We got a flat in Newton and you just wa lk u p the road to the factory. Rl1 I work at ( ... ) I was packing, it was very very cold there. You stood a l l day on concrete floors. I move to ( . . . ) I went to work for three things. I left my pa rents and two chi ldren one was (Y) the other (M) with my fami ly, [ in Samoa], we send money home to pay and buy what they need. Work long hours in New Zealand start early in the morn ing sometimes you work overtime and fi nish late i n evening you stand the whole day. In six month we bought a house over here by saving money. I wa lked a lot to save bus fare, I wa lk from Ponsonby to Pa rnel l to ( . . . ), in the summertime I would also wa lk home. Ri Th is last respondent had shown perseverance as a young girl wa lkin g many hours to attend school, it appeared she sti l l maintai ned this in her employment situation. The wa lk to work wou ld have taken her approximately an hour and a ha lf. Packing work Chocolates, confectionery, footwear and greeting cards I worked in a cigarette factory ( . . . ) I think I worked there for a few months in the factory. It's fu nny now, because you were al lowed to smoke as much as you wanted. I was packing. The workers were a l l Maori and Pacific Island. You were al lowed to also take the loose ciga rette as well in a box, fi l l the box up and take it home you were not al lowed to take any packets. I never smoked because my parents did. R13 2 16 When I left the ( . . . ) I went to pack egg i n a factory. It was different. I look for a job, any job, as long as they pay me, I don't care. I went down to Hobson St there was an egg factory. I work there for one month and then I got pregnant, I get morn ing sickness all the time and the su pervisor didn't l ike that, she didn't understand. I had to leave she made it very unpleasant. R16 Fruit picking Strawberries Wanted to hel p my husba nd he was a taxi driver so went to work after kids went to school. Worked 9.00 [o'clock}to 3.00 [o'clock} in (Y) I could be home for the kids after school . I ra ng a place in Swanson and started the fol lowing day. I picked strawberries from 7 .a m to 2.pm everyday except Sunday it was very hard work picking strawberries I had to do it to help my h usba nd because he was on a low income. R4 I n al l these jobs there was the factor of health from th ree distinct areas. Firstly the fact women were encou raged to take loose cigarettes. Secondly the problems experienced when pregnant and being forced to leave the com pany. Th irdly the heavy manual labour i nvolved in strawberry picki ng. Laundry work Contract hospital laundry I work in a laundry in ( .. . ), we wash the hospital laundry. I see a job in a laund ry i n the sewing department so I ring and go for an i nterview and get the job. R15 Each conveyed the fact that this type of work was relatively easy to get. 217 Service sector Hospital wards, service areas, nurse aides, food preparation, cooking, kitchen hand and serving of meals. I worked after I had the chi ldren I worked clea n i ng, nothi ng to l i ke about the job of cleaning up after someone else mess. I would tel l others if they asked me what job I did because I support my family l i ke that, when they need money for a Fa'alavelave. R2 These respondents all shared a simi lar i nvolvement with hospital employment. I worked at the ( . . . ) for M years, in the kitchens, then ( . . . ) cleaning [contract cleaning company] for M years. R3. I am scared on my fi rst day it was l i ke a prison [M ental institution] I worked there for (Y) years. It was dangerous at ti mes we used keys for security whil e moving around the bui lding. I l iked working there it was my best job. We go because Helen Clarke and the Labour Pa rty sel l the hospita l . We were made red un dant. I went to work in ( . . . ) Hospital as a cleaner. I worked for a month and the boss asked me to come and rel ieve the cook on the weekend so I work there until ( . . . ) Hospital cl ose down. I worked there for (Y) years. We a l l got a letter to make us redundant the whole kitchen staff. When I went to the meeting on Saturday the boss give me my envelope and it was red, so I stay. [a contract services company took over the hospital services contract]. R5 In the hol idays [school hol idays] I went to ( . . . ) hospital and fixed the flowers or changed the water in the vases in the wards [a rra nged through a contact who sponsored Pacific Island young people to work in New Zealand]. She col lected a l l the pay and give everybody ($) dol lars to l ive on she set herself up in busi ness. She wasn't even mata i just an ordinary woma n. She arra nged for me to have a job in the kitchen ( . . . ) hospital maki ng the sa lads and sweeping the floors. I went to work at 2 18 ( . . . ) i n (Y). I started off as kitchen assistant for (M-M) months and got promoted to third cook after (M) months. They then promoted me to 2nd cook because everyone else had left. I had no experience, but when I was fi rst there I would watch the cook putting something else in different i n the recipe and I used to go and test it and thought gosh that is nice. Islanders do things d ifferently from Europeans. The nuns asked me if I would l ike to do nurse aiding. I never done that before, I said al l right they gave me some form and two weeks later moved into the ( . . . ) I was nearly (V) years they gave me (M) months trial period, we wore blue uniforms. The nuns were l i ke fami ly to use they were l i ke mothers and they advise us where we l ive in the nurse's home, they look after us. The nurses were hard workingwomen I admired them and respected them they sacrifice themselves for the church. It felt l i ke home to me and the Sisters were more l i ke family and the girls I associated with. Management has now replaced this more systems, it has been taken out of the hands of the Sisters. I was offered a job on the switchboard. So I took off the uniform and wore my own clothes. I was made redundant from this job. I work there for (Y) years al l together. R6 This respondent's progression from arranging flowers in school hol idays, through a series of jobs in the kitchens and service area of the hospita l , to that of administration staff I propose indicates three things. Firstly an abi l ity to be adaptable and possessing qual ities that were not readi ly recognised when she commenced at hospita l . Secondly that over the years performing the duties in the service sector gave her an advantage of learning new ski l ls and therefore assisted her in confidently taking on the different functions in the administration area of the hospita l . Thirdly that the stereotypica l characteristics that were assigned to many migrant workers i n the 1950's/70's 219 possibly acted as a barrier to this young women reaching her potential earlier in l ife. My aunty said I have a rranged for you to stay behind [her aunt returned to Samoa after a short hol iday here] she said you are going to l ive at ( . . . ) I d idn't know what the ( . . . ) was either so I asked. She said it is a hospital that run by Sisters, and I say the Sisters and she told me she would take me to the hospital . The hospital was shorted staffed so I had to go in, in January. So I went and Samoan way, obey your parents I don't know how I did it. I worked in the laundry. There were so many Samoan girls. I was (Y). R8 R8 took holy orders and entered the convent at 18 years of age. The fol lowing respondents R9, R13, R16, and R12 al l reveal their strong work ethic. When I left school I just going to be a trained nurse in the hospital . I did not finish . My mother and father can't afford to help me they want me to stay home and my parents then want me to come of New Zealand. I l ive with my aunty first in ( . . . ) I l ive there for two weeks and then I told my aunty I want to go l ive in at ( . . . ) hospita l . I told my aunty I want the phone number of the hospital and then I ri ng because I want to be a nurse, but no vacancy just only a wards maid and a kitchen hand job. I got the job as kitchen maid. I say that's all right, I forget nursing, I just wanted a job. I l i ke kitchen maid. I came to l ive in they had a lovely house in ( . . . ) in the park. I l ive there just two girls in a double room. At that time a lot of girls leave jobs in Samoa to try to come over here because at that time its n ice here, everyone is ta l king about New Zea land and saying it is good. We wake up at 6.00 [o'clock] and we go and start about 8.00 [o'clock] 220 the lady give me a uniform. I was very happy i n my heart. I think about my first pay I want to send some money home for my parents because I know my parents feel sorry for me when I leave them especially my two kids i n Samoa. When I left ( . . . ) I went to work at ( . . . ) [sewing/packing positions] I went to work at ( . . . ) [another packing and assembly stationary factory] . I work there for (Y) years. This was my last job, I leave and stay home because I am sick. R9 When people asked me how long have you been in the hospital I say (Y) years that's a long time they say, wel l we don't come looking for careers we came to look for a job to help our fami l ies and I th ink that's the attitude we all have we al l of us working there. One has been there for (Y) years. You get comfortable and loyal to the people. R13 I was working at ( . . . ) when I arrived as a wards maid. When I see the food l i ke the waste you know the waste l i ke whatever is left over it goes in the rubbish. I think my parents are hungry and th is is what they throw away and there nothing you can do about it, when you come from a poor place. You look at the way these people waste food and some people go hungry. It is sad. As a wards maid you had to have everything spotless and clean, l ike we dust and cleaned the floor and make the beds. It was a hard job. My sister i n law was one of the supervisors I th ink she was a very good worker so it made it easy for her to employ someone else. There were a lot of Samoan women doing this sort of work 7 .00 [o'clock] it was freezing. I also worked at ( . . . ) for (Y) years as a kitchen hand, then I went to ( . . . ) I appl ied it was in the paper. I ring and they want me to come for an interview I j ust go and get the job straight away, I was surprised it was my experience. I was there for (M) months and the boss pick me to go to ( . . . ) cooking then. I think it was the only th ing we could get. We get up at 6.00 [o'clock] and start at school. I was in charge of a shift at the ( . . . ) I worked hard because I got a fami ly. I was there for (Y) years. R16 221 I n this job I got to travel to Austral ia and around New Zealand. I got this job and my independence it was so beautiful to me I enjoy the travel I never get bored. I was so excited. My boss told us how to present ourselves. I was loyal to the company, and saved the boss a lot of money he make a good profit. I work and he benefit. He gave us free accommodation. I was devoted to the job for a l l of this. When I was young I dream about a good l ife, something in my m ind I want a better l ife because I always remember my father saying to me 'don't forget you don 't want to burn yourself you know in the way Samoans do everything, you don 't want to go to the bush and you don 't want to marry someone around here, you don't want to be a slave'. R12 This next respondent was employed in a telecommunications company. I just only cleaner, because I only that time suit me. When I come I see women cleaning I ask about the job, they say go and learn something to do. I say I can 't learn. I have to look after the kids. I work two jobs. I clean the ( . . . ) then when finished I work at ( . . . ) ti l l 11.30 [o'clock] . My friend give me a lift home if no bus. I do night work unti l my son (Y) years old and he go to school . My daughter take him to school so I go fu l l time work then. I work two jobs for (Y) years. I started at 6.30 in the morning and work ti l l 3.00. My husband he get the kids off to school as he started at 7 .00. I worked three nights a week from 5.30 to 7.30. I work for (Y) years on shifts from 6.30 to 3.00 or 12 midday to 8.00 [o'clock] . was made redundant after (Y) years. R7 The comment that th is respondent was told to 'go and learn something' was interesting. The fact she chose to remain in cleaning to enable her to structure her job around her chi ldren and fami ly routines was not that easy to organise, revealed with her comment that she and her husband would l iteral ly exchange 222 the chi ldren at the bus stop enable the respondent to continue on to her night job. What was significant that emerged throughout all the later respondent's comments regarding work was their loyalty and commitment in the length of time they were employed with in some of the jobs. This comm itment to employers was a lso expressed as a way of achieving their own advancement revealed i n the following: (a) they considered the hospital to be 'home' or to provide the envi ronment that replaced or functioned as a 'home'. The role of the Cathol ic Sisters was perceived as guardians or in a number of cases 'like our mothers '. This has been reflected in the attitude shown by the secondary source participant in chapter six (b) that fami ly members had arranged work or that they were introduced to it through contacts. A number a lready knew on their arrival in New Zealand that there was work for them at the hospitals if they applied. In fact in two particular hospitals it was to their advantage to be a Pacific Island female as this assisted in them actually being successful in gaining a position, the fact that as young single women they could find jobs with accommodation and support in a foreign city acted as the catalyst for actively seeking this work. A number ind icated that because board, food and clothes were provided this gave them the abi l ity to save money and to send money to Samoa. They looked upon this as a distinct benefit at the time. This reflects what m ight be considered a fam i ly replacement desire, a need for security with in a fami l iar context, particularly with the nuns who were in many case instrumental in providing the jobs as indicated by the gatekeeper who provided an insight i nto the appl ication and securing of jobs for these young 223 women. I have so far found no reference to this connection in the l iterature on migration or in the economic theories of migration in relation to Pacific Island young women or that era. Secretarial/Nursing In (Y) I left school and started a job as a shorthand typist. I was M years in an insurance company. I saw a notice for the ( . . . ) Hospital wanting nurses for training. I remember I real ly wanted to change my direction in l ife and I wanted to become a nurse it was something I had always wanted to do. I qual ified as a nurse (Y). [she met her husband and moved to the UK in early (Y)] I had been homesick for my own family. My father had died in (Y) and my mother was sti l l in Samoa. I was working as a cleaning lady at n ight and during the day cleaning other people's homes to earn money to come back to New Zealand. I would push the pram with my youngest baby the third chi ld was a toddler and we would go from say two to three houses in the neighborhood and I wou ld do their chores, washing dishes, vacuuming, clean ing walls whatever was required. I cleaned at n ight for a contract company also and a l l the money I earned I saved toward coming home. I then went to work at ( . . . ) [UK] as nurse on the twi l ight shift [ in the factory] I was pregnant with my fifth chi ld I worked until two weeks before the baby was born and stayed home for three months and then started looking for another job. I worked in a mental hospital ( . . . ) I was able to work shifts three nights on and three off. RiO 224 [R10 returned to New Zealand and went to work at ( . . . ) i n the ( . . . ) ward three nights a week for (M) months she was there for (Y) years until she retired in (Y)]. In order to draw together some of the major issues the women have revealed it is appropriate that I return to the exemplars and expand upon some of the actual phrases and words the respondents used. In this way it is hoped to establish some of the defining qual ities of the women, in relation to their l ived- in-experiences of employment, as one factor within the phenomenon/migration. Monetary ski l ls were a positive factor amongst this group of women. They worked with the intention of supporting fami ly in New Zealand and Samoa, an obl igation that was expected of them while many were sti l l teenagers. One of the most interesting defin ing aspects that emerged from the data was the choice of working in the hospitals, (from the sixteen women nearly three quarters at one time or another worked with in a hospital environment). This gave them the abi l ity to save more money and at the same time gave them the security that it appeared they desired, remembering that these women were quite young girls who had not prior to arriving in New Zealand (except for one at boarding school) left home, or l ived away from the vil lage environment. This significant finding of the respondents connections with the hospital and church has not been addressed elsewhere. The hospital appeared to act as a family or aiga replacement structure or support network that has some similarities to the reciprocal situation that is evident in other traditional obligatory systems. Maintain ing these close affiliations with the church, particularly thei r relationship with Catholic nursing Sisters, it appeared 225 made some seek out these jobs, preferring the fami l iarity it provided whi lst away from Samoa. The incentive to learn new skil ls to enhance their work position was also a dominant motivating factor. All the respondents undertook new learning skil ls in order to advance their abi l ity to earn better money. In some cases personal aspirations and desires appeared to take second place to that of providing both the contributions and obl igations to family in Samoa, and the intention to aspire to provide for thei r chi ldren opportunities they had sacrificed. The word that springs to mind is pioneers. I suggest each of these women was indeed that. This emphasises the importance of gathering these self-defined /ived-in­ experiences of the women. Figure 14 on page 212, confirms that many of the early migrants fi l led jobs within the service sector of the secondary industry. What is significant here is that there is extensive statistical data publ ished each year by the New Zealand Department of Statistics and Labour, readi ly avai lable. These are essential to examine in order to gain any statistical analysis of the types of work migrant women undertook. What is critical in addition to this statistica l analysis is the provision of the actual /ived-in-experiences that coincide these figures. Therefore the exemplars that emerged through out the ana lysis of the interview data provides a window into the work place experiences of the women by the women and a brief gl impse of the dai/y-/ived-in-experiences. The comment made by R13 'When people asked me how long you been i n the hospital I say (Y) years that's a long time they say, wel l we don't come looking for careers we came to look for a job to help our fami l ies' 226 provided insight into how the women perceived the advantages for thei r fami l ies of gain ing employment in New Zealand. Un ions - the complexity of membership (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) This was possibly the most unproductive of the themes, and the question had to be asked, was it because of the women's non-activity i n unions, or was it an ideological problem they had toward join ing these work based organisations? There is l ittle existing material that relates specifical ly to Samoan women and their role within unions at the time of migration in the late 1950's early 1960's, therefore it was not possible to gain an in-depth understanding of a perceived difference in membership between non-Pacific Island women and Pacific Island women, and then specifica l ly Samoan women at the time of the early migration days. When engaged at work sites with women night cleaners, (1999), a union representative told me that Pacific Island women 'have to be encouraged to join unions' and 'that the church does not like them to join as they have to pay money that could go to the church instead'. All respondents were asked, if they knew ( in the wider context) if the church agreed with Pacific Island peoples being involved with or join ing a union. responded they were unaware of any particular stance the church might recognise. Larner (1991) raised this issue of Samoan women's union participation and concluded in her study they appeared to show passive resistance to such work based groups. Whilst there is some text on the participation of women with in unions Davidson and Bray's (1994) study Women and Part Time Work in New Zealand only briefly 227 mentioned the current situation, there was no mention or differentiation from whom the two short narratives were gained. The Research and Planning Department of Labour, New Zealand's ( 1979) study, the work experience of Pacific Island migrant in the Greater Wellington area, provides an insightful examination of union membership, the perceptions of the value of trade unions, (p74) the information, attendance, acceptance of Pacific Island workers (p77) . However apart from there being any evidence of Samoan involvement, there was the comment that 'the level of participation by females . . . is markedly lower than that of males'. Again there appeared to be no focus on a specific ethnic group. The conclusions of this study stated that at that time 'the majority of those interviewed saw a need for Pacific Island workers to hold positions within the union movement but a smaller number were wi l l ing to hold such positions'. This again confi rmed what this respondent stated and what the findings of this part of the themed ana lysis provided showing the complex confusion that appeared to exist for the respondents. This may not indicate that al l Samoan women expressed these sentiments, but taken as across the board reflections upon union i nvolvement and activity, there appears to be a rel uctance to be involved with organised unions, as they appeared to not ful ly recognise the benefits of union membership. From the thematic analysis R's 2, 3, 4, 9, 11, 16, 12 and 13 revealed they joined the unions; eight either had not joined the union or chose not to speak about it with in the interviews. 228 Support expressed for the unions I am a Catholic. I joined a union to speak for me. I am sti l l a member. I don't know what they, the Catholic Church view about union. I always know the church's view about working people, they stand for the poor. R2 I supported the union at other jobs, but there is no union at the job I am at now. R3 Yes I joined union every job I got in . The union wi l l help us, because if anything happen from the employer you ring the union. I join the union al l my jobs I had to join. I deduct my money for the union, because I bel ieve in the union. They help. R4 I know the standard of the union for the working people because the day I started working the foreman explained to a l l the workers about the union. They helped us by trying to get a pay increase for all of us, which equaled the hours we worked . The union also tried to have loans avai lable. The union a lso wanted to help us all get overtime, not only that bit, they also helped sick people to get sick pay al lowance. The church people say, good enough to be a representative of the union, because they help to increase the salaries because of family commitments, and the l ife we have with in the church. R9 I joined , we all had to join the union we Islanders. I th ink it was just for our argument, I think that our nature in the islands, you know, when we want something we argue, we can't argue or ask for a raise or something, so I think it was the union was a voice for us. Rll [This respondent was leaving a job after 17 years and asked the union rep about long service pay] 229 I was in a union right through every job I had. They take it off automatical ly. I paid the union from the time I start working. The union come back to me, they go to the boss and they come back and say sorry, they side with the boss, and not the workers. That's why I hate the unions now, because they not help. They brings the rule book, no redundancy, no nothing. They said I was getting nothing. I asked what about my long service, nothing, only hol iday money and a week pay. So from my heart I not joining any more unions. I had trusted them they not help, why I pay for their wages and they not help you. R16 Not in itia l ly fami l iar with functions of unions I had no idea what is cal led unions, no idea, I went to the catering ral ly there is where I discover how strong the union is in NZ. A lot of Samoan women don't join because they don't understand they frightened. R12 Not heard of unions on arriva l . Nobody told me, a l l they do is just come out every week and take a few shi l l ing or a few dol lars from your wages. They would never explain to use what it was a l l about. I never understand unti l very late, I th ink it was my husband was the one who explained it to me. I can't remember signing anything, I remember they used to come every eight days and ask you for union money. R13 Each of the women provided an insight into their understanding or misunderstandi ng of union activities and obligations to them as workers. What is evident is that many of the women were not correctly informed about the union procedures when they started work in New Zealand. It cannot be assumed they were not spoken to in Samoan or by Samoan interpreters, (I did not pursue this), which in hindsight would have provided further understanding 230 to the level of i nstruction and information that was made avai lable to these early migrant workers. It was interesting how one respondent mentioned that Samoan women were frightened to join unions. The question arose therefore, to what extent could this relate to al l women in the workforce between 1950- 1970? This could provide an interesting basis for a comparative study. As the interviews revealed, some of the women were unsure about thei r rights i n regard to union membership and this raises the issue that new migrants should be instructed in New Zealand specific work place affi l iated groups such as unions. The interest the Service Workers Union showed in assisting Pacific Island workers to become members (2001) and to take positions of authority with in the unions was admirable, however the interviews revealed few women on arrival understood the role of unions. A number mentioned how unions had subtracted money from their pay packets, but the women did not understand what benefits they got from being members of a compulsory union. There are a number of publications on union membership and involvement that spans the era within which the women worked. The New Zealand Department of Labour (1978) provided a statistical analysis of the private sector unions between 1951-1976. However there is no mention of women specifical ly in this work and certain ly no mention of the Pacific Island women's role with in the trade union of industry. Street (1994) provided some invaluable h istorica l background to the situations of trade and service unions specific to women, whi lst covering the period 1889-1906, gives an insight into the type of labour conditions the women inherited i n the late 1950's early 1960's and where much of the progress to provid ing better working conditions for women 231 has arisen. However there is no focus upon the role of minority ethnic groups such as Samoan women. Therefore these revelations provide an account of the very early involvement of women with in the service, industry, manufacturing and social services unions. Dawn ra ids - the hidden effects (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) All the respondents arrived before 1974 and therefore were subsequently affected by the controversy and stress (if not personal ly) these ' raids' i nfl icted upon the wider Pacific Island communities. This material revealed the respondents' attitudes to the infamous 'dawn raids '. There is currently a paucity of the l iterature addressing this issue from women's perspectives. The reticence shown in d iscussing this sensitive period in New Zealand/Samoan relations was revealed throughout the interviews as shown in Figure 13, on page 133. The l imited amount of verbatim materia l became evident at the indexing and coding stage, and confirmed after an extensive l iterature search, that l ittle is avai lable from the viewpoint of women in this critical period of New Zealand's immigration. Some respondents simply refused to engage in any conversation, even to reply either by ignoring the question. R's 1, 3, 6, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, and 16 acknowledged the question, but avoided any further d iscussion, one example of this being R7 who told me 'I want to talk about the church'. The silence and visible protective body language (as far as could be perceived in a cross-cultural situation) expressed vividly the di lemma the women 232 experienced in talking with me about this controversial time in New Zealand's immigration h istory. The (by association) emotional disruption to Samoan women was i ncreased with in the period of the 'dawn ra ids', often fuelled by misinformation that arose from various sources, including the media. Spoonley (1990) examined the media's engendering of misunderstanding withi n this period by reporting incidents with Pacific Island 'overstayers' whi lst not reporting other groups with in New Zealand who were of non-Pacific descent After an extensive l iterature search for women's narrative regarding the affects on Samoan or Pacific Island women I was only able to find some incorporated with in non-gendered materia l . de Bres (1976) speech to the Otago University Students Association in his address The National Party's Immigration Policy and the Need for an Amnesty was intended to provoke an in-depth debate on the need to chal lenge and change the immigration laws, and urgently address the situation that exacerbated the complex and sensitive issue of the 'overstayers' . He pointed out this targeted group were not only Pacific Island peoples. There is l ittle reflective material, of the women as mothers, grandmothers, aunts and sisters (with in fami l ies) that were affected, or who knew male members, brothers; fathers; sons; cousins and female members as above, that were being threatened by deportation back to Samoa. Therefore no comparative analysis could be gained on previous explorations into the effects specifical ly on women, with in this era and politica l governance in relation to migration. This is why I i ncluded this theme within the interview questions. There has been a fai lure to record Pacific Island women's 233 perspectives in relation to this aspect in New Zealand immigration with in h istorical materia l .1 The fol lowing narrative provides quite disparate opinions on the 'overstayer' situation from the women's point of view. I am the kind of person who always tries to do the right thing. I don't want a hassle. When I come to NZ, I fi l l a l l applications, answered question, follow procedure so that I can stay i n NZ. I feel about these Dawn Raids, is not a very proper way to deal with the matter. They deserve what come to them. If I can obey the law so can they and no harm wi l l come to you . R2 There is a strong moral expression in this statement about safety in doing th ings correctly. This interview was self-taped and rather l imited. The daughter of this respondent (who had acted as a gatekeeper) had previously said her mother takes a fa irly pragmatic approach to l ife and expected th ings to be 'done by the book'. This appeared to be reflected i n the foregoing statement Yes I remember but I don't know anyone. R5 Not in my fami ly but I know some other people but you know we worry. But I not worry cause I 'm free. But sti l l other people, you know, worry about those th ings. R7 I Currently there is a publication in process that addresses the issue of Dawn Raids, however access to this has not been possible at the time of this study. 234 I very fortunate I not know anyone wel l . But when you hear about these raids you know raids in the early morning it makes your heart go, you know. You feel terrified and sad and you know al l terrible feel ings, it's not the way to be treated one time when someone . . . who was already a permanent resident and they thought it was one of the overstayers. Rll To me I can understand because it's not a nice feel ing. It ah, it's l ike murder sort of thing. It's l ike that how when they attack people, but it didn't happen to me or my fami ly. It didn't happen to us . . . [respondent's focus abruptly changed clearly i ndicating she was not prepared to d iscuss that theme any further] . . . we can talk about the church because it very important to us. R12 This group appeared to be affected but denied they were closely involved with anyone specifical ly. I remember the Dawn Raids, when we heard this hard bangs and knocking on our door and they cal led out my brother-in-Iaw's name. We saw though the window, pol ice with dogs surround our house. We were scared we never opened the door to them. The fol lowing week my brother in law left for Samoa. R4 This is where they have al l the trouble with the overstayers because they not real ly looking after themselves they looking after the people at home. R13 This comment revealed the d i lemma some of the migrant workers were placed in , committed to providing for family in Samoa but having to break immigration laws to continue to do this. de Bres (1976) is most expl icit in h is condemnation of a system that actively encouraged and promoted jobs in Samoa and the New 235 Zealand l ife style by a labour market that was real ly look ing for 'factory fodder' (p4) and then held them responsible for the ' recessions and unemployment' (p4) and attempted to send them back unti l the boom times returned when another group would be targeted to fi l l the jobs in industries where non-Pacific Island workers were simply not applying for the work. There is l imited material from the communities involved. However what is pertinent are the inclusions with in de Bres (1976) material of four Tongan men and their experiences. There is a brief insight i nto how two Tongan women felt about the raids and the fact they were 'overstayers' . However the brevity of this material does not expand upon the experiences of Samoan women as this study. It is hoped that there wi l l be a study undertaken that wi l l be able to capture what it was l i ke to l ive-in-those-dawn-raid-experiences as a Samoan woman. Of critical significance is Amnesty Aroha, the submission to the Government in 1976 as the result of a publ ic meeting drawing groups such a Council for Civi l Liberties, the Pacific Island Advisory Council and i ndividuals who were concerned about the ' i nfringement of civi l l iberties' (p3) in relation to the 'dawn raids' on 'overstayers' migrants workers from the Pacific including Samoan workers. The important question put to the government was the need for a condition of amnesty for these groups or individuals. This urgent and poignant plea to government provided some insight into the emotional stress that was being experienced by many Pacific Island people. The respondents high l ighted the Iived-in-experiences and personal costs for them whether they were di rectly or more indi rectly involved with 'overstayers' and 'dawn raids, and their revelations bring to l ife the textua l interpretations withi n that submission and provided a l imited approach but the basis for a more extended study that 236 should be undertaken from with in the Samoan community and in col laboration with Samoan researchers. 237 Chapter 10 Themes and emergent revelations Rema in ing i n New Zealand - reflections on the journey (refer Figure 10, shown on pages 122-124) This chapter draws together the reflective elements and thoughts of the women's lived-in-experiences of migration by asking fi rstly, what did the women think about the choices they had made earlier in their l ives? Secondly what were the repercussions both the benefits and the problems? Thi rdly how had it shaped their l ives and how did they see those earlier choices as defini ng their identity some as long as fifty years later? From the thematic analysis two self-described sub-themes emerged. R's 2, 3, 4, 9, and 10 had previously revealed in chapter 6 three distinct sub-themes, choice, limited choice and no choice to migrate to New Zealand. It is interesting to note those who stated they considered they had no choice i n coming to New Zea land, adamantly stated they would return to Samoa. 238 Where as the women who to varying degrees, had been able to make the decision for themselves as to whether they would migrate, appeared to consider New Zealand home. From existing material there appeared to be no study that has taken the approach of provid ing a reflective account of the process of migration for Samoan women. I n this I mean, this study commenced with the Iived-in­ experiences of the women as young girls, moved through each process of the migration phenomenon and thei r l ived-in-situations taking a hol istic approach, by not presenting one aspect of their l ives (for example employment, or kinship reciprocity) but the progressive journey from its commencement in Samoa to current historical reflection. This final theme encapsulates what the women felt or about their earlier decision to come to New Zealand, and thei r appreciation of the outcome of this decision. Feel happy to be l iving here in New Zea land, here with my parents. But I wi l l always want to go to Samoa. I th ink that each time I go to Samoa, it wi l l only be for a hol iday and then I wi l l return to l ive in New Zealand. My fami ly are all here. R3 This respondent recogn ised the fact that she would prefer to l ive in Samoa, but because her fami ly is in New Zealand she remains. When the respondents made comments such as this there appeared to be a constant di lemma as to where they would rather be l iving, the constant pu l l of Samoa drives them back for hol idays each year. 239 At the moment we a re th inki ng of going back to l ive, but we have to wait for my grandchildren to grow older. The only reason why we came to New Zealand was for the chi ldren to get a better education and better l ife. R4 This respondent has been prepared to remain in New Zealand unti l the second generation fami ly members (grandchi ldren) get an education, th is amounted to some thirty years they have l ived in New Zealand for the benefit of fami ly, this accords with many of the comments made in other studies. The ways of the New Zealand people when I arrive, they were not happy with me. I thought as I was a new person they would look at me, as they weren't used to me. I don't l ike people I am not used to either. But after I had been here a whi le things came together and I felt happy. I miss Samoa. I miss my n ice island. My parents buried there that's why my heart is I never forget Samoa I think about it a l l the time. R9 R9 is nearly 70 years of age and in poor health and therefore cannot travel to Samoa. She became very upset (off-tape) about the fact she wi l l never see Samoa again. After forty years in New Zealand she sti l l felt homesickness, and this appeared to be exacerbated by the fact her i l l health did not al low her to travel . After retirement from work my husband used to come to Samoa for three months of the year so I could look after my elderly mother as she was so old and getting sickly. We spent three months in Samoa and nine months in New Zealand. My mother give me a piece of land so we decide to build a smal l retirement home in Samoa and in 1997 we 240 finished our l ittle house and now we l ive in Samoa nine months and New Zealand three months. R10 I day dream about Samoa and one day I wi l l go back there but my kids here and so I stay in New Zealand. R14 I wanted my mother when I had my first born, but we cannot afford to pay for her fare. So I have to cope on my own, and my husband of course, he is a good husband, you couldn't ask for more. We raise the chi ldren through thick and thin. We didn't have much money, but teamwork. Do the right thing and a lways in control. Make your own decision, you won't go wrong. I love New Zealand I thank God for my parents, they th ink the best for me, now I do the same for my chi ldren. What New Zealand provided for me and my fami ly is jobs, loving envi ronment. New Zea land is my second home. I feel I belong. We own our own home, the chi ldren can come and go just l ike Samoa, you always come back home. I n those days [when she came in 1967] Samoa was a far away land from New Zealand. Now I don't have to go to Samoa to learn culture it is wel l and a l ive in New Zealand, not l ike when I came not many Samoans here. R2 From the group who had some choice, R 1 and 16, each indicated they were staying i n New Zea land as they now considered it home. I 'm sti l l active and healthy and only my l ife going play golf with my husband going to Samoa or Austral ia. My husband went three times to USA, but I don't want to go there, I rather go to Samoa and visit my fami ly, aiga, my vi l lage fega and then back to my lovely country I love New Zealand very much. R1 241 I don't think I wi l l go back. All my l ife I l ive in New Zealand was only 21 years when I came. I am sixty-two now. My kids here this is their home. Really feel Samoa is sti l l my homeland. I born there I never forget I sti l l go there for holidays. If one of the chi ldren decided to go there maybe I go too. But it's not good if I am i n Samoa and chi ldren here. R16 R12 who had freedom of choice at the start left me in no doubt she was happy to stay and it had been a good decision to come to New Zealand. I don't want to go back to Samoa. My husband want to go home and I said no, we break up. He go back to get land and bui ld a house and a business. But I said there is not future there. I grow up there, but he never l isten, he want to go back to Samoa. If you grow up in this vi l lage you can leave there, or grow old, no excitement, no nothing, you know everyone. If you get out of the vi l lage you get a l ife, there are lot of things to do elsewhere a lot of experiences. In New Zealand you go a change for al l this stuff. Back home you stuck i n vi l lage and you die there without going anywhere. That's why when we grow up you want to get out of the vil lage. It was a change for my future coming to New Zealand to give me a better l ife other wise be sti l l there and probably be a big fat mama. I am very happy how it turn out. R12 I 'm sixty now NZ is my home feels l i ke home. We stay in NZ. R5 The drawing together of the interview data with the question of whether the women wi l l remain in New Zealand brought to l ight the fact that those women who previously stated they had no choice in coming to New Zealand revealed they would l i ke to go back 'home' if possible, and some were actively plann ing to return to Samoa in the near future. This aspect has not been revealed 242 within other work withi n the period the women arrived, for example Trl i n (1974) in Immigrants in Auckland, Whitehead (1974) Tongans in Auckland, Macpherson, Shore & Franco ( 1978), Loomis (1990), Pitt & Macpherson (1974) addressed the issue of how they Pacific peoples (not specifically women) felt when they arrived, but these studies did not present a journey approach, specific to women, and ask the question for reflection upon their earlier decisions. This could be qual ified however, by the fact these studies were undertaken with in the early period of migration. Now that a period of forty to fifty years has elapsed these reflective h istorical revelations are more pertinent. The revelations of the women bring together some conclusions to the early and seminal work of Pitt & Macpherson (1994). Anae (1998:353) i n her work posed the question of 'the construction of identity', each of the women in this study identified with Samoa, yet had transferred their perception of thei r own identity to one of being New Zealanders and that New Zea land was home. The reflective process a l lowed for the uniqueness of a journey perspective to reveal the spatial , temporal and envi ronmental identity changes that took place with in the women's l ives and the subtle changes that occurred with the question of identity for the women over time. 243 The wonderful final comment is given by Emele-Moa Teo Fairbairn quoted by Fai rbairn-Dunlop (2002:148) encapsulates the ideology held by many of the wonderful women who contributed to this study 'I never real ly thought about my l ife until [a reporter] started asking me questions. I just worked . . . and usually there was some church activity in the n ight.. .each of my chi ldren has had a good education, they serve the church, and they know who they are. That is what matters' 244 -!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! iiiiiiii - iiiiiiiiiii == iiiiiiiiiii - = Summing Up This representation of the journey of the Samoan women at the forefront of the phenomenon/migration from Samoa to New Zealand revealed how they defined their journeys through extensive narrative of their Iived-in-experiences. Phenomenological analysis strategies al lowed for the reflective capturing of the essence of Iived-in-experiences or submerged 'knowledges' (Oakley 1981) or the 'voices of women' (Olesen 1994) of Samoan women to emerge to highl ight thei r social and economic contributions of Samoan women within the 1950- 1960 period of New Zealand's migration h istory. One of the significant findings of this study, was that few studies had centred on the h idden or submerged influences that were taking place whi lst the women were sti l l at school, and how these played an important or pivotal role in the formulation of van Manen's (1990:177) ' i ntentional ity,' toward succeeding. 245 This revealed how an intention toward the phenomenon/migration germinated with in their consciousness as the essentia l elements desire, ability/independence and to emulate role models that acted to formulate a self-image that would later influence their decision and success as m igrants. Also i ntegral to these three elements emerged the varying power differentials displayed, those that had personal choice to migrate, those for whom the choice was either influenced by family, and those for whom there appeared to be no choice. Connel l 's (1976) 'propensity' and Pitt & Macpherson's ( 1974) 'motive' have some l inkage with the ideology revealed by the women, but is d ifferent in that it high l ighted outside influences rather than the SUb-conscious aspect of personal decision making. The respondents who were able to make a personal choice to migrate spoke less about the negative influences of homesickness and culture shock. It is not assumed they did not experience each of these, however it was significant that they appeared to assign considerably less emphasis upon these experiences. Evidence of a l i nkage between self-determination and the abi l ity to adjust with in this phenomenon/migration accords with Benmayor & Skotnes (1994) and Momsen (1999), yet few studies have focused upon this specifical ly in relation to women and migration, in relation to Samoan women in the New Zealand context. Bonisch-Brednich (2002:170) provided an i nteresting assessment, stati ng some m igrant women considered their paths were 'preordained' . This spiritual inference was a lso al luded to with the respondents in the category of freedom of choice. For the Samoan women for whom the choice was greatly influenced 246 by aiga revealed their rel iance on support networks, referring to them as providing the compensatory factors for the lose of chi ldren, parents, culture and loved ones. These respondents did not deny the existence of any negative feel ings, but appeared to balance them with incorporating fami ly extensively within the narratives. Comparing these two groups showed the group for whom personal choice was a factor, appeared to talk more about their self-defined achievements and less about the need for supportive groups around them. From the data of the th ird group who stated they had no choice, few positive narratives emerged from within in the i nterview material , and an apparent avoidance of speaking about any problems they encountered, and then the subsequent categorical claim they would (if they could) return to a Samoa reflected a long held homesickness and longing for home, and that they sti l l identified with their place of birth. The notion of shrugging your shoulders and carrying on emerged constantly within the themes Expectations and Impressions was commented upon by Fairbairn-Dunlop (1996) with the women's abi l ity in the face of difficu lties to keep going. Little recognition of th is aspect of dealing with the Iived-in-experiences of migration has been afforded these women, who were at the forefront of the migration process. Many simply did not have the opportunity to change their situation and therefore conceded to do their duty with an almost fatal istic and ambivalent attitude. This should not be considered a negative; in fact the way in which the respondents expressed this abil ity with in the interviews displayed a show of absolute determination and strength to overcome any obstacles they encountered. It is important to emphasise this aspect, as it is one that has 247 been constantly ignored and therefore is a fai lure with in the l iterature to take i nto account how young these women were (the average age being 19 years) and to give recognition and acknowledgement to the enormous responsibi l ities some of the respondents assumed. What was critical with in the findings of the theme that incorporated traditional k inship reciprocity and church affi l iations was the very early evidence of women re-defin ing traditional obl igations highl ighted through the revelations of the respondents as being burdensome. Considerable material has emerged regarding kinship networks (Loomis 1990), Connel l ( 1980,1993), and Kal len's (1982) ' ki nship bridges') yet few focused on the role of women with in the early m igrant community and the women's re-conceptual ising of monetary and remittance obligations and how women questioned the status quo and found it not conducive to how they wanted to l ive their l ives in New Zealand and then began to identify with changing social and economic ideologies. Another important finding was the close association some of the respondents had with the church in relation to how this affected the way they sought work in New Zealand. A number of the respondents revealed how they wanted to emulate role models, the teaching nuns at their schools. A number of the women later chose to work in the hospitals and to l ive-in at the hostels. This was not a lways because (as often assumed), they could not gain other work. What emerged was the fact these young women sought the fami l iar surroundings of the Catholic institutions, in this case the hospitals, as on arrival in New Zealand this made them feel more secure, at home, looked after, and like ours mothers (the nuns). This may not seem Significant, however if taken i n relation to the 248 church affi l iations and also the fact that many of the women moved from the more traditional Samoan churches on arrival to avoid donating money they could i l l afford to support the growing church organisations i n New Zealand, and join Catholic churches, clearly showed the strong l inks between religious ideologies and identification with the church both in spiritual and secular aspects of the women's l ives. The findings that emerged in regard to 'overstayers' and 'dawn raids'. elicited l im ited response within the interviews. What did emerged was evidence of attitudes held by women in this period i n New Zealand immigration history. The fact there is l ittle materia l that examines how Pacific Island women experienced being associated with or i nvolved with i ndividuals of groups for which deportation was a certainty if they got 'caught'. raised the question: why has there been no recordi ng of the lived-in-experiences of Samoan women of that stressful period in New Zealand's history? What is required is further work to be undertaken in order to record this moment i n history as defined by Samoan and by Samoan researchers in order to gain more than the l imited response with in this study. As the study progressed I was often engaged in discussion with the daughters and granddaughters of this study's respondents, (acting as gatekeepers/openers). Their comments were 'that this type of study had not been done before to their know/edge and they considered it was an excellent start'. I strongly advocate and encourage further work i n this d i rection, with the proviso that any future research might be undertaken by Samoan women, 249 in the Samoan language and women who have extensive understanding of Samoan culture, i n order to be able to place the l ives of the respondents in context to their culture. The restrictions and l im itations placed on this study to a great extent, (though consideration was given to the problems encountered with in cross-cu ltural studies) was manifested by the continual frustration I experienced, due to the fact that at times I was not able to capture some of the subtle underlying cultural nuances. This study m ight a lso be extended to an in­ depth comparative analysis and examination of how the daughters and granddaughters of the migrant women perceive their l ives in relation to the l ived-in-situations of their mothers and grandmothers. To address this and other cultural issues in more depth required a deeper understanding of Samoan mother/daughter relationships, than I was able to bring to the study. I suggest they be conducted either by a Samoan language speaking palagi researcher, or a Samoan, female researcher or in coUaboration with Engl ish/Samoan speakers. I have raised this issue but in no way do I consider this has dimin ished my work. i n fact being so very aware of the l imitations has a l lowed me to be that extra sensitive to the nature of cross-cultura! research... Subsequent to comp�etton of this thesis, a web site was fou nd, Daughters of the Pacific, a forum established i n April 2000. which meets regularly and provides a medium for Pacific women to contribute stories and to become involved with cultural and social activities1, 1 http://www.pacificdaughters.org.nz accessed on 02 February 2003 at 10.05 am. 250 It is important now to examine the issues revealed by the respondents, and explore their relevancy in current debates of immigration. These points provide ample grounds for future comparative studies, with specific focus on women i n the phenomenon/migration, with the additional examination as to what progress has been made to address issues relevant to women (possibly a gender specific study) i n the i ntervening years between the in itial migration of the Samoan women respondents to the present. This is being addressed to some extent by the 1999 New Zealand Immigration Service in conjunction with the Department of Statistics where it i nitiated the Longitudinal Immigration Survey: New Zealand re Ara 0 Nga Manene (the Pathway of the Migrants)2. The aim of this survey is to gain the experiences of new m igrants by way of i nterviews that wi l l provide i nformation that wi l l be col lated and used to improve the selection of immigrants and to improve the settlement pol icies. The first of the i nterview procedures were to have commenced in July 2003, however as at May 2003 notification was given that this study had been postponed u ntil mid 2004. The simi larity of this survey to this study is of interest, as the questionnaires raIse for further debate some of the issues the women respondents proposed (within the i nterviews conducted for this study) 2 Refer Longitudinal Immigration Survey: New Zealand Te Ara 0 Nga Manene (the Pathway of the Migrants). Accessed on 31st December 2002 at 2.00pm from: www.immigration.govt.nz/research and information/l isnz.html Refer Migrant Settlement A review of the literature and its relevance to New Zealand, also accessed on 31st December 2002 at 2 .10pm from: www.immigration.govt.nz/research and infromation/reports/pdflmigrant settlement l iterature revie w Sept 1999.pdf Refer Local Government New Zealand, accessed on 31st December 2002 at 2.13pm from: http://www.localgovtnz.co.nz/news/pr1008735803.html Neither of these reports is discussed i n-depth within the thesis as each was accessed after the final copy of the thesis had been completed. However each addresses the issues raised in this thesis with the New Zealand Immigration Longitudinal Survey and the Local Government New Zealand Regions target skilled immigrants ( including Samoans), addressing many of the issues raised by the respondents in this study. 251 would have been of assistance to them as new migrants at the time of their arrival between 1950 and 1970. The respondents recommended the assistance should be provided for women migrants/immigrants in the fol lowing ways; (a) that language classes be structured to accommodate women 's (mother's) timetables by offering classes through-out the day, maybe when older chi ldren are at school, and that at the class venue provide a suitable creche for women with younger ch i ldren; (b) that the health of new migrants/immigrant women be made a priority, many of the Samoan women respondents were affected so badly by homesickness and culture shock that this affected the way they were able to function on a daily basis; (c) that al l new migrant women are provided with i nformation that explains some of the side effects of culture shock so that they are prepared for the compl icated mixture of emotions they experience and that can have a detrimental affect on their l ives and their fami l ies; (d) the possibil ity of ( initia l ly) assisting migrant women, (also men if required) who (may) originate from rural a reas, and who may not be fam iHar with the New Zealand process of shopping for food, clothes and household commodities by providing some basic i nformation (or even personal or group i nstruction if not ava ilable to them from other sources) to assist them to perform these important functions; (e) one of the most tmportant tssues raised by the women was the resettlement from a rura l area to metropolitan Auckland. Many of the respondents found the city an alienating place. The women spoke about how they experienced feel ings of aloneness and at time fear of their new surroundings.. This aspect of resettlement appears to have been «WeI1ooked to a great extent (whether this 252 reflects the city- dweller perspective of the researcher's, is hard to assess) but the point made by the respondents was particularly relevant at whatever period the migration/immigration might occur. The respondents recommended that more recognition should be given to this aspect of migration/immigration, and the juxtaposition of a rural background and tradition with the new city dwelling experience. It could be proposed that rural migrants be encouraged to move to rural areas, not to isolate them from work or social i nteraction but to provide a similar environment from which they ortginated, and therefore assist in the assimi lation process that occurs for an new settlers. This was addressed in the paper Migrant Settlement, (footnote 2} in which it is proposed, that particular regions be targeted as possible areas where migrant skills could be used. and where these regions would benefit from the economic and social contributions of these workers. A further comparative study, into the on-going outcomes for regional placement of migrants is proposed would make a credible future study. Each point raised above. provides adequate material for further research. Finally, this study celebrates the achievements of these early (and many other unnamed) young Samoalrbom migrant women. who found the personal courage, stamina and positive independent strength of attitude to move to a foreign country. to establish a life for themselves (some as young as 15 years), and to be the initiators of change over the past fifty years. between 1952 and 2002. 253 Famil iarity with the comprehensive theoretical and methodological debates regarding reflexive and reflective research had provided me with an awareness of a basic dichotomy. It is one thing to be informed and to purport to conform to certain methodological strategies and theoretical paradigms, but this does not necessarily mean it wi l l generate into research practice. I requi red confirmation that the strategies used in the interviews demonstrated the ideology advocated theoretical ly. Some reflexivity and reflection was therefore required in order to ascertai n this. Marcus (1994:569) discussed 'four styles of reflexivity'. He questioned whether ' reflexivity is not so much a methodological matter, as an ideological or derived one'. In my opin ion reflexivity is (or should be) i ntegral or i ntrinsic in methodology. The very nature of reflexive/reflective research is fundamental ly a methodology as the perception of the researcher's status withi n the research informs the choice of methodology and subsequent research methods or strategies. This then raised the questions, • Could a researcher aspi re theoretical ly to those paradigms without implementing them in the practical component or strategy of the research and interviews? • How could additional credibi l ity as interviewer be obtained in a clear transparent way, to assist accountabil ity? These ideological questions became phrased i n more practical terms. 2 From April 2001 to August 2001 I was a Study Fellow at The Centre for Cross Cultural Research on 256 • How do I account for my role as i nterviewer/researcher? This resulted in and acted as the catalyst for the design of an interview 'role' or 'skil ls' audit. This is not to discount that there are other ways of gain ing credibi l ity, simply th is is a self-audit imposed by me as researcher on myself as the researcher. Reinharz (1992:145-163) work addressed a comprehensive range of topics under the feminist heading. She debated issues raised by feminist interview processes or research and the various interview strategies used with i n ethnography, case studies and biographies. Pertinent to this study is her d iscussion on 'feminist content ana lysis or deconstruction' and issues of 'qual itative or interpretive content analysis'. This self-audit is and was part of a deconstruction technique, as it actual ly gathered, or combined, the whole interview strategy, then set about deconstructing it, using the actua l conversation process o r interviewer/respondent roles. Reinharz (1992:32, 33) material addressed the issue of the feminist researcher status and role with in the research process and d iscussed the issue of 'transparency' i n femin ist traditions. However her material did not go in-depth into the strategies involved i n the analysis of i nterview data. Th is audit has added a further analytical technique or a strategy by which to assess, by statistical analysis, the researcher role and i nteraction with in the interviews process. Women, Queen Elizabeth House, Oxford University, England. 257 A few months after I designed this audit construct, a reference was found to 'the enquiry audit' in Robson ( 1997:405). However the focus of this aud it was toward outside (imposed by other groups) audits, more in l i ne with an ' examination of [research in total] processes used' that Robson addressed as the 'dependabi l ity' [and the] ' criteria for assessing [the] val idity of qual itative research' (Altheide & Johnson 1997:485-499). The basic difference between the two perspectives is that this study's audit is a self generated or personal ly imposed performance and abi l ities analysis with in the context of reflexivity/reflectivity. It is specific to this study's interview procedures, rather than that of an outside audit of instruments used and assessment independent of the process. So far I have not found simi lar statistica l analyses or self-audit analysis. This statistical format could add to the a lready comprehensive range of analysis strategies in qual itative methodological techniques by clearly displaying, in a statistical or quantitative format, the interaction between interviewer/researcher and respondents. Researcher/interviewer bias wi l l a lways be present, as in a l l social ly constructed formulae, and academic research constructs are no exception. This audit could assist in elucidating a l l aspects of interviewer participation whether positive or negative. The initiation of th is aud it process subsequently gave rise to four sub­ questions: • Why would I want to undertake such a laborious task? • What would such close scrutiny reveal about my abi l ities? 258 • Did I want others to know the results of this audit? • Could I acknowledge any negative results? Mason (1996:117) suggested ' in order [to] convince others, you must provide some sort of account of how you achieved the degree of rel iabi l ity and accuracy you claim to be providing' . Mason is referring to the respondent data but this sti l l remains a very valid point in relation to my self- audit and its a im. She a lso suggested that as a 'general dictum you should explain how you came to the conclusions that your methods were val id , [as it] is a better way to demonstrate val idity to others, than some of the more specific methods which are sometimes recommended' (p146). This self-audit could assist to show val id ity through transparency. This then raised two further questions - • Did it only apply to my working data? • If I were to advocate the inclusion of my audit in other research as an additional reflective tool , would the issue of transferabil ity then become important? Transferabi l ity of a ud it If this audit was to be judged 'dependable', (Robson 1997 :405), creditable and trustworthy and able to be transferred and used by other researcher interviewers, it was imperative to address not only certai n ideological questions but also to evaluate some of the methodological assumptions made. 259 ' Exposing practice to reflection al lows for inquiry, criticism, change and accountabi l ity . . . reflection on actions and the reasons and rationales and justification for them may assist the practitioner not only to identify specific practices and theoretical assumptions impl icit in her or his work but also to articulate the basis for intuitive actions' . ( Fook 1996:5) I ntuitively I wanted to affirm my role or i nterview practice and considered this audit could identify and confirm categorical ly my impl icit theoretical assumption for transparency i n research . Further questions then arose; could this audit be repl icated (therefore transferable) to other studies such as case studies and ethnographies? Would other qual itative researchers conducting semi-structured or open-ended interviews, (possibly where the themes may or may not have been assigned in itial ly or where themes or categories emerge throughout the process) be able to repl icate this audit process? Would they want to? The background assisting to generate the design of the audit The pi loting of both self and techniques (tools) and the val idity of the research topic, extensive background reading, partial observations, discussions with gate keepers and possible respondents with uti l isation of secondary materia l (statistics records) over a two-year period, resulted in the formulation of in itia l themes. This enabled the construction of a semi-structured interview 260 questionnaire. This process was not dissimi lar to the grounded theory methods conceived by Glaser and Strauss3• Al l transcript data was colour coded into themes. At the same time, my verba l contributions to the interviews were also high l ighted. It would have been advantageous if a clear concept of the final aud it design had been possible, but it was not. The progress was more tentative, partly knowing what needed to be achieved, but not knowing exactly how an affirmative answer to such a phi losophical question was to be achieved. The fact that I was using a simi lar technique to analyse my role, simi lar that is to the technique used to analyse the respondent data, was not immediately apparent. The practica l aud it process Two working transcripts were chosen for the experiment. These a l ready had extensive working margin notes and extractions for themes/category construction. After reading these transcripts through twice, formulations or patterns of questions, prompts began to emerge, similar to the themes in the fieldwork data transcript analysis. When this process was completed I had eight specific headings or categories that defined my role with in each interview. The next step was to place a stroke under the appropriate attitude or role definition heading. It must be noted that these were specific and appropriate to this research. 3 Refer Strauss, A. & Corbin , C. (1994) Grounded Theory Methodology: An Overview in Oenzin , N. K. & Lincoln , Y. S. (eds.), Handbook of Qual itative Research, (Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks 1994) p273-285. 261 Part Two Chapter 11 Self aud it - the need for researcher transparency I ntroduction This section being Part Two of the thesis explains the process of the 'auditing' of my role as researcher. It provides a completely distinct approach or process to enable a closer examination of the how any researcher can and does effect and affect and research process. When embarking on cross-cultural research there should be acknowledgement of the importance or recognition of, the outsider (researcher) status, both with regard to cultura l issues and language. It is therefore appropriate that the researcher's relationship with research respondents, particularly in respect of this study's interviews, is clearly stated. This and other ideological and methodological issues are some of the underlying debates that have both i nformed the research Questions and underpinned the theoretical and method strategies of this research . 254 Smith (1999:166) focused on the chal lenge to recognise 'reflexivity' in research , particularly i n cross-cultural research ( in the New Zealand context). She claimed the historical lack of 'reflexivity', and the predominant lack of researcher 'transparency' led too much of the 'colonial ' mental ity in research. She advocated the need for more researcher transparencyl. I nfluencing factors in the des i re for research transpa rency While coding, indexing and isolating initial themes within the interview tra nscri pts, conducted a constant debate with myself regarding the ideological , phi losophical and ethical constructs that underpinned the data col lection process and data ana lysis. These were contained with in a simple question - What type of interviewer/researcher had I been, or was I? Prior to the interviews no definitive answer was possible2• Although even an attempt to answer this cou ld be perceived as unnecessary, or as seeking too much attention, or placing too much focus on methodology rather than the actual respondent data analysis, it became increasingly important for me as a researcher to ascertain if the research that had been conducted had been in accordance with the espoused ideology of transparency and reflexivity. 1 Smith's ( 1999) approach is to provide a 'counter-story to Western ideas' of research focusing on research and Maori . 255 Other researchers would choose or define their own specific headings dependent on the type of i nterview and focus of ind ividual researchers. When a l l the transcripts were completed and a l l respondents included with in a specific table these were then divided further into eight in itial headings as in Figure 15, shown on page 270. The strokes entered on each interview's interaction were then added to find the number of times a particular formulation or pattern of speech or prompt had been used reveal ing certain patterns of i nterview practice. Robson (1997:400-401) stated that this 'patterning' was the 'recurring patterns of themes' and therefore could be applicable to a wide range of research traditions. In hindsight, placing the corresponding heading numbers one to eight beside each comment on the transcript for reference would have been a good strategy record. However, the systematic way in which the audit was conducted was conducive to accuracy and provided intel lectual rigor to the process of interviewing. Th is process then evolved i nto three further stages - first to interpret the eight headings under defin itions, second to propose some conclusions under results, and third to present two graphs to provide a statistical analysis of the audit process. 262 The defin itions of the head ings/variables or categories of the audit The In itial Questions/introductions - (1) This i ndicated how conversations were initiated, whi le attempting to put both the participants and myself at ease prior to the interview, bearing in mind communication with each woman had occurred on a number of occasions prior to this. The Di rect Questions - (2) The questionnaire consisted of eighty-five questions defined in specific themes4. Although eighty-five questions were prepared, it was not intended to ask each respondent a l l these individual questions. These questions covered the major topics, gleaned throughout the preparatory work, for example, throughout the pi lot, gatekeepers, reading, and other informa l conversations, and acted as prompts for myself as interviewer. The Prompts From Original Question - leading to more i n-depth d iscussion - (3) In additional questions or prompts arising from the direct questions, an attempt to use the respondent's terminology was paramount in order to gain more in depth information. For example 'did you go to a catholic or Samoan school '? respondent (06) repl ied 'when I was small I start the primary school inside the village, when I grew up I spend the other half of my life schooling at the catholic school?' prompter: 'd id you board at the catholic school'? My a im 263 was to ascertain the relationsh ip with and influence of the teaching nuns, as a number of respondents' had i ndicated that they had been influenced in thei r decisions to come to New Zealand by these women. Brief Confirmers/rephrase - (4) The women's comments were rephrased in a brief way, whi le endeavouring to retain an accurate meaning. For example respondent (01) commented 'I miss my boys. I was really sick. I was very bad. Feels like you throw them in the rubbish you know you leave them was so young. ' I rephrased the comments, 'you didn't want to leave them and you felt gui lty about leaving them' respondent's reply 'that right'. The Basic Prompts - (5) These were words such as - 'yes', 'ok' , ' is that so' , 'go on' to be expanded under results of the audit. Explain ing - Clarifying to Confirm - (6) A number of Samoan names and terms needed clarification to ensure accuracy when analysing interview data. For example respondent (13) referred to the 'pastors school in the village' a ful ler explanation was required to establ ish the d istinction between the various types of school ing avai lable to Samoan chi ldren at that time. 4 Refer to appendix M 264 I nterviewer/Researcher Stories and Anecdotes - (7) At times I considered it appropriate to share my own experiences. For example respondent (01) commented 'in the night I look outside and the lights on the whole night', it then seemed appropriate to share my experience of moving from a rural environment to the city and the white reflection of the city l ights on the sky at night. Respondent (12) spoke about 'We didn't need clock we had the rooster'. I ( researcher) had a rooster so we could both identify with this and laughed together about our rooster's names and compared the times they woke us up in the morning. The Additional questions - (8) At times it was necessary to add to a question - for example one of my theme/prompts only covered one issue. This occurred when respondents al luded to an issue not anticipated. For example in the original themes there were no specific questions about work permits - this was then addressed with an additional question 'Who helped you get a work permit?' Resu lts of aud it of the ana lysis - defin ing, from the statistica l evidence, the resea rcher's role in the interview process The results posed a number of sub-questions. • What did this say about my role within the interviews? • How did this conduct effect and affect the interview outcomes? 265 • To what extent was the role of both myself as interviewer and respondent managed? There is one qual ifier, three respondents self taped. One respondent l ived out of New Zealand, the second in another major city and the third wanted to record at a time when she had privacy in her busy household. Therefore these three were not counted in the mean or average. The In itial Introductions - (1) The mean (or average) four (04) indicated introductions were kept to a min imum thus not extending the interview with unnecessary greetings. The Direct Questions - (2) The mean (or average) thirty-six (36). The questionnaire was composed of fourteen themes comprised of eighty-five individua l questions, (or prompts). This result confirmed an adherence to the ideology of semi-structured open ended interviewing techniques, using the questionnaire themes only as prompts, rather than concentrating on a structured consecutive questions approach to i nterviewing. It would have been d isappointing had these results shown that eighty-five questions had been actual ly asked i n succession. The Prompters from original question - (3) The mean (or average) twenty-seven (27), these were di rectly related to the direct questions intended to encourage more in-depth d iscussion. 266 Confi rm ing (briefly) - (4) The mean (or average) twenty-six (26). These were generated from a respondent's repl ies to my question or ·prompt'. This result indicated a good correlation between the d i rect questions and the 'prompters' used to fol low up, constantly attempting to clarify new data. Short prompters/words - (5) The mean (or average) nineteen (19). The basic words such as - 'ok' , 'yes', 'go on' , 'is that right', and 'I don't understand', coupled with body language and verbal expressions a l l acted as prompts. However, a query rests over the relevancy of English spoken prompts with in cross-cultural studies. Tol ich and Davidson (1999:114) also addressed this issue. It cou ld be argued that there is some disparity between prompts which are acceptable, and appropriate, if the researcher and respondent are of the same language group. The meaning of prompts when engaged in cross-cultural research, where both the verbal and body language can a lter considerably. This is not to say that Tol ich and Davidson's (1999) directives are not i nformative, but gender and culture have a major impact on the appl icabil ity of prompts. These results clearly shown are less than columns 3 and 4. A larger number would have indicated too many (non d irective) words had been used, this would then not have had the same impact as rephrasing or clarifying the respondent's information. 267 Clarification related to cross cultural issues - (6) The mean (or average) twenty (20). This was responding to respondent's comments using their words in order to confirm the understanding particularly i n respect of cross-cultura l issues as mentioned above. Metge and Kinloch (1978) raised an interesting point in her work 'Talking past each other, ' in that any situation where women were hesitant or experienced language difficu lties, concentration was required to ensure clarification and accuracy in the interview content. This corresponded also with the time needed to assist those women for whom English was a second language. A low frequency result would have indicated that I had not displayed sensitivity to the ( language) problems posed by outsider status interviewers. Interviewer/Researchers' stories and anecdotes - (7) The mean (or average) eight (08). It was not the intention to dominate the interviews with my experiences. I wanted to avoid any objectification of the respondents. I encouraged them to ask questions of me regarding my l ife if they so wished. ' I n feminist research methods, the goals are to exhibit collaborative and non-exploitative relationships, to 'pol ice' their research with i n the study, so as to avoid objectification and to conduct research that is transformative. ' (Steward cited in Creswel l 1994:253). The results of column (08) eight, showed a wi l l ingness to share my l ived experiences without being too expansive within the interview process. If the frequency had been greater than column (03), (04) or (06), too much talking by and about myself wou ld have been evident. 268 The Additional questions to confirm expanded responses - (8) The mean (or average) twenty-three (23). Some of the respondents appeared to be reluctant to expand on a statement for various reasons. An attempt was made to drive the conversation forward with some very direct/added questions. This proved a difficult chal lenge. I would ask a di rect question and if the reply was very economical (for various reasons not a lways obvious) the need to 'push' that l ittle bit further arose. The in itia l quantitative analysis shown in Figure 15, on page 270 (prepared i n basic excel format by myself) was then transferred to the Chi-Square, Figure 16, on page 271. In order to gain a comprehensive percentage analysis the Pie Chart, Figure 17 shown on page 272, was prepared (techn ical assistance was required in this area). The combined results provid ing a clear indication and statistical analysis of the interview process. 269 The loosely based questions below emerged prior to and from initial researcher ponderings, leading into the final detailed analysis. Di rect correlation is not intended. It was an 'overview' of the emerging process. I n itia l Ana lysis/Self Aud it Figure 15 Stat No. - Initial Di rect Prompters Confirmers Prompts Res No. Questions Questions 01 03 29 34 45 28 02 - R3 Self Taped in Wel lington 03 04 09 09 07 04 04 Self Taped for Privacy 05 - R7 01 32 37 35 22 06 03 36 35 36 21 07 02 25 21 28 14 08 - R11 03 09 11 15 08 09 03 26 17 29 12 10 - R13 Self Taped in Samoa 11 - R14 05 31 26 18 12 12 - R15 10 34 38 37 18 13 - R16 04 30 27 10 09 14 06 59 36 25 36 15 03 33 34 40 37 16 09 52 64 52 31 Mean 04 36 27 26 19 The questions to address - (subsequently al l Issues raised here are addressed within the body of the theSIS). • What does this say about the way I conducted the interviews? • How did I effect and affect the outcomes? Analyse the outcome and explain the figure above points of interest in the process: Explainers Researchers Additions Role 32 11 27 05 04 06 22 13 18 27 13 29 16 08 06 09 05 14 14 08 27 21 14 22 25 11 43 24 08 27 32 04 49 19 06 34 43 09 30 20 08 23 • 85 questions/themes composition but look how many direct questions this reflects the semi-structu red focus I wanted to achieve - this confirms this for me. • The personal stories I told were kept to minimum. • Those for which English was hard I seemed to reply more to the things they said I appeared to help those who were shy and did not find it easy to open up initially. • Look at the individual respondent to analyse how I approached each interview. • Important look at the issues of rural/urban theory. • Look at the page count and see if there is any relevancy to the statistical split of above. • What are these figures telling me about my role in this research - look at this careful ly. • Remember each respondent and find out how the interview went in retrospect. • Do they tell me anything - yes write this into your methodology chapter. (verbatim pondering 2000) So I am looking at skills - techniques - to interview - role - bias - strengths - weaknesses - positives - negatives, refer to Figure 16 Chi Square analysis and Figure 17 Pie chart. rv Most important is the fact that this has been done afterwards and therefore is a better judge or assessment of how I conducted the research. Had I planned this in the first -..J instance it would not have been unbiased. This way it has shown what I did, how I did it, a way that could not be contrived, therefore it is an unbiased reflective record of o my skills and results. Total Pages 120 012 072 126 057 036 045 067 103 107 095 048 121 Chi-Square Test: Direct Q. Prompters. Confirmers. Prompts. Explainers. R Role. Addition. Expected counts are printed below observed counts Direct Q Prompter Confirm Prompts Explain R Role Addition Total 1 2 9 3 4 4 5 2 8 32 1 1 2 7 2 0 6 38 . 32 3 6 . 8 1 35 . 67 2 5 . 6 4 27 . 35 1 0 . 7 9 3 1 . 42 2 9 9 7 4 5 4 6 4 4 8 . 1 9 7 . 8 6 7 . 62 5 . 4 8 5 . 8 4 2 . 30 6 . 7 1 3 32 37 35 22 22 13 1 8 1 7 9 33 . 30 31 . 98 31 . 00 22 . 28 23 . 7 6 9 . 37 27 . 3 0 4 3 6 3 5 3 6 2 1 27 13 2 9 1 9 7 3 6 . 65 35 . 2 0 34 . 12 2 4 . 52 2 6 . 1 5 1 0 . 32 30 . 0 4 5 25 21 28 1 4 16 8 6 1 1 8 2 1 . 95 2 1 . 08 2 0 . 4 3 1 4 . 69 1 5 . 6 6 6 . 18 18 . 0 0 6 9 1 1 1 5 8 9 5 1 4 7 1 1 3 . 2 1 1 2 . 69 1 2 . 30 8 . 8 4 9 . 4 3 3 . 72 1 0 . 8 3 7 2 6 1 7 2 9 1 2 1 4 8 27 133 24 . 74 2 3 . 7 7 23 . 0 3 1 6 . 5 6 1 7 . 6 6 6 . 9 6 20 . 2 8 8 31 2 6 1 8 1 2 2 1 1 4 22 1 4 4 2 6 . 79 25 . 7 3 2 4 . 9 4 17 . 93 1 9 . 12 7 . 5 4 2 1 . 96 9 34 38 37 1 8 2 5 1 1 4 3 2 0 6 38 . 32 3 6 . 8 1 35 . 67 25 . 6 4 27 . 35 1 0 . 7 9 31 . 4 2 1 0 30 27 1 0 9 24 8 27 135 2 5 . 1 1 2 4 . 1 2 23 . 38 1 6 . 8 1 1 7 . 92 7 . 07 2 0 . 5 9 1 1 59 36 25 36 32 4 4 9 2 4 1 4 4 . 83 4 3 . 0 6 4 1 . 7 3 30 . 0 0 31 . 99 1 2 . 62 3 6 . 7 5 1 2 3 3 3 4 4 0 3 7 19 6 34 2 0 3 37 . 77 3 6 . 2 7 35 . 1 5 2 5 . 2 7 2 6 . 95 1 0 . 63 30 . 9 6 1 3 52 64 52 50 4 3 9 30 3 00 55 . 8 1 53 . 61 5 1 . 95 37 . 3 4 39 . 83 1 5 . 7 1 4 5 . 7 5 Total 405 389 377 2 7 1 2 89 1 1 4 332 2 1 7 7 Chi-Sq 2 . 2 68 + 0 . 2 14 + 2 . 438 + 0 . 2 1 7 + 0 . 7 92 + 0 . 004 + 0 . 62 1 + 0 . 08 1 + 0 . 165 + 0 . 050 + 0 . 3 98 + 0 . 12 1 + 1 . 2 4 8 + 0 . 0 75 + 0 . 05 1 + 0 . 7 86 + 0 . 5 17 + 0 . 004 + 0 . 1 3 1 + 1 . 4 0 3 + 3 . 1 67 + 0 . 0 1 1 + 0 . 001 + 0 . 104 + 0 . 50 6 + 0 . 027 + 0 . 698 + 0 . 036 + 0 . 423 + 0 . 000 + 2 . 8 0 1 + 0 . 032 + 0 . 007 + 0 . 537 + 7 . 9 96 + 1 . 34 1 + 0 . 224 + 0 . 595 + 0 . 08 0 + 0 . 0 1 9 + 0 . 4 4 2 + 0 . 929 + 0 . 064 + 1 . 926 + 1 . 5 4 6 + 1 . 254 + 0 . 757 + 0 . 154 + 2 . 224 + 0 . 662 + 0 . 003 + 1 . 930 + 1 . 959 + 0 . 1 8 6 + 5 . 533 + 0 . 000 + 0 . 4 8 8 + 0 . 039 + 0 . 0 49 + 2 . 2 7 8 + 0 . 2 0 1 + 0 . 00 4 + 4 . 2 72 + 0 . 950 + 0 . 343 + 7 . 656 + 3 . 625 + 2 . 062 + 0 . 123 + 1 . 9 97 + 4 . 47 6 + 1 . 159 + 6 . 7 1 0 + 1 . 2 00 + 0 . 000 + 5 . 888 + 4 . 08 1 + 0 . 601 + 0 . 142 + 0 . 668 + 5 . 4 4 5 + 2 . 34 4 + 2 . 0 1 7 + 0 . 2 99 + 0 . 2 60 + 2 . 0 15 + 0 . 0 00 + 4 . 2 8 8 + 0 . 253 + 2 . 8 6 6 + 5 . 423 1 23 . 9 82 DF = 7 2 , P-Va1ue = 0 . 000 2 cells with expected counts less than 5 . 0 Technical assistance provided by Dr D. Meyer 2 7 1 Figure 16 Pie Chart of I nterviewer Role Figure 17 3 (27, 16.6%) 4 (26, 16.0%) 5 ( 19, 1 1 .7%) Role count 1 04 2 36 3 27 4 26 5 6 7 8 19 20 08 23 6 (20, 12.3%) 2 (36, 22. 1%) 1 ( 4, 2.5%) 8 (23, 14. 1 %) 7 ( 8, 4.9%) 272 The Chi-Square and Pie-Chart test provided the statistical analysis or quantitative analysis of qual itative methods or interview strategies and raised the questions: • Was it a good interview audit technique? • Was it consistent? • Did the obvious and significant participanVrespondent differences relate to each other? • Could the differences or anomal ies be accounted for? Practice queries and discussion of the 'general izabi l ity' of th is strategy • Could others manipulate and incorporate this audit as a reflective tool? Robson (1997:66, 72-74) names this 'general izabi l ity' or ' repl ication' . • Could this design be another quantitative strategy or technique to incorporate with in the qua l itative tradition? • Could this audit of analysis design be util ised to add to practice of further transparency, reflexivity and reflectivity, with in feminist traditions? • Could this assist other interviewer/researchers to determine the type of researcher they are, using this statistica l measure - in that, at a glance one could assess one's performance. Would anyone other than the researcher be interested or care? 273 • Could it assist by informing research respondents about the researcher's role in col laborative inquiry? • Cou ld this be undertaken only after the transcripts had been completed? If one were using grounded theory approach, or long term ethnography or case study approach, how would this apply to continuous data col lection and reassessment of theory and method? • If a researcher carried out an ongoing audit ana lysis after each entry into the field - be it participant observation or interview, how would this technique be j uxtaposed alongside the researcher's working notes? • Would there be a danger of [the researcher] becoming more focused on performance criteria than the actual interviews? • What safe guards a re there in place to counter any possible unethical procedure in such an audit, in l ine with the Human Eth ics Committee Guidel ines? • If a researcher adopted and used this audit, would it only be appl icable to qual itative researchers conducting semi-structured interviews? • Would it be viable for more structured interviews? The formula and process for undertaking a self-audit are demonstrated i n Figures 15, 16 and 17 , shown on pages 270-272. These practices a nd features could be replicated i n other studies. I n promoting this strategy 274 emphasis must be made that there are built-in risk factors that need addressing. On completion and evaluation a researcher may not l ike the results of the self-audit. There appears to be five ways in which this can be handled, but it would be an individual choice. .. The research might need redesigning. .. One may refrain from using it. .. The researcher could present only positive results, which could be considered to be inherently unethica l . .. The researcher could present both positive and negative results, addressing each issue and suggesting solutions to problems, emphasising the positive subsequent benefits to research methodology that could be achieved using th is col laborative, transparent, reflective research audit method. .. If a researcher chose to use the audit as an ongoing strategy, then what specific interview ski l ls (themes) might be chosen from this in itial design? In reflecting upon each theme, the question arises which could be transferred to other research? Seven of the eight could be transferred: • The in itia l questions or introductions. • The direct questions as these constituted the original theme as a specific question. • The confirmers enabl ing c larification of i ncoming information. 275 • The basic prompts to encourage and proceed the interviews. • The explai ning and clarifying back to respondents; necessary particularly in cross cultural research situations. • The interviewer stories are to some extent governed by the fluid ity of i nteraction with the respondents. • The additional questions which act as a lead into more in-depth information or elucidation of existing materia l . If researchers adopt a practice of on going interview analysis the question of researcher honesty must then be paramount to the process. Using and reporting on this process ( if used as an on going strategy) must conform to the ethical requirements of integrity, transparency, reflexivity and reflectivity espoused in qual itative research methodology. If this audit were done i n an on going fashion would it help to improve subsequent interviews? The possibi l ity is that the researcher could become overly focused on the aud it criteria to the detriment of the i nterview. The researcher could place more emphasis or focus on attempting to obta in a better performance criteria i n order to present an impressive audit. This could jeopardise interview integrity and that would skew the results. Therefore it is very much a question of an individual researcher's honesty and transparency in the research process. Further issues a lso emerged regarding an on going assessment of interviewer ski l ls. How could the researcher keep a record of pOints or a numbers system of their performance, particularly if conducting semi-structured interviews? 276 Researcher/respondent interaction i nvolves intense relating and l istening and empathy. As a researcher I could not have covertly recorded performance criteria nor entered the interview process with a shopping l ist of pOints required for an audit. It would require particular concentration to stop and l ist attitudes while engaging with respondents. If a choice was made to self audit through­ out the i nterview process, the researcher should advise the respondents that they were simultaneously undertaking this self-audit. While the Code of Ethics may not require such d isclosure, the principles of transparency would. Respondents are entitled to assume that the information they have about thei r experiences is the reason the researcher is there in the first place. A hidden agenda could prejudice the whole process. The researcher must accept the possibi l ity and the eventual ity of losing some respondents from the research . As mentioned previously I did not approach this study with an audit i n mind and therefore acted with i ntegrity in that I have presented quite transparently what course of action has been taken throughout the whole of the interview process. The question of when the audit might be conducted is very much the choice of the individual interviewer/researcher. Completing the interviews and then carrying out the audit helped me to assess over-a l l , the interview strategy integrity. Comparisons could be drawn , conclusions and reflections of the interviewer/researcher/respondent interaction with in the interview process. As a further step, inviting research respondents to comment on the completed audit once presented in an easy to read format such as the Figures 15, 16 and 17, on pages 270-272 would encourage and enhance the col laborative perspective of the research project. 277 It could also provide feedback of the respondent's perception of the interviewer/researcher. The responses could assist in on going research. Hal l and Hal l ( 1996: 257-277) suggested that the 'reason for the methodological report [is] to enable the study to be set in a sociological context and to report problems and di lemmas in the conduct of the research ' . Hal l and Hal l ( 1996) a lso raised the issue of val idity and rel iabi l ity of analysing ethnographic data and the need for ' plausibil ity and credibi l ity' (p209) and the use of a 'triangulation' of evidence. This statistica l audit may provide a pivotal point for triangulation within the methods process, as it is an assessment of the 'dependabil ity' (Robson 1997:405) of my role as interviewer/researcher with in the interview data. There were certain anomalies that arose with in the analysis. Anomalies that emerged withi n the aud it ana lysis (Chi square numbers do not correspond with respondent due to the extraction of three self taped, refer numbers in brackets) From an analysis of the Chi square results some anomal ies arose in relation to some of the respondent's interaction within the interviews, (the fact that the statistical analysis allowed for the three self taped interviews altered the number process therefore the corresponding Respondent numbers are placed alongside the statistical Chi square numbers) (N02/R3, Col . 1-8) The low percentage overal l is explained by the fact that this respondent was extremely shy, had suffered a house burglary having just moved i nto a new flat. She a/so in itia l ly wanted to conduct the i nterview i n Engl ish but then choose to complete it in Samoan. I was aware of a l l these factors and therefore out of consideration for respondent 3, kept both interviews to a minimum. On reflection, had I anticipated how shy this 278 respondent was prior to the interviews, I may have suggested that a support person by present and that a Samoan speaker a lso (possibly the support person) undertook the interviews. However having interacted with this respondent a number of times since the interview stage it has become apparent that her Engl ish language skil ls are better than fi rst appreciated. Therefore two assumptions could be reached. Firstly, the interview process itself, and the reveal ing of personal information may have posed a problem. Secondly, the respondent's fami l iarity with me and how the research has progressed, had provided further confidence and an understanding of what was involved in being part of this type of project. (N05jR7, Col . 7 ) The low percentage of additions here was as a result of the respondents choice to talk at length about a trip she had taken to ( . . . . . . . . ) this appeared to have been so important to her as she became more excited as she talked about it. I chose to include this in the interview, rather than interject with questions that she may have considered of less importance. I n reflection upon the interview the respondent d igressed at length upon a subject, not actually included i n the themes. For i nstance her role in the church. I could have avoided this digression by returning constantly to the specific theme of the questionnaire. However, I was happy that I did not, as the importance of the church to al l the respondents was revealed, when the col lective interview data of church experiences was analysed. 279 This respondent's contri bution al lowed for an in-depth look at the interconnectedness of the respondents' secular l ives and the church and spiritual l ives. Th is could provide data for further study. (No 8/ R l l , Col . 6) This respondent also spoke about a trip she had taken and the em phasis placed on it by her, to some extent, overshadowed the other issues that I had attempted to raise, overlooked as she continued to return to this one incident in her l ife. Aga i n the returning to the subject of the church again emphasised the importance of the church to this respondent. (Nol0/ R13, Col . 3 and 4) The fact that few confi rmers and prompts were used in this interview was due to the fluency in English of the respondent and the clarity with which she spoke. She talked about her time living in England. As I was born i n England, I was fami l iar with the subjects she spoke about and needed less confirmation, as I had understood the information. This respondent and myself sha red an immed iate rapport making the i nterviewing easier, her abi l ity to explain com plex issues in Engl ish a l lowed for an easier i nteraction between us and therefore was reflected in l ess prompts taking place. (No l l/ R 14, Col. 1, 3, 4 and 7) Th is respondent at fi rst waited for me to ask al l the questions, until she became more fam i l iar with what was required. She also tal ked a lot about her life i n Samoa , both before she ca me to New Zealand and on her frequent trips back to Samoa. I needed to clarify a number of 280 issues under confirmers. I also needed to ask additional questions that arose from the in itial data. My role was minimal within this respondent's i nterviews. (N012/R15, Col. 4) This respondent was elderly, and she found the interviews tiring. I needed to patiently and thoughtfully prompt her to continue throughout the interviews. I was particularly conscious of the age of this respondent and the frai lty of her health. This emphaised for me, the effort that these women exerted over the years to raise fami l ies, support husbands and to work in a number of jobs that were arduous and often involved long hours, to gain the benefits that she had aspired to when she first made the decision to migrate. (N013/R16, Col . 4 and 6) This respondent spoke at length about Samoan health care and medicinal preparations; I found it particularly interesting and therefore prompted her to continue as it also gave me further insights into how this had shaped her l ife as she grew up with a close relative, practicing herbal medicine in Samoa. Again this theme Samoan medicine was not incorporated with in the questionnaire, however its importance to the respondent and the fact that it al lowed for a better understanding of how Samoan women view Western medicine and medical procedures could encourage further study in this area. Conclusions The aud it gave rise to some interesting conclusions. Patterns and categories emerged provid ing performance evidence. A strategy had been devised which 281 can be repl icated. This statistical account of the intervi ewer/researcher role explored, and in part confirmed the theoretical , methodological and ideol ogical focus intended in this study. As a process it had the possibil ity of contributi ng as a practica l strategy to the theory of reflexivity, reflectivity and transparency, and assessment can be made as to whether ethical requi rements have been attained. This audit has hel ped to verify coherently and conclusively, how the research i nterview stage was performed and it lends considerable qua ntitative val idity to the i nterpretive q ual itative work1. 1 Since completing this audit Mari lyn Strathern's text became available, Audit Cultures: Anthropological Studies in Accountability, Ethics and the Academy. (Routledge, London 2000). 282 Glossary The fol lowing diagram shows the interconnectedness of Samoan l ive-ways. Each plays a pivotal role i n defin ing Samoan traditions Fa'asamoa Social Structures AlGA MAlAI -+ t t f GAGANA LOTU (Adapted from Pa'u Tafaogalupe I I I Mano'o Ti l ive'a Mul italo-Lauta 2000:27) Aiga is the term that indicates fami ly either members of the nuclear or extended fami ly grouping. Not al l members of an aiga l ive in close proximity. There are large Samoan communities situated in the United States and Hawai i . 283 Each of these fami ly groups has an elder person who as a representative of the particular fami ly grouping known as a Matai . The Matai title is bestowed on a person indicating close connections with God. The h igh chief being AWl; the Tulafale is an orator who is chosen to speak on the AWl [s] behalf. Each Matai has an additional title of Suafa Matai that gives the right to authority over the fami ly. The i nfluence of the Matai is not restricted to the vi l lage it can extend to other countries and effect and affect both social and economic situations distant from the Samoan vil lage. Lotu, is a term that indicates a bel ief in Christ or God and is the foundation of social a nd rel igious conditions for the Samoan people. Christianity was and sti l l is a very important factor in Samoan l ife. Gagana 'E le mou le tatou gagana aua tatou te le'l fo/au mai vasa - our language wi l l not van ish as we originated in Samoa and did not sail from oceans afar' (Nu'uiaH'1 Mul ipola MaHo Saipe1e 1994:1) (Pa'u Tafaogalupe I I I Mano'o Til ive'a Mul italo-Lauta 2000:27. 31). Additional Samoan words within the text. Fa'aSamoa - the Samoan way, customs and traditions Fale - traditional (open sided) house or dwel l ing. 284 Palagi - white man, or European foreigner (papalagi) (This portion of the glossary was informed by van Manen (1990, p35, 36 & p175-187) Essence A word derived from Greek ousia conveying the inner essential nature of a thing. Van Manen provided a defin ition , the empirical essence of actual teachers, as opposed to the fundamental or ideal essence of a teacher, that which every actual teacher aspires toward. An example of this is: The term female Samoan migrant worker provides the empirical essence, however, the essence is the person shaped by the phenomenon/migration and this is captured by reflection upon the experience as reveled i n the phenomenological analysis i nterpretatiOfL I ntentional ity Indicating the i nseparable connectedness of human beings to the world they l ive i n. Intentionality is (however) only retrospectively avai lable to the consciousness. An example of this is: It was this i nternationality of the Samoan women to migrate. that was only revealed by the emerging essential essence of the experience of the phenomenon/migration. 285 Lived meaning Referring to the way a person experienced or understands their world as real and meaningful. Situations that at the time they occurred, the person involved, may not be ful ly aware of the actual process, how it is perceived. 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Conference Papers (Audio tapes of this conference are a lso avai lable but not accessed for this study) Ministry of Pacific Island Affai rs - (1999) Stage 1 July Pacific Vision International Conference. Dr Airini - 'Women and Identity paper - Pacific Life in New Zealand Policy' (this paper has a l ife story component) look in detai l later. Margaret Southwick - 'Pacific Research Partnership -Navigating a Way Forward'. Raewyn Good - 'Society for Research - Why is Research Important?' Diane Mara - 'Women and Identity - Pacific Identities in Aoteraroa - New Zealand - Pacific Women in Tertiary Education '. Professor Cluny Macpherson - 'Migration and Settlement'. 320 TRANSCRIBERS CONFIDENTIALITY CONTRACT PILOT/INTERVIEWS Information about this study: • Pilotsfnterviewees in this study have provided private interviews with the researcher for up to two hours. • They have negotiated with the researcher the time and venue for the interview. • They have given permission for the interview to be taped and for the transcript to be typed, by a Secretarial Service providing this Contract is signed to guarantee confidentiality of the information gathered. • The real name of the participant will not be recorded in the typed notes. • The participant has been given the option to turn off the tape recorder at any time during the interview. • The participant has made a choice as to whether they want to review the typed notes in order to have an opportunity to make corrections or additional comments. • The information shared will be in hard copy and computer disk form and both will be locked in a cabinet to which the only access can be made through the researcher. • The researcher is interested in the common, personal and professional experiences and attitudes of the topic in common. The researcher, supervisors and transcriber will be the only people who see the type transcripts. • On completion of the research any computer disks and hard copies of the study will be returned to the researcher. Declaration - I have read the information provided by the researcher and I am clear about the points stated above. I understand that all information in the transcripts is confidential and that this is necessary to protect the participants privacy and for the ethical and legal safety of the research, the researcher and the transcriber. Transcriber ------------------------------ Signed _________________________________ Date ________________ _ Researcher ____________________________ _ Signed _______________________________ Date ________________ _ Attachment ( 1 ) MASSEY UNIVERSITY HUMAN ETHICS COMMITTEE To: Committee Secretary Human Ethics Committee Principals Office Albany Campus MASSEY UN IVERSITY A PPLICATION FOR A PPROVAL OF PROPOSED R ESEARCH PROCEDURES A PPLICA NT: Name: Department: Contact Numbers : Status: PROJECT: Title: Status: ATTACHMENTS: SUPERVISORS: SIGNATURES: INVOLVING H UMAN SUBJECTS Bronwen Byers Social Policy and Social Work (09) 446 1 22 9 & (0 1 2) 622 5 94 PhD Student ' Invisible Women' - Night Cleaners Doctorate Transcibers Confidentiality Contracts ( 1 and 2) Information Sheets (3 and 4) Consent Forms (5 and 6) TranslatorfInterpreter (7) Dr Marilyn Waring Dr Mike O'Brien Applicant: Su pervisors : Date: 1 . DESCRIPTION 1 . 1 JUSTIFICATION The purpose of this research is to explore (a) the economic drivers (b) the social implications for women, who work (at night) as cleaners. My interest in night cleaning originated in the mid- 1 980's, when leaving meetings in corporate oflices at about nine o'clock, I would speak with women arriving to start cleaning those oflices. When preparing my research proposal, I examined the Department of Statistics 'Labour Statistics ( 1 994/5), which sets out a statistical analysis of occupations. This data however did not difierentiate full-time night work, from full-time day work, within the service cleaning industry. I therefore requested the Department of Statistics' 'New Zealand Census of Population Occupation (NZC095-5 Digit Level)' which is the most defined analysis of occupation. I had this data adjusted by region, city, gender, ethnicity, and hours worked, again this data did not differentiate between full-time day and full-time night work. I suggest therefore we have no current official analysis, which enables us to establish how many women are employed at night in the cleaning industry. This assumption has also been verified i n correspondence I had with the NZCTU (3 March 1 998). Therefore, to achieve any concise data will be problematic, yet historically cleaning has been undertaken at night between the hours of 9 .00pm and 7.00am. This general lack of information in this area of employment and related issues became even more apparent, as I progressed with my literature review and found only two earlier studies. Bames' ( 1 98 1 ), a study of women cleaners in Hamilton and Wellington and Davidson and Bray's ( 1 994) study of part time work in New Zealand, which examined the Secondary labour market, which includes the service sector, in which cleaners are situated. Since the introduction of the Employment Contracts Act ( 1 99 1 ) and subsequent changes to the New Zealand labour market, such as flexible work hours; a decrease in Union participation; an increase of contract work and part-time work, makes this a very different labour market to Bames' study ( 1 98 1 ) . Also my research aims to examine in more depth, issues which were briefly raised in Davidson and Bray's ( 1 99 1 ) study. I question, why do we not have official labour market statistics of the number of women who work permanently at night as cleaners? And argue therefore we also have little understanding of the collective and individual economic, social, personal, and identity implications for this ( quite large) sector of the labour market. The j ustification for this study is the current invisibility of this workforce, both in statistical quantitative studies and in empirical qualitative studies. 1 .2 OBJECTIVES The object ives of th is rese;l rch arc: • To examine the perceived advantages and disadvantages of night work . • To explore how the women organise their lives around night work . • To explore the effects on the families, children, partners, leisure time, health, community responsibilities, social/voluntary work, church commitments. • To look at how women identitY with the work they are engaged in. • To look at migration patterns in relation to how and why some Pacific Island groups dominate this sector of the service industry. • To examine the affect of the Employment Contracts Act ( 1 99 1 ) on working conditions and pay structures for women cleaners. • To examine the role and influence of the Service and Food Workers Union, historically and currently . 2 • To look at the role of the church witilln the lives of the women, particularly within the Pacific Island community. • To explore the possibility of establisillng a statistical database of the numbers of women employed as cleaners at night. To promote visibility of the economic and social issues arising from this employment. 1 .3 PROCEDURES FOR RECRUITING PARTICIPANTS AND OBTAINING INFORMED CONSENT Procedures to date Tills research poses some problems in regard to (a) access to workers at job sites and (b) the time of night when initial observation and informal conversation can take place. Free access to research/observational sites is restricted, as the women work after close of business and security of buildings at night is a major factor. I have therefore, over the last year, liaised with the Service and Food Workers Union and accompanied Union organisers to Union site meetings. I have also made contacts networking with management at the Auckland International Airport to gain access to both 'land-side' the terminal, and 'air-side' where a security pass has been issued to give me access to planes with the cleaning crews, to observe what and how the work is carried out. Over the past three months I have visited three sites, four times, between the hours of 1 0.00pm to 3 .00am, and 4.00am to 8 .00am. These preliminary meetings have been important to gain access to participants. The intention of these initial visits has been to firstly, confirm my assumption of existence of tills work and women's participation in it, and secondly, to establish 3 credibil ity and rapport with the women, prior to requesting their involvement in the study. These meetings have identified women who have expressed an interest in joining me in the research. Concurrently, I have carried out pilot interviews, with referrals from colleagues and friends at homes and other venues, assessing the practical issues of the fieldwork. Also gaining an understanding of how best to approach and structure the research questions so that they have particular relevance to the research participants. To maintain confidentiality throughout the whole research process a Confidentiality Contract (attached as 1 and 2) has been signed by Albany Village Secretarial Service in respect to transcribing pilot interviews, site observations, and informal discussions. 1 .4 PROCEDU RES I N WH ICH RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS WI LL B E INVOLVED I . Work site observation to inform me what type of work and the conditions that . exist on specific job sites. 2. Tapc recorded semi-structure interviews 3 . Focus groups 4 . Reading and checking of alterations and deletions before approving the transcribed interview data. 4 Not all participants will be involved in procedure ( 1 ) - (3) however all participants will be offered involvement in (4). The particular procedures in which participants will be involved will be negotiated individually as the research proceeds. 5 . All participants have been advised there i s to be a month 's lead time i n which to process Ethics Committee approval. From Ethics Committee approval date, women who have already given the researcher their phone numbers, or who have verbally expressed an interest will be contacted by the researcher and advised the study has ethics approval . The process will then proceed as follows: As the researcher I will : 1 ) Advise participants by phone or i n person 2) Personally give the Information Sheet to each women interested 3) Explain fully the process of the research and the rights of the participant on set out in the Information Sheet (attached as 3 and 4) depending on English literacy levels 4) Leave the Information Sheets with the participants for up to two weeks for them to feel completely comfortable with its demands or to discuss where appropriate with support persons 5) Make contact to gain approval after that two week period 6) Have participants sign the Consent F orms (attached as 5 and 6) where required 7) Gain verbal approval if appropriate 8) Establish times and venues for research interviews 1.5 PROCEDURES FOR HANDLING INFORMATION AND MATERIAL PRODUCED IN THE COURSE OF THE RESEARCH INCLUDING RAW DATA AND FINAL RESEARCH REPORTS Albany Village Secretarial Services, familiar with Massey University research methodology, will transcribe the interview tapes. The Transcribers Confidentiality Contract (as attached 1 and 2) will be signed by the transcriber. The transcribed data will be returned to the participants to read, correct or delete information if required. No person shall be identified in the research material . All information will be contidential to the researcher, supervisor and the transcriber. Dissemination of the study findings will then be determined as appropriate by the researcher and participants . 5 2. ETH ICAL CONCERNS 2. 1 Access to Participants 6 Access is sought be the researcher who is the only person working with the participants. However, if necessary arrangements for interpreters/support people to attend interviews, wi ll be agreed upon by the participants and researcher prior to interviews taking place. Interviews will be conducted ofr the work site at mutually agreed places so as not to jeopardise workers with their employers. I will use the TranslatorslInterpreters Confidentiality Contract to ensure confidentiality. 1 .3 Informed Consent The participants will be all adult women, capable of giving informed consent. Participants involved in the interviews and observation will be asked to sign a Consent Form. I anticipate that I may need to have these translated into Samoan and Tongan, or require an interpreter in some cases, and will therefore require the tapes to be translated into English when transcribed. Interpreters who undertake translations will be asked to complete a Confidentiality Agreement (attached as 7). The choice of TranslatorlInterpreter will be flexible, chosen by participant or researcher if the situation arises. 2.3 Anonymity and Confidentiality Every effort will be made to maintain anonymity and confidentiality, however this cannot be guaranteed, at some women have already on site, in the presence of others, openly offered to join the research, therefore indicating, some may appear not to be concerned about confidentiality at present. No participant will be named in the research at any stage of the study or compilation of the data. Interview tapes, observational results, questionnaires and transcribed data will be stored in secure separate places. Key words and codes will be used to maintain confidentiality for participants. All data will be destroyed, when it is no longer required for the research. Prior agreement for interpreter/support person at interviews will take into account the information given is to remain confidential to that interview. The participants will be offered the tapes on completion of this study. 2.4 Potential Harm to Participants Participants will be asked to check interview transcriptions. The Information Sheet will advise participants of their rights. They will not be subjected to any circumstances that may harm them. Should language or literacy problems arise the Information Sheet will be discussed orally and agreement to participate will be recorded on tape therefore not jeopardi sing important infonnation that can only be accessed orally from part icipants. No interviews will be conducted on site, as this could jeopardise employer/employee relationshi ps. No information given by participants will be p rovided to employers. 2.5 Potcn tinl Harm to Researcher 7 I anticipate no potential harm. H owever as a precautionary safety measure, I have and will continue to employ a ' Securitas' guard to accompany me, when I t ravel between work sites, such as Auckland University - Auckland Airport - home in Devonport between the hours of 1 1 . OOpm and 4 . 00am. 2.6 Potential Harm to University There is no potential harm to the University. 2.7 Participant's Right to Decline to Take Part All participants have the right to decline to take part in the study. The Information Sheets explain that participants have the right to decline the invitation to participate, and once involved in this study have the right to withdraw at any time without providing a reason. They also have the right to have the tape recorder turned off at any time and to refuse to answer certain questions if they so desire. If focus groups take place certain conditions will need to be discussed prior to the focus group taking place these are: 1 . All participants must agree to be part of the group 2. Participants must agree upon what happens to information given i n the group if one of the p articipants leaves the group before the finish of the research. 2.8 Uses of the Information The data collected will b e utilised for the fulfilment of the requirement of a Doctorate of Philosophy. The data collected will make an important contribution to our understanding of night work. If required a final copy of the thesis win be made available to NZCTU, NACEW, EEO, SFW Union, however distribution will be guided by participants at all times. 2.9 Conflict of Interests/Conflict of Roles There will not be any conflicts of interest between the researcher and the participants. 2. 1 0 Other Eth ical Concerns There are no other ethical concerns regarding this study 3. LEGAL CONCERNS 3 . 1 Employment Contracts Act 199 1 That I adhere t o the J egal obligations as set out in the above Act. 3 . 2 Health and Safety in Employment Act 1 992 That 1 adhere to all the safety constraints required of me on specific job sites i . e . (reflecto r jacket air-side a t Airport) 4 CULTURAL CONCERNS 8 Women from the Pacific Island COmmUnitIes will partIcIpate in thi s study, therefore I have involved members of both the Samoan and T ongan communities to assist me in meeting women and to act as mentors in matters of cross cultural research. My S ocial Anthropology Masters Degree has informed me in appropriate cultural awareness and understanding of the ethical i ssues involved in cross-cultu ral research. The Information Sheets and Consent Forms will be i n Samoan and Tongan languages i f s o required . An interpreter will also be available, interviews may b e undertaken i n S amoan and Tongan, with those transcripts being transcribed into English, by a typist who has signed a Confidentiality Contract. Culturally appropriate behaviour and networking will be adhered to at all times during the course of this study. 5. OTH ER ETH ICA L BODIES RELEVANT TO TH IS RESEARCH 5. 1 Eth ics Com mi t tee No other ethics committees have been approached for approval . 5.2 Professional Codt.·s There are no other professional bodies i nvolved in this research. 6. OTH E R RELEVANT ISSUES There are no other relevant issues. 9 �� Massey Universaty COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES 8. SOCIAL SCIENCES INFORMATION SHEET School o f Social Policy & Social Work Private Bag 102 904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9765 Facsimile: 64 9 443 9767 My llame is Bronwen Byers and I am a Doctoral student at Massey University Albany Campus Auckland. I am looking at why women work at night as cleaners. Not a lot is known about this type of job and what is involved for women and their families. The information you will give me may be used to change government policies to do with women in the service sector. I would l ike to talk to you so that I can, with you, tel l your story. I would like to meet you at your home or somewhere you may choose close to your home where we can talk without being disturbed for about an hour and maybe two or three times over a period of six weeks. I want to tape record the meetings if this is okay. If you would like someone to be with you, I am happy about this. Any information you give me will be held in a safe place where only I will be able to get them. I will not i nterview you at the work site I would l ike to talk over the points shown below: • You can decline to participate in thi s research. • If you wish you can leave the research when you want to • You can refuse to answer some questions • When we tape the interviews you can ask me to turn the tape recorder o tT at any time • I will give you the typed interview to read and correct • I will hold the interview tapes unti l the end of the research • You can ask me to destroy them at the end of the research, or you may like to keep them • Please feel free to ask any questions during the research • Your name will not appear in any of the written information unless you want it to • I will give you a copy of the research when it is finished • I will only publish parts of this research thesis that you have participated in after I have your approvaL " \ "( ' 1\'l l l l (' l l g� 1 k i P l i l "c l l l l l( ) ; l AfFd, l' C I l lU'pl iol l 10 1 1 I I i l l i l�': I\ l ilSSl'�' U l J i \,(, l 's i l �" s t'O l l l l l l i l l l H ' 1 1 1 In J ( · ; tr l l i l l g· as ;1 l i l t ·-I ( ) I ' !. t j ( ) I I I' I \ C '�· The supervisors of this research are Or Marilyn Waring and Or Mike O'Briell. They can be contacted at Massey University Albany on Phone number 443-9700. If you should wish to get hold of 111e messages call also be left with the Secretary of the Social Policy and Social Work Department, Massey University, 443-9766, or you could phone me on (02 1 ) 622 594. Attachmen t (4) t� M assey U n ive rsity COLLEGE OF HUMANmES 8< SOCIAL SCIENCES INFOR1HA nON SHEET School o f Social Policy 8< Social Work Private Bag 102 904. North Shore MSC. Auckland. New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9765 Facsimile: 64 9 443 9767 My name is B ronwen Byers and I am a Doctoral student at Massey University Albany Campus Auckland. My research interest l ies in talking to Samoan women who were migrants to New Zealand starting in the 1950 's . I would l i ke you ask you to help me gather individual stories, by agreeing to talk with me about your l i fe . I wou ld l i ke to meet you a t your home or somewhere you will fee l comfortab l e . The interviews wi l l take one to two hours each time . r wi ll need to meet with you about three times over a period of s i x weeks. I will ask you to s ign a Consent Fonn before we start the in tervi ews. I would l i ke to tape record the in terviews i f you agree . If you would l ike to have a friend o f i n te rpreter w i th you I would we lcome th i s . Before we s tart I would l i ke you to understand the fo l lowing. • You can dec l i ne to jo i n the research • You can l eave the research when you wish • You can refuse to answer some of the questions if you do not feel happy about them • You can ask me to turn off the tape recorder at any time • You will be given a copy of the taped meetings when they are typed • I will hold the tapes until the end of the research then give them to you if you would like. • Your name will not appear in any of the written information unless you agree. • I wil l give you a copy of the research when i t i s fInished • I wil l only pub lish parts of the research that you have participated in with your approval . The supervisors of this research are Dr Marilyn Waring and Dr Mike O 'Brien. They can be contacted at Massey University Albany on phone number 443-9700. If you should wish to get hold of me, messages can be left with the Secretary of the Social Pol icy and Social Work Department, Massey Universi ty 443-9700 or you could phone me on my mobile (02 1 ) 622 594 . Hello My name is Bronwen Byers I am a doctoral student at Massey University Albany I came to New Zealand in 1957 I am fifty-three years of age I have one son - he is 28 years - married living in London. I am interested in hearing the stories of Samoan women who came to New Zealand from the 1950's to the mid 1970's. Many Samoan women worked in hospitals, in factories, often working at night with sometimes two or three jobs to support aiga here and in Samoa. I am asking women if they will agree to tell me their stories of why they came to New Zealand and what life was like for them once they arrived. Some women say to me 'their stories are too ordinary' - I do not agree - I think it is important to gather women's life or oral histories and to write them down looking at all the issues that affect women's lives. I would like to interview you at your home or somewhere quiet I would like to meet you for about 1 hour maybe two or three times I would like to tape record our interviews The questions are not embarrassing - you can refuse to answer any questions I will give you a copy of the interview notes and ask you check them When the study is complete I will give you the tapes, the notes and a copy of the final thesis which you helped to write To help protect your privacy your name will not appear anywhere in the final thesis Faafetai Massey Un iversity COLLEGE OF HUMANmES & SOCIAL SCIENCES CONSENT FOruvI School of Social Policy & Social Work Private Bag 102 904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9765 Facsimile: 64 9 443 9767 I have read the Information Sheet and/or have had the details of the study explained verbally to me. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I understand that I may ask further questions at any time. I understand I have a right to withdraw from the study at any time and to decline to answer any particular questions. I agree to provide information to the researcher on the understanding that my name will not be used without my permission. (The information will be lIsed only for this research and publications arisingfram this research project). I agree/do not agree to the interview being audio taped. I also understand that I have the right to ask for the audiotape to be turned off at any time during the interview. I agree to participate in this study under the conditions set out in the Information Sheet or as discussed verbally. Signed: Name: Da te: Tc KU llcl lO"a ki PCirehuroa L:1 Attachment ( 5 ) � Massey Uni ersi y COUEGE OF HUMANmES & SOCIAl SCIENCES CONSENT FORM FOCUS GROUP School of Social Policy & Social Work Private Bag 1 02 904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9765 Facsimile: 64 9 443 9767 If I agree to participate in a focus group, I will have the right at the groups first meeting to discuss and contribute towards the setting out the group rules. The discussion will cover: • The need for confidentiality for all participants to remain within the group. • The need for confidentiality of all information discussed to remain within the group. • The right to leave the group at any time without giving a reason _ • The right to take personal information with me, or to decide to leave it to contribute to the groups findings and the final thesis I have read the Information Sheet and/or have had the details of the study explained verbally to me. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I understand that I may ask further questions at any time. I understand I have a right to withdraw from the study at any time and to decline to answer any particular questions. I agree to provide information to the researcher on the understanding that my name will not be used without my permission. (The information will be used only for this research and publications arising from this research project). I agree/do not agree to the interview being audio taped. I also understand that I have the right to ask for the audiotape to be turned off at any time during the interview. I agree to participate in this study under the conditions set out in the Information Sheet or as discussed verbally. Signed: Name: Date: (Attachment 6) Te Kunenga ki Purehuroa Inception to Infinity: Massey University's commiunent to learning as a life-long journey Massey University COLlEGE OF HUMANITIES & SOCIAl SCIENCES CONFIDENTIALITY CONTRACT INTERPRETERS/TRANSLATORS School of Social Policy & Social Work Private Bag 102 904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Telephone: 64 9 443 9765 Facsimile: 64 9 443 9767 I have been invited to act as Interpreter, Translator by . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I agree that any information discussed and tape recordlc1 at this interview will remain private and confidential to the participant, researcher and myself as Interpreter/Translator. Signed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Interpreter Signed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Translator Date Attachment (7) Te Kunenga ki Pilrehuroa Inception to Infinity: Massey University's commitment to learning as a life-long journey Talofa Lava! o lo' u igoa 0 Bronwen Byers . o au'u 0 se tina fa'auuina mai i le Iunivesete 0 Massey, Albany Campus, Auckland. E fa' avae mai la'u sailiiliga i lo 'u fia feiloa'i ma talatalanoa i ni tina Samoa na amata malaga mai i Niu Sila i le 1 950's/1 970's . Mai e te fmagalo malie - Pe mafai ona ou fesili atu ma ta talatalanoa i nai tala otooto 0 Iou soifllaga. E mafai ona ta feiloa' i ma talatalanoa i Iou fale, po'o so'o se nofoaga lava e te silafia e lale ma to' a a filemu. Pe tasi i le lua itula le umi 0 le ta talanoaga i taimita' itasi ta fe feiloa'i ai . Ou te mana'o fo' i fa'amolemole e tusa e ta' atolu ona ta feiloa' i i totonu 0 le ono VaIaso. Ou te fesili atu fo' i ia te oe ina ia sainia lenei pepa, a' 0 le' i amotaina le te talanoaga. Ou te mana' 0 e pu' eina le ta talanoago i le lipine (tape recorder) pe afai e te fmgalo i ai . Mai fo' i e mo'omia sau ua e feasoasoani mo le fa'aliliuina 0 le gagana, 0 le mea sili lea, ou te talia me le fiafia. A'o le ' i amataina le ta talanoaga, e lelei ona e malamalama i mea nei : • E mafai lave ona e le taliaina lenei sailiiliga. • Mai e te mana' 0 e ta'atia lenei sailiga, 10 lea pule pea oe. • Mai lava e i ai ni fesili e te le faifia e tali i ai, e le afaina lea. • E mafai lava ona e fa'apea mai, e tape le laau pu'e lea i so'o se taimi. • Ou te avatua ia te oe le tala 0 lenei talanoage pea uma ona pU'eina. • Ou te taofia le lipine 0 le sailiiliga lenei, se ia maea lelei ona avatu leaia te oe pe afai e te mana' 0 i ai . A rr-erCl l><' 1. • E le mafai ona tusia Iou suafa i so'o se hlsitusiga 0 lenei sailiga, se ' i vagana lave ua e finagalo malie i ai . • Ou te tu'uina atu ia te oe se kopi 0 lenei sailiilga pe afai e maea. • On te tusia na'o se vaega 0 len,ei sailiiliga 0 10'0 e i ai, pe afai ua i ai Iou talitonuga i lenei fa'amoemoe. o e 0 10 '0 fa' auluulu i ai lenei sailiiliga 0: Dr Marilyn Waring Dr Mike O'Brien E mafai ona fa'afeso'ota'i atu i Massey University i Albany. i le telefoni 443 9700 . Afai fo' i e te mana'o mia a'u, hl'U ane sau feau i le failautusi a le Social Policy Department i Massey University, i le telefoni 443 9700, po'o la'u telefoni feavea'i 02 1 622 594 o Le Pepa Fa'amaonia Ua ou faitau i fa'amalamalaga 0 10'0 lomia i nei pepa. Ua ou taliaina fesili i lo'u lava loto malie, ua ou iloa fo' i e iai le avanoa ou te fesili atu ai i so'o se taimi. Ua ou iloa fo' i e i ai la'u aia tatau e aveese mai ai a'u, i lenei su'uesu'ega, pe ou te le taliaina fo' i nisi fesili . Ua ou malie fo' i e tu'uina atu la'u fesoasoani i lenei sailiiliga ma lo'u talitonuga, e le mafai ona tusia ai lo'u igoa, e aunoa ma so'u maile i ai . (0 fa'amatalaga ua na'o lenei lava sailiiliga, a'o le lolomiina ma le fa'alauiloaina 0 lenei sailiga 0 le a i ai lea i le ofisa Tu-totonu) . Ua ou malie/Ou te le malie i lenei talanoaga, ina ia pu'eina i le laau pu'eleo. Ua ou malamalama fo' i e i ai la'u aia tatau, ou te fa'apea atu ai e tape le laau pu'eleo i le taimi a'o fai pea le talanoaga. U a ou loto malie ou te i ai i totonu 0 lenei sailiiliga ma mea 0 10' 0 fia malamalama i ai, e ala mai i nei fesili ua tusia i nei pepa, po'o ni fesili fo' i e fia fesili mai ai, ma talanoaina. Saini --------------------------------------- Lou Suafa ----------------------------------- Aso -------------------------------------- 1 4 June 1 999 Bronwen Byers C/O School of Social Policy & Social Work Massey University, Albany Dear Bronwen ' INVISIBLE WOMEN' • NIGHT CLEANERS Thank you for your appl ication which we recently received . Office of the Principal Massey University Albany Campus Private Bag 102 904, North Shore MSC, Auckland, New Zealand Principal: 64 9 443 9799 ext 9517 Campus Registrar: 64 9 443 9799 ext 9516 Facsimile: 64 9 414 0814 Your application wi l l be addressed at the 30th June 1 999 (moved from 24th June) meeting of the Albany Human Ethics Committee. Should you be required to attend this meeting I shall contact you as soon as possible, I would ask that you be aware that this may happen and, therefore, keep time available between 9.45am and 1 pm on the day of the meeting. If you have any queries do not hesitate to contact me, quoting your appl ication number: MUAHEC 99/038 Yours sincerely Catherine Lidgard Committee Secretary Human Ethics Committee Albany Campus Te Knnenga ki Purehuroa A ""''''''- --'' 'f.. I ( Inception to Infinity: Massey University's commitment to learning as a life-long journey � "--'f Massey U[ffv rsat 09 July 1 999 Bronwen Byers C/O School of Social Policy & Social Work Massey University Albany Dear Bronwen H U M AN ETHICS APPROVAL APPLICATION - MUAHEC 99/038 ' INVISIBLE WOMEN' - NIGHT CLEANERS Office of the Principal Massey University Albany Campus Private 8ag 102 904. North Shore MSC. Auckland. New Zealand Principal: 64 9 443 9799 ext 9517 Campus Registrar: 64 9 443 9799 ext 9516 Facsimile: 64 9 414 081 4 Thank you for the above application, which was received and considered by the Massey University, Albany Campus, Human Ethics Committee at their meeting held on 30 June 1 999. The Committee raised the following points regarding your application: I nformation Sheet (1 ) : / • Please amend the following sentence to read: ' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 would like to meet you at a place that you would find most suitable, maybe your home or somewhere close to your home tha t you can nominate, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ' j • 5th Sentance - Please amend to say ' . . . . . may assist . . . . ' instead of ' . . . . . . . . . will assist. . . . . . ' . • Please re-word the last bu l let-point to make clearer. • Please state clearly how long and how much involvement will be necessary/anticipated for participants in this project. I nformation Sheet (2) : • Please amend the fol lowing sentance to read: 'I would like to meet you at home or somewhere close to your home that you can nominate, where we can talk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ' • 3rd paragraph - Please re-word to state that the information may be used to change Government policies, and remove the 3rd sentence. • 5th bullet-point - Please add ' . . . . . . . to read and correct if you wish '. • Please re-word the last bu l let-point to make clearer. • Please state clearly how long and how much involvement wil l be necessary/anticipated for participants in this project. For your consideration : • It is suggested that the work of Russell Bishop may be of help to you with regard to cultural issues. • It is suggested that during your writing up you clearly state that only cleaners were involved in this project not al l types of 'night-workers' . • Consideration should be g iven to ACe legislation. • Consideration should be g iven to your position with regard to confl ict of i nterest should you encounter unsafe working conditions. Te Kunenga kj Purehllroa A ff�C,\ I)�. ,�,-Inception to Infinity: Massey University'S commitment to learning as a life·longjourney Subject to the above amendments and inclusions being received, the ethics of the application wil l be approved. Any departure from the approved application wil l require you to return this project to the Human Ethics Committee, Albany Campus, for further consideration and approval . Yours sincerely pR Or Mike O'Brien C HAIRPERSON, MASSEY UNIVERSITY, ALBANY CAMPUS H U MAN ETHICS COM MITIEE cc. Or Marilyn Waring, School of Social Policy & Social Work, Massey University, Albany Themes Respondent Questions Family Background Were you born in Samoa Where did you live Did your father or mother hold a prominent/chiefly title Schooling What schools did you go to At what age did you leave What school diplomas or certificates d id you get Remittances Growing up in Samoa did you know if remittances were being from New Zealand Who was sending them Which family member looked after the money Would you be able to tell me who got the money How did it help Are you sti l l a ble to send remittances to Samoa 1 2 Marita l status/Children Are you married How many children have you cared for in your family Migration to New Zealand When did you hear about New Zealand Who first ta lked about coming to New Zealand Why did you come to New Zealand What year did you come to New Zealand How old were you Did you choose to come How did you feel about leaving Samoa How did you raise the money needed to come to New Zealand How did you travel here -ship or air travel Who met you when you a rrived at the port of airport Accommodation Where did you stay when you first arrived \Vho owned the house you l ived in (if it was in the city) How did you feel about living i n the city. Did you shift around much How did you get places to rent or buy Where do you live now How long have you lived there 2 3 Language Did you speak English before you ca me to NZ - if not How did you learn English - did family help (if not) What organisation helped -church workplace What do you speak mostly - English or Samoa n How important is it to still speak Samoan Do your ch ild ren/grand child ren speak Samoa n Expectations - Impressions - NZ lifestyle- fa 'a Samoa What d id you think New Zea land would be like What were some of the things you liked What were some of the things vou did not like How d id New Zealanders behaviour to you Did you miss Samoa Were you home sick Did you have support from family Employment What type of work did you do in Samoa What type of work did you want to do when you came to New Zea land Did you or a family member have a job to come to in NZ Where was this - which company Were family a lready working there Where did you work Were other Samoan women working there H ow did you get the job 3 When did you start working What hours did you work Did you work at n ight Did you have more than one job 4 What d id you l ike about this/these jobs What did you d islike about th is/these jobs Did you tel l people what work you did Did you support family by sending remittances to Samoa Did you support family in New Zealand What work a re you doing at the moment Were you asked at any time to show your passport at work WorklU n ions How did you hear about unions Did you join a union Did vou think the union helped you - in what way Are you still a un ion member (if working) Can you remember what the Church thought about un ion membership , Dawn Raids' Do you remember the 'Dawn Raids' Did you know any one who was involved Would you be able to tell me how this made you feel 4 5 Church Did you join a church when you arrived Which church Which family members were at the church Could you tell me how you felt about going to church Do you stil l go to this church What groups a re you in How much time do you spend doing church activities Do your children go to the church How do you support the church Staying in New Zea land Have you ever thought of going back to Samoa What keeps you in New Zealand Looking back over the years - could you tell me how you feel about coming to l ive in New Zealand 5 o Iou talaaga Sa e fanau Pe soifua mai i Samoa o fea sa e nofo ai Sa fa'asuafaina Iou tama, poo Iou tina i se suafa matai Aoa 'oga o lea le a'oga sa e a'oga ai o lea Iou matua na uma ai lau a 'oga Sa maua ni ou tusipasi, po 0 ni tusi faamaoni mai lau a'oga Lafoga-o tupe i Samoa A'o e soifua ma ola a'e i Samoa, sa e iloa na lafo atu e se isi ni tupe mai Niu Sila mO outou o ai lea tagata na lafoina atu tupe o ai le tagata 0 10 outou aiga na vaaia ma teuina nei tupe E mafai ona e fa'ailoa mai ia te au, po' o ai na mauaina le tupe na lafoina mai i N ui Sila Sa fa'efefea ona fesoasoani, pe fa'aaogaina lea tu pe 0 le a se fesoasoani na mafai ona fa'atine e lenei tupe o e lafoina pea ni tupe i Samoa Po ua e fa'aipoipo E to'afia ni tamaiti 0 10'0 e tausia ma vaaia i totonu 0 Iou aiga . Malaga ese mai-mo Niu Sila o anafea sa e fa' alogo ai e uiga ia Niu Sila o ai sa talatalanoa muamua e uiga i le malaga mai i Niu Sila Aisea ua e malaga mai ai i Niu Sila o le a le tausaga na e malaga mai ai i Niu Sila o le fia lena 0 tausaga 0 Iou soifua na e malaga na i ai i Niu Sila Sa e manao e te sau 0 sau lava filiftliga na e sau ai i Niu Sila o le a se lagon a sa 0-10 ia te oe,ina ua e tu'ua Samoa 1 Na fa'afefea ona fa'atupeina Iou pasese mai i Niu SUa Sa fa'apefea ona e malaga mai i inei, 0 le va'aalalo, po 0 se va'alele o ai sa fa'atalia oe i Iou taunu'u mai i le uafu, po 0 le malae va'alele Mea sa e nofo ai o fea sa e nofo ai i Iou fa'atoa taunuu mai o ai e ona le fale sa e nofo ai (Afai 0 le taulaga) o lea sou lagona e uiga i Iou nofo i le taulaga E tele ni nofoaga sa e sifi solo i ai Sa fa'apefea ona maua fale sa e nofo totogi ai, po'o sou lava fale fa'atau o fea 0 10'0 e nofo ai nei o lea le umi talu ona e nofo ai i ina Gagana Sa e iloa tautala i le gagana Peretania (igilisi) ae e te le'i malaga mai i Niu Sila -( afai e leai) Sa fa'apefea ona a'oa'o lau gagana Peretania (igilisi). 0 nisi 0 Iou aiga -(afai e leai) ia po'o se isi fa'alapotopotoga, e pei 0 le lotu po'o le fale faigaluega o lea le gagana tou te fa'aogaina so'o pea fai tou talanoaga- 0 le fa'a­ Samoa po'o le fa'a Peretania (igilisi) o lea le taua e alai pea ona tautala i le gagana Samoa E i10a e lau fanau, ma fanau a lau fanau, ona tautala ile gagana Samoa Mafaufau i le olaga fa'a Niu Sila ma le fa'a Samoa o lea sou lagona me Iou mafaufau pe fa 'apeii ia Niu Sila Sa i ai ni mea sa e faifia i ai ina ua e taunuu mai i Niu Sila o a ni mea sa e faifai i ai pe ete lei fiafia i ai ina ua e taunuu mai i Niu Sila Sa fa'afefea uiga 0 tagata Niu Sila ia te oe Sa e misia Samoa Sa e teo fia fo'i i Samoa Sa fesoasoani mai Iou aiga ia te oe 2 Guluega o le a le ituaiga galuega sa e faia i Samoa Ole a le ituaiga galuega sa e mana'o e te faia ina ua e sau i Nui Sila Po 0 oe, po 0 se isi 0 Iou aiga na avatu ai se galuega ete sau ai i Nui Sila o fea e iai, a'o ai foi le kamupani o iai se isi 0 le aiga 0 10' 0 galue ai i lea fale faigaluega Sa e feigaluega i fea E iai nisi fafme Samoa i lena galuega Sa faafefea ona maua lau galuega o anafea sa amata ai lau galuega o a itula sa e faigaluega ai Sa e faigaluega i le po Sa i ai nisi galuega sa e galue ai, e sili atu ai i le tasi le galuega Sa 0'0 ia te oe se lagona fiafia e uiga i lenei galuega - po'o nei foi galuega Sa i ai se lagona le fiafia ia te oe e uiga i lea galuega - po' 0 nei foi galuega Sa e tau atau i tagata lau galuega sa fai Sa iai sau fesoasoani i Iou aiga i le auina atu oni tupe i Samoa Sa e fesoasoani i Iou aiga i Niu Sila nei o le a le galuega 0 10' 0 e galue ai i le taimi nei Sa fesiligia oe e fa'aali atu Iou Tusi-Folaun i lau galuega So'ofaatasi i le galuega Na fa'apefea ona e iloa tulaga tau i iuni a tagata faigaluega Sa avea oe ma sui 0 se iuni Sa e manatu sa fesoasoani le iuni ia te oe - 0 a auala sa fesoasoani atu ai Afai 0 10 0 e faigaluega - 0 10'0 e iai pea 0 se sui 0 le iuni o le a sou lagon a e uiga i Ekalesia po 0 Lotu foi, i so latou finagalo, e uiga i e 0 loo avea pea ma sui 0 le iuni Ole sailia 0 tagata ua ova aso i Niu Sila o e manatua le taimi na fa'atino ai e leoleo ma le ofisa 0 femalagaina le aye fa'amalosi ma le sailia 0 tagata ua ova aso i Niu Sila Sa e iloaina se isi sa aafia ai i lea mea E mafai ona e ta'umaia ia te au, 0 le a sou lagona sa i ai i lea ituaiga gaoioiga le lelei 3 Lotu or Ekalesia Sa e au ai i se Lotu i Iou faatoa taunuu mai i Nui Sila o le a le Lotu po'o le Ekalesia Sa iai nisi 0 Iou aiga i le Lotu E mafai ona e faamatalaina mai ia te au, sou lagona e uiga i Iou auai atu, po o Iou alu atu i le Lotu o 10' 0 e alu pea lava i lenei Lotu po' 0 lea Ekalesia o le a le vaega 0 le Ekalesia 0 loo e i ai E tele ni ou taimi 0 10'0 e faaaluina i Iou auai atu i nisi galuega faa - le Ekalesia E o lau fanau i le Lotu E faapefea ona e fesoasoani i le Ekalesia Nofo tuma i Nui Sila o i ai pea sou lagona e te toe fia foi i Samoa o le a le mea 0 10'0 taofia ai oe i Nui SiIa nei Toe tepa i tua i tausaga e tele ua tuanai. E mafai ona e faamatalaina mai ia te au sou lagon a e uiga i Iou malaga mai ma nofo ai i Nui Sila 15th September 2000 Chairperson Massey University Human Ethics Committee Private Bag 1 02 904 North Shore MSC Auckland Dear Chairperson Re MUAHEC 99/038 - Bronwen Byers As my research has progressed it has become apparent that I should slightly widen my respondent group, to include other women service workers. My interviewing is progressing along these lines. Apart from this change, the original research Objectives 1 .2 and Research Procedures 1 .3 - 1 . 5 and the Ethical Considerations 2. 1 - 2 . 10, as approved by the Ethics Committee have not changed. Yours sincerely Bronwen Byers Social Policy and Social Work Interview - Returned to be checked: What happens next: . . - Would you please check these typed notes do not worry about spelling errors, I will correct these. • Please put a line through parts you want to take out. • If you can remember your words where . . . • . . . . . .• . . . • • • has been typed please write in these words as they were hard to hear on the tape recording. • I would like to collect these from you when you are happy with them - I would like to pick them up in the next two weeks if possible ( ) • Over the next year I will continue with the research. • In this time I will keep you up to date with what I am doing and how the work is going along - I may need to check some of the interview notes with you later on. • I will have completed the thesis by late 2002. • Don't forget I will be giving you the tape recording of the interviews, the computer discs and a copy of the finished work. If you would like a copy of these first notes please tell me. Thank you very much for your time and help sharing your life story with me. I have really enjoyed sitting and recording your experiences. Dates Checking interview notes 1 -2 weeks Interviews all completed by March 2001 Finished thesis late 2002. Faafetai Bronwen I I I �.��il.� !he.",., i W.� I !.�"UL I nor _----� � � ,� . WblL " wk.h luntrQI of ', jP-d">.Ai -� . - -f-- --� ---f-- 1---- --r- .-�:1 --- ""7 -- �---- --- 1---- - - - -� ()� - f-- - - - -�I.J .5 .. m-#. � fec,eo CMI'j _ - - -- I -- - - -� --- --r- ,..-- - - 1 --- ,--- -- -- - - - -- -- - -- I loo.t . - 1" ... 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