Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. ‘We must contribute’ The Pahiatua Region and the Second World War 1939 – 45 The town of Pahiatua, late 1930s A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in History Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand Stewart Holdaway 2019 i INDEX Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Illustrations iv Introduction 1 Chapter One: The Centennial Year 12 Chapter Two: The Military Reaction and Response 46 Chapter Three: The Social Impact of the War 76 Chapter Four: Industry in the Pahiatua region 101 Chapter Five: Local and National Governance 135 Conclusions 163 Bibliography 168 ii Abstract When war broke out in September 1939 approximately 500 men and women from the Pahiatua region enlisted in the armed forces of New Zealand, the British Royal Navy and the Royal Air Force. But what was life like at home while these men and women served? This thesis examines the role the Second World War played on a ‘typical’ example of rural New Zealand, the Pahiatua region. It focuses on three key issues for the region during this time, the impact of the war, how business was affected, and the role played by local and national government in the region. New Zealand during the Second World War has been a source of previous research. However, the majority of this research has concentrated on either a national perspective or a specific theme. Very little has been written on regional history during this time. This thesis attempts to address this by looking at a region that has barely been referred to in the secondary sources. This thesis sheds new light on the Pahiatua region during the Second World War. Far from being a silent observer the region played an active role in supporting the war effort both socially and financially. There was very much a feeling in the region of ‘we must contribute’. iii Acknowledgements I am firstly indebted to my supervisors, Dr Glyn Harper and Dr John Griffiths. There were many twists and turns throughout the process of writing this thesis and without their continuous support I doubt I would have finished this journey. I would like to acknowledge the financial and time support given to me by my employer, IPU New Zealand, in completing this thesis. I also wish to thank all the archivists and library staff that I troubled for resources. My thanks to my family for being a continuous fountain of support, despite me being at times a very absentee member. Finally, my thanks to the region of Pahiatua, for giving me an interesting subject to write about, and from where my interest in the Second World War originates. iv Illustrations Main Street, Pahiatua, 1930s 14 Sir George Grey Special Collections, Auckland Libraries Memorial Square, Pahiatua 45 Sir George Grey Special Collections, Auckland Libraries S.K Siddells, Mayor of Pahiatua 1938 -1942 47 Archives Central, Feilding Donation of Bren Gun Carrier 94 Archives Central, Feilding Internees Camp – Pahiatua 22 February 1943 156 Archives New Zealand, Wellington Children playing on grass 162 Archives New Zealand, Wellington 1 Introduction The Pahiatua Region and the Second World War When I mentioned to a number of people that I was thinking of completing my Masters, the overall response was positive. I was almost always told that the hardest part about writing a thesis is choosing the topic. This is something I certainly struggled with at the beginning. I knew that I wanted to research and write about something I was interested in and hopefully it would have something to do with the area I grew up in. I was born and raised in the dairy- farming district of Ballance, named after the former New Zealand Prime Minister John Ballance1. Being from Ballance, and a former dairy-farmer, I seriously considered writing about some aspect of farming history. But as I went through the process my thoughts and interests changed until one topic became clear. A topic that on reflection now seems quite obvious and had been staring me straight in the face through most of my life. Ballance is in the Pahiatua Region and the topic I was to eventually decide on was something that I had seen the memorials to nearly every day while travelling to Pahiatua for high school and work. It sometimes seems that every small town in New Zealand must have its own iconic memorial. Ohakune has the giant carrot, Paeroa 1 John Ballance, Prime Minister of New Zealand (1891-1893), Leader of the Opposition (1889-1891) 2 the giant L&P bottle, and even Eketahuna has a giant kiwi. Pahiatua, of course, has one of its own. Anyone who drives into the township of Pahiatua from the north can’t help but notice the replica Harvard Air Trainer from the Second World War.2 In fact, anyone driving into Pahiatua can’t help but notice the memorials to the Second World War that are scattered throughout the town. If you come from the south, you will notice a strange white statue shaped like a crab claw. This is the Polish Memorial. The Polish Memorial Inscribed at the base of the Polish Memorial is the following inscription: 2 The original Harvard airplane was put up in late 1963. It was replaced with a fibreglass model in December 2015 and the playground was renamed the Harvard Adventure Playground. 3 THIS MEMORIAL On the site of the former Polish children’s camp Was erected by the Polish Community In appreciation of the shelter given By the people of New Zealand To 734 Polish children in 1944 In World War 2 they survived Deportation to Siberia And after a temporary stay in Iran Found in this country Home, friends and security 22 February 19753 From the north, as mentioned previously, the first thing your eye is drawn to is the iconic replica Harvard Air Trainer in the Pahiatua playground, which now sees usage as a quite scary slide. From the west you drive towards the Pahiatua War Memorial Park with its two cenotaphs to the war dead of the Pahiatua region. Despite this obvious history and reverence to its role, in particular, to the Second World War, it is a region that has to some degree forgotten the important role and contribution it played in the history of the Second World War in New Zealand. When I started my research for this thesis, I was told in no uncertain terms by a resident of the community that 3 Inscribed at the base of the memorial. 4 “nothing happened in Pahiatua during the war.” However, as I hope my thesis proves nothing could be further from the truth. The Harvard Air Trainer This thesis will attempt to answer three key questions. They are: what was the impact of the war on the people of the region? How were the industries of the region affected by the war? And what role did local and national government play in the region? Pahiatua actually proves to be an interesting region in which to examine how the Second World War affected small, rural communities in New Zealand. For example, here is a small selection of the numerous events that happened in Pahiatua during the war years. A Polish Children’s Camp was established in Pahiatua in 1944. Local man Sergeant Keith Elliott was awarded the Victoria Cross, one of only 5 eight New Zealanders to do so in the Second World War.4 An internment camp for the accommodation of enemy soldiers/aliens was established in Pahiatua for a short time. There were large-scale natural disasters and numerous political figures made visits to the region.5 Not many areas in New Zealand can claim even this small amount of history during the war years. These factors combined with the effect the Second World War had on the industries of Pahiatua, (farming, brewery and transport) and the social impacts felt by the people in the community make for a very interesting case study. This thesis is suitable for a variety of reasons. While there has been a significant amount of research on the impact of the Second World War on New Zealand in general, most notably Nancy Taylor’s two volume The Home Front (1986), little has been written on the impact of the Second World War in specific regions of New Zealand.6 There is a great deal of information about the Polish Children’s camp that was set up in Pahiatua and many books have been written by historians and the children who stayed there, but most are from the Polish perspective. In fact, very little has been written about the experience of the people in the Pahiatua region towards the war. 4 He would later return to Pahiatua to a hero’s welcome. A book about the first fifty years of his life was later published in 1967. Elliott, K & Adshead, R. From Cowshed to Dogcollar (1967). Wellington, New Zealand: A.H. & A.W.Reed, 1967. 5 The Prime Minister of New Zealand, Peter Fraser, and the Governor-General, Lord Galway, being two such visitors. 6 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Volumes One and Two), Wellington: Historical Publications Branch New Zealand, 1986. 6 Despite having a rich history, very little has been written on the history of Pahiatua recently.7 Angus McCullum’s history of the Pahiatua County, Tui Country: A History of the Pahiatua County was published in 1988. This excellent book covers 100 years of the history of the Pahiatua County from 1888 to 1988. However, his chapter on the Pahiatua County during the Second World War titled ‘Into War and Beyond”, is only ten pages long and the second shortest in the book.8 The only other noteworthy book on the history of Pahiatua, Bryon Bentley’s Pahiatua (A Pictorial History 1881-1981) was published in 1980 and again has only limited information about Pahiatua during the Second World War. Regional history, while becoming more popular, has to some degree been overlooked in New Zealand. New Zealand historians have been taking a more ‘regional’ approach but internationally it has become an extremely legitimate research area, best emphasised by the International Journal of Regional and Local History published since 2013. This is especially true of regional history during the Second World War. So the question has to be asked as to why this thesis is titled “The Pahiatua Region and the Second World War” and not the Pahiatua County or Pahiatua District during the Second World War. While the majority of the thesis will concentrate on the Pahiatua 7 Apart from the numerous books on the Pahiatua Children’s Camp. In particular, I highly recommend Manterys, A, (ed.). New Zealand’s First Refugees: Pahiatua’s Polish Children (2004), Wellington, New Zealand: Polish Children’s Reunion Committee, 2004. which gives over 100 personal, and in some cases, quite moving stories from these Polish refugees. 8 In total Tui Country has 384 pages. Pages 197 to 206 refer to WWII. 7 County during the Second World War, the social, cultural and economic factors that affected the Pahiatua County in the Second World War also affected the counties next to it and were often not mutually exclusive. Geographically, the Pahiatua County may have stretched from the Tararua mountain range in the west to the Puketoi mountain range in the east. However, there are no natural boundaries to the north and south and these were purely lines drawn on a map. The result is that many people who live in these ‘borderland’ areas often had contacts and connections that went beyond county lines, and often considered themselves part of a larger Pahiatua region. In The Pahiatua Region 8 the late 1930s the Pahiatua County council even tried to extend its boundaries to incorporate part of Eketahuna County because, as the Pahiatua County Clerk wrote ‘the petitioners desiring to be included in this County used the town of Pahiatua for banking, shopping and as a stock centre…’9 So what is the Pahiatua region? Is it strictly geographical, vaguely cultural or by a broad political regional demarcation? For the purpose of this thesis the Pahiatua region is based on the geography of the Pahiatua County but with some overlap with the counties on the borders, especially to the north and south. As W.J. Gardner states ‘Regional history is about communities and the areas with which they identify themselves.’10 Many of the residents during the war that lived north or south of the Pahiatua County borders considered the township of Pahiatua to be their main service town and themselves to be part of a broader Pahiatua region. What was the Pahiatua region like in 1939? Predominately a dairy and sheep farming community it was a region with a population of 4,640, of whom nearly 3,000 lived within the ‘administrative county’.11 It was a region that was politically aware and socially conscious. For example, a meeting on the Social Security Act in Pahiatua on 27 of June 1939, had seen over 250 women, or approximately 5% of the 9 [Letter to The County Clerk – Uawa County Council]. (n.d.). Pahiatua County Council, Administration – General, TDC 00034:1:1. 10 W.J Gardner, ‘New Zealand Regional History and its Place in the Schools’, in New Zealand Journal of History, 13:2 (1979), p. 183. 11 New Zealand Official Year Book 1940, p. 78-79. 9 population, meet to discuss its merits.12 When war broke out in September 1939 ‘the response of the Pahiatua district was immediate and over the period of the war 1939-45 some 492 local men and woman enlisted in the Armed Forces of New Zealand, and in some cases in the British Royal Navy and Royal Air Force.’13 Victoria Cross recipient Keith Elliott’s response of ‘I must go. That was the only thought in my mind’ was a common reaction amongst the men of the region.14 This thesis consists of five chapters that span the time period from 1939 to 1945. As regards the research material for the history of this region during the Second World War, a wide variety of primary and secondary material was consulted. A key primary resource throughout the thesis will be the newspapers of the era, and in particular the Pahiatua Herald (1893–1943) and the North Wairarapa Herald (1943– 1954).15 These newspapers were invaluable in depicting the life of the region during this time. Books, articles, and theses about the era will be consulted. Parliamentary records and material at the National Archives will also be important resources. In addition, the Pahiatua County and Pahiatua Borough records, not only will give an idea of the workings of local government, but also give some illustration of life at 12 Evening Post, 28 June 1939, p. 10. 13 Bentley, B.J. Pahiatua. A Pictorial History 1881-1981. Pahiatua: Carthew’s Bookshop Ltd, 1980, p. 72. 14 Elliott, K. & Adshead, R. From Cowshed to Dogcollar, Wellington: A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1967, p. 32. 15 Despite having a population of approximately 4 600 the Pahiatua region published a daily ‘national’ newspaper during the Second World War. It would later become three times a week in 1942. 10 the time. These materials are complemented with the printed personal recollections of Pahiatua residents at the time. Chapter one will focus on Pahiatua in 1939 and during the first year of the war. The aim of this chapter is to give an overview of what Pahiatua was like in 1939, how well prepared it was to handle the outbreak of the Second World War, what its initial reaction was and how enthusiastic the region was towards the war. Chapter two will focus on the reaction and response of the Pahiatua region and its people to the war. Was there majority support for the war effort and if so, what did they do to help the war effort? Did the people of Pahiatua enlist and why or why not? The focus of chapter three is on the social impact of the war for the Pahiatua region. What was regular, everyday life like for the people of the Pahiatua region during the war years? How were gender roles affected by the Second World War? Chapter four will look at the impact the war had on the industries of the Pahiatua region. In addition, how was employment affected during this period? The final chapter will concentrate on local and national governance of the Pahiatua region during the Second World War. How did this governance effect the people of the Pahiatua region? What were the benefits and the drawbacks that the Pahiatua region faced due to this governance? Of particular interest is the impact of the Polish Children’s Camp to the region. This research is valuable. It will give an idea of the consequences of the Second World War on a small rural region. This has been a subject 11 that has been largely absent from the New Zealand historiography. The experiences and attitudes rural regions had towards the Second World War often shaped their future identity. These regions have a story to tell and this thesis will endeavour to tell one of them. 12 Chapter One The Centennial Year ‘At the moment of writing, it seems that there is a good chance of war being averted wrote the editor of the Pahiatua Herald in late August 1939.1 However, when war did break out in Europe in September 1939, there was an attitude of ‘It Can’t Happen Here.’2 Or perhaps more correctly, it will not have any effect on us. As the Mayor of Pahiatua, Mr. S.K. Siddells said ‘…Pahiatua is particularly well situated geographically and I just want to advance the opinion that this district is in no danger whatsoever…’3 Siddells was the Mayor of the Pahiatua Borough from 1938 – 1942. He was considered the guiding spirit in many local movements during this period. It was a war that seemed far away and initially, there was uncertainty about how it would affect the Pahiatua region. However, support in the Pahiatua region, like many other areas of New Zealand, for the war was positive, and was perhaps best summed up by the following comment of the Pahiatua County Council, ‘That this council offers the fullest co-operation and assistance to the Government in its efforts at the time of the war crises, which has been forced on the British Empire.’4 1 The Pahiatua Herald, 28 August 1939, p. 4. 2 Ibid, 26 August 1939, p. 4. 3 Ibid, 5 September 1939, p.4. 4 Pahiatua County Council Archives 4/1/1 Vol.11, 11 October 1939, p. 1031. 13 In fact, it should not have come as much of a surprise to the people of the Pahiatua region when war did break out. For a number of years, the editor of the Pahiatua Herald had been alluding to the problems Germany was creating in Europe and had warned of the ‘new anxiety’ of Japan.5 The refugee problem caused by the conflicts in Europe was also something that the Pahiatua region was well aware of, and while unknown at the time, was later to have a huge impact on the Pahiatua regions war effort. The Pahiatua County Council had been asked to fund a relief effort for Spanish Refugee Children in July 1938. In October 1938 an editorial in the Pahiatua Herald titled ‘Wanderers on the face of the Earth’, had warned that ‘With the increase of intolerance and persecution in the Dictatorships of Europe, the refugee problem becomes daily more acute.’6 So what was the Pahiatua region like when war broke out? By the beginning of 1939 the region had slowly climbed out of the depression years of the early 1930s and there was a feeling that things seemed to be improving, especially economically. One example of this was that the Pahiatua County Council was undertaking a massive bridging programme. ‘In the Pahiatua County there are probably more bridges…per kilometre of road than in any other county in New Zealand.’7 However, the council was having some difficulties with this 5 The Pahiatua Herald, 19 October 1938, p. 4. 6 Ibid, 21 October 1938, p. 4. 7 McCallum, A. Tui County: A History Of Pahiatua County, Pahiatua: The Pahiatua County Council, 1988, p. 197. 14 Main Street, Pahiatua, 1930s Photo courtesy of ‘Sir George Grey Special Collections, Auckland Libraries’ 15 bridging programme. Loans had to be raised from a variety of sources, telephone and power poles often had to be moved to accommodate the new bridges, and even small areas of land had to be purchased. When war broke out, this financing became more difficult. The result was that some bridge projects were eventually replaced with culverts to save costs. Pahiatua was seen as being an important and emerging region in the late 1930s. It was considered a needed stop of the tour of Lord Nuffield in March 1939.8 Lord Nuffield was the founder of Morris Motors Limited, the Nuffield Foundation, the Nuffield Trust, and Nuffield College, Oxford. It was a growing region that had just seen a record year of building activity in the township of Pahiatua.9 The inspector for the Bank of New South Wales had reported that ‘considerable activity continues in erection of new residences’ and that ‘a certain amount of movement is noticeable in residential properties.’10 Despite this increase in building activity there was still a housing shortage in Pahiatua, with it being reported that for every house becoming available ‘agents are receiving as many as seven or eight applications for each one vacant.’11 The reason given for this shortage was a steady increase in population combined with a 8 The Pahiatua Herald, 8 March 1939, p. 6. 9 Over 30 permits were granted in the year to March 1939 with a total value of £15 909. Over £3 000 more than the year before. In 1935, 43 permits had been granted, largely due to the 1934 earthquake, but only to a value of £14 328. 10 MS-Group-1977: Bank of New South Wales: Inspectors’ reports, April 1939, MSDL-1406. 11 The Pahiatua Herald, 4 May 1939, p. 4. 16 previous lag in building activity. By July 1940, there were only 423 houses in the Borough compared to a population of 1,800; approximately one house for every four people.12 When war did break out, it at first seemed to have little impact on the day-to-day life of the people of the Pahiatua region. Beyond a slight initial panic there was certainly a feeling of ‘business as usual’ after a few weeks. In fact, there was a general lack of concern in the Pahiatua region at the outbreak of the Second World War. This is best summed up by a tongue-in-check article published in The Pahiatua Herald on 26 September 1939. Actually there was not enough traffic…something to do with the petrol restrictions we supposed – but this was the only visible sign of the war. No evidence of any tenseness, no worried faces or anxious groups gathered at street corners discussing the latest wireless news. Newspaper placards with heavy black headlines seemed very depressed about not attracting any attention.13 The Alcohol Question Nancy Taylor mentions in The Home Front what soldiers did on their leave activity was an area of ‘lively concern’ for the majority of the 12 Ibid, 25 July 1939, p. 4. 13 Ibid, 26 September 1939, p. 4. 17 country early on in the war. 14 This issue of troops and liquor was certainly a hot topic of debate in the Pahiatua region. The temperance issue had been discussed in the region before the war. In August of 1939 roughly 80% of the letters to the editor of the Pahiatua Herald on the temperance issue had been in favour of regulating liquor. This suggests there was obviously some very active support for this movement in the Pahiatua region. This contentious issue was to arise again in the early months of the war effort. The Pahiatua County Council came out very strongly that military camps should remain dry. They sent a resolution to the Minister of Defence stating ‘That this council believes the great majority of parents would welcome the placing of hotel bars as out of bounds to all men in khaki, and further protests that it is not enough safeguard to have camps dry and the hotels open in every town, where the value of costly training for efficiency can quickly be nullified’15 In late September 1939 a meeting of the Pahiatua Council for Action against Alcohol was held in the local Methodist Church. This council was largely made out of members of various Pahiatua churches and it was presided over by the Rev. Armstrong.16 At the end of the meeting the council sent the following worded resolution to the Ministers of Justice and Defence: 14 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Volume Two), Wellington: Historical Publications Branch New Zealand, 1986, p. 1015. 15 Horowhenua Chronicle, 26 September 1939, p. 5. 16 The Reverend of St Paul’s Presbyterian in Pahiatua and a key figure in the temperance movement in the region during this time. 18 That in view of the proposals to increase taxation for war purposes this Council urges the Government to take action to eradicate the present deplorable wastage of natural wealth and foodstuffs and human efficiency caused through the indulgence in alcoholic liquor upon which £9 ½ million was dissipated last year. This Council believes that the great majority of parents would welcome the placing of hotel bars out of bounds to all men in khaki. Further that alcoholism endangers physical and mental well-being, and reduces resistance to disease. The rigours of modern warfare undeniably require troops to be strong and healthy. The council further protests that it is not enough safeguard to have camps ‘dry’ and ‘pubs’ open in every town where the value of costly training for efficiency can be quickly nullified17 This attitude towards ‘wet’ canteens in the Pahiatua region did not go unnoticed in New Zealand and unfortunately it had some unforeseen consequences. As one letter published nationally stated: ‘Do the Pahiatua Borough Council and the Auckland Ministers’ Association in the face of their recent remits imagine that enlisted men are just schoolboys – primary at that. May I remind these learned gentlemen that the age for rank and file of the enlisted force is between 21 and 35 years of age.’18 The Pahiatua Borough Council was very put out with being confused with the Pahiatua Council for Action Against Alcohol and made a point of mentioning in a number of 17 The Pahiatua Herald, 26 September 1939, p. 5. 18 Ibid, 4 October 1939, p. 5. 19 nationally published papers that they were not one and the same. ‘The resolution complained of by your correspondent was passed by ‘The Pahiatua Council for Action Alcohol’ and not the Pahiatua Borough Council, which is concerned solely with its own business.’19 What the majority of the Pahiatua region, and in particular the men who enlisted, thought of this issue is perhaps best summed up in a letter to the Pahiatua Herald written by one J.P. Hogan on 14 October 1939.20 In wet canteens, you say, the flower of New Zealand’s young manhood would be ‘brought into contact with man’s greatest enemy, alcohol, which has slain its tens of millions.’…Since you call our soldiers the flower of manhood, they must have some sense of proportion and discretion, and be able to look after themselves where liquor is concerned?...Having enlisted, I expect to be called into camp in the near future. And let me tell you, “Anti-Humbug”, that I, along with thousands of others of the Dominion’s manhood, resent your impertinent interference.21 The issue became moot however when the government decided on the establishment of wet canteens on 15 November 1939, as it was in the ‘best interests of soldiers’22. 19 Evening Post, 5 October 1939, p. 10. 20 This letter was in response to a letter published by one “Anti-Humbug” two days before on the subject of wet canteens and the remarks of Archdeacon Whitehead of Dunedin. 21 The Pahiatua Herald, 16 October 1939, p. 4. 22 Ibid, 16 November 1939, p. 5. 20 The fact that one of the biggest industries in the region was a brewery seems not to have come up during the debates over this issue. It would be interesting to know what the Tui Brewery thought about this alcohol question, despite the answer being seemingly obvious, however no records seem to exist expressing their opinion. Politics Being the major population centre in the north Wairarapa, the Pahiatua region was often visited by the leading politicians of the day. It was also a region that was highly political, as can be seen by its reaction to many of the major political issues of the time. One in particular being the Social Security scheme. While this issue arose before war broke out in Europe, the Social Security Act and the regions reaction to it is a good example of how political Pahiatua was at the time. The Social Security Act was seen as one of the Labour Government’s key policies and was meant to be introduced without fail on 1 April 1939. This act was overall not very popular in the Pahiatua region and it even saw the comment made that ‘not only is the scheme financially unworkable, but the medical services it promises are a make-believe thing.’23 Information about the Social Security Act even appeared on the front page of the Pahiatua 23 Ibid, 20 February 1939, p.4. 21 Herald on numerous occasions, which was extremely rare. Usually the front page was only used for local advertising. A meeting was held on 28 June 1939 in Pahiatua to discuss the Social Security Act and its relationship to women. Around 250 women attended the meeting, which was later described as a protest meeting.24 Both of the speakers were keen to stress the inconsistencies in the act and the need for women to protest it. At the end of the meeting a resolution was unanimously passed stating ‘That this meeting of women protests against the provisions of the Social Security Act, more especially the clauses relating to women.’25 The turnout for this meeting was so large it made national news and was well reported. In the region there were only approximately 4,640 people at this time, and over 250 women (or approximately 5% of the population) meet to discuss this issue.26 When the poor transport conditions, petrol restrictions and other responsibilities are taken into account this shows how important this issue was for a number of people, and in particular women, in the Pahiatua region. It also gives a demonstration of how politicised the region could be. Just before the budget of August 1939, the Pahiatua Herald sent a questionnaire to a number of businessmen in Pahiatua. ‘A possible increase in the Social Security charge from one to two shillings…found 24 ibid, 28 June 1939, p. 4. 25 Evening Post, 28 June 1939, p. 10. 26 New Zealand Official Yearbook 1940, p.78-79. The figures I give for the region are based on the Pahiatua County and Pahiatua Borough figures from the census. 22 to be feared by practically every person whom it approached.’27 One respondent even suggested Labour should put the Social Security charge up to seven shillings as ‘This would be a good thing for the country, because very shortly afterwards we would not have a Labour government.’28 Politically, the Pahiatua region saw numerous political figures visit in the first year of the war. However, two of these figures made speeches that brought the region to national attention. The leader of the opposition, the Hon. Adam. Hamilton made a speech in Pahiatua on November 11 1939 that caused public denials to be made by the government. Addressing a crowd of mostly National supporters he argued that the objective of the government was to overthrow capitalism and the system of private ownership, especially individual private transport interests. This saw a strong denial by the Minister of Transport, the Hon. Robert. Semple, that the government aimed to wipe out private transport interests. He also said it was amazing that ‘Mr. Hamilton made his statement at Pahiatua, after having been assured by operators themselves that there was no such thing as confiscation, commandeer or dictatorship.’29 The controversial Labour M.P John Alfred Alexander Lee gave a widely reported speech on monetary reform and the control of 27 The Pahiatua Herald, 1 August 1939, p. 5. 28 Ibid. 29 New Zealand Herald, 18 November 1939, p. 10.8 23 finance in Pahiatua’s Drill Hall on the 21 November 1939.30 It was advertised that Mr Lee would speak on ‘Labour’s Right to Govern’. It was also stated that ‘Mr Lee is regarded as a particularly fine orator…he has been the centre of a storm of controversy, chiefly because of his candour and directness, and the meeting will be nothing if not interesting.’31 In this speech, he argued that unless the people ran the banking system of New Zealand true democracy would not be possible. He also argued that the reason for New Zealand’s large debt was because private enterprise controlled money.32 This speech was not greeted with great support from the national media. ‘…his advice is empty. It is useless filling the air with words about true democracy and popular control unless he has a workable scheme.’33 However, one of the most interesting aspects of this speech was when he was asked about whether opposition to the war should be suppressed. His response was that ‘He was not in favour of suppressing anybody save the man disavowing the law and preaching insurrection’.34 In perhaps a response to Hamilton’s comments, another issue of particular importance to the Pahiatua region that he discussed was how farmers would want extension of the Government 30 Auckland Star, 21 November 1939, p. 6. 31 The Pahiatua Herald, 18 November 1939, p. 4. 32 Auckland Star, 21 November 1939, p. 6. 33 New Zealand Herald, 22 November 1939, p. 10. 34 Auckland Star, 21 November 1939, p. 6. 24 marketing of produce after the war due to the fact their might be a fall in prices and a steady return would be welcomed.35 Generosity As well as being politically important, it could also be argued that Pahiatua was one of the most generous regions in New Zealand towards the war effort. In The Home Front Taylor states that ‘It was not easy for patriotic campaigners to raise money’ but this phenomenon was certainly not the case in the Pahiatua region.36 This is well demonstrated in the first year of the war effort by the contributions the region made to the Wellington provincial contribution to the Sick, Wounded and Distressed Fund. This fund was run by the Red Cross and the Order of St John. New Zealand was split into its ten provincial districts with the Pahiatua region being in the Wellington province. This fund saw large contributions from across New Zealand, but especially from the Wellington province. Started on 12 May 1940, it gave itself the target of raising £250 000 ($24 078 790)37. This target was on the low side as the fund eventually reached £746 451 ($71 894 548).38 35 Evening Post, 21 November 1939, p.11. 36 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Volume One), p. 153. 37 https://rbnz.govt.nz/monetary-policy/inflation-calculator (January 2019). All amounts in brackets following are a modern day value using the same inflation calculator. 38 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Volume One), p. 153. https://rbnz.govt.nz/monetary-policy/inflation-calculator 25 At the start of this appeal a public meeting was held in the Pahiatua Borough Council Chambers on 15 May 1940. Over 70 people attended the meeting showing the interest in the region towards this cause. Perhaps the most important decision made at this meeting was when ‘Mr. S.K. Siddells39…suggested an annual quota for each person in the district to cover all (patriotic) appeals during the year.’40 While there was no legal authority for an annual quota scheme , it was noted that it had been attempted in Otago and seemed to be working well. After some discussion it was decided ‘that the committee fix a suggested personal quota for everyone in the district.’41 At the end of the meeting it was decided that the main method of collection for this appeal would be house-to-house collection in the town and a postal appeal for the country. Three days after the appeal started in the Pahiatua region it was already being reported that ‘the £1 000 promised by the Mayor…will be exceeded’42 This was despite the fact that the circular appeal had yet to be sent out. In fact the £1 000 ($96 315) mark was achieved in only five days from the start of the appeal in the Pahiatua region and the £1 500 ($144 472) mark ‘was realised in nine days from donations before a postal and quota appeal was made’.43 This can be seen as a great achievement compared with other regions. As mentioned in the 39 Not only the Mayor of Pahiatua, but also the President of the Pahiatua Red Cross. 40 The Pahiatua Herald, 16 May 1940, p. 5. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid, 18 May 1940, p. 4. 43 Gisborne Herald, 25 May 1940, p. 5. 26 Pahiatua Herald the ‘…willing generosity on the part of rich and poor alike and excellent organization by the committee and collectors have committed to make an outstanding response from Pahiatua, one that compares favourably with other districts’.44 With donations ‘pouring in’45 by 3 June it seemed possible that the £3 000 ($288 945) mark might even be passed.46 However, donations did start slowing down and it took until 13 June to pass this total. Despite this, the Pahiatua region could be rightly proud of its response to the Red Cross appeal. As the editor of the Pahiatua Herald wrote: The response to the appeal in Pahiatua and district has been widespread and enthusiastic, and a glance at the donation lists will show that it has touched responsive chords among those less able to make monetary sacrifices as well as those in more affluent circumstances. The committee aimed, in the first instance, at £1 000, but it became apparent within a few days of the opening of the lists that the possibilities of the district had been underestimated…Many other centres, beside Pahiatua, have extended their original quotas, but the figure realised locally is outstanding. The people in this district can therefore take considerable pride in their part of the National effort to raise funds for the Red Cross appeal.47 44 The Pahiatua Herald, 25 May 1940, p. 4. 45 Ibid, 28 May 1940, p. 4. 46 Ibid, 3 June 1940, p. 4. 47 Ibid, 8 June 1940, p. 4. 27 ‘We’ve reached it!’48 was the response of the treasurer, Mr. J. Hutton when the Pahiatua Red Cross effort finally passed £3 000. The opinion was also expressed that worked out per head of population, it was a very high average compared to the rest of the country.49 As the total continued slowly mounting, the excellent response of the people of the Pahiatua region was recognised when the treasurers of the Pahiatua fund received a telegram from the sponsors stating ‘Your appeal has been wonderful’.50 Despite the great response to the appeal in the Pahiatua region, there was some critical feedback on the generosity shown, by one Mr S.K. Siddells in a letter to the editor of the Pahiatua Herald on 24 June.51 All good things must come to an end and it is desirable that the appeal for the above fund (Sick, Wounded and Distress Fund) come to an end this week. The response in the Pahiatua District has been truly remarkable, averaging 13s 6d per head of population, which clearly indicates the acknowledgement by the great majority of the residents of their responsibility to assist all war efforts. I write to bring before the notice of those who have not yet made their donations, the fact that the Appeal closes this week, and this final opportunity is being given them to emulate the splendid example of sacrifice already made 48 Ibid, 13 June 1940, p. 5. 49 Although this was not specifically implied, it was definitely alluded to. 50 The Pahiatua Herald, 18 June 1940, p. 4. 51 Who as you may recall was not only the Chairman of the Pahiatua Patriotic Committee, the Pahiatua Red Cross, but also Pahiatua’s Mayor. 28 throughout the Dominion. There are some, I know, who can well afford to give, but who have as yet held back for reasons of their own. Consideration of the Armistice Terms imposed upon France by Nazi and Fascist Dictators will surely move the conscience of even the most selfish and self-centred individual, who in the past has always been content to leave it to the other fellow. I can only hope and trust that every resident of the Pahiatua District will see to it that he or she makes his or her contribution to this worthy appeal before the end of the week, no matter how small or large the donation may be. It is well to remember that thousands of little drops make the jug full.52 On the official closing date, 30 June, the Pahiatua region had raised over £3 221 ($310 231).53 As noted, the donations to this appeal were reported in the Pahiatua Herald nearly daily, and it is interesting to look at this data.54 52 The Pahiatua Herald, 25 June 1940, p. 4. 53 Ibid, 1 July 1940, p. 5. 54 All figures in the graph below come from the donations that were published in the Pahiatua Herald on the dates stated during the time period. £0 £500 £1,000 £1,500 £2,000 £2,500 £3,000 £3,500 £4,000 12-May 19-May 26-May 2-Jun 9-Jun 16-Jun 23-Jun 30-Jun 7-Jul Pahiatua Red Cross Appeal 1940 29 There were definite spikes in contributions to the fund. The significant contributions to the fund happened from approximately the 24 to 28 of May (at the time of Dunkirk) and there was a slight boost at the beginning of June (the surrender of Belgium). It is also interesting to compare the significant contributions the Pahiatua region made to this fund, compared to the largest population centre in the Wairarapa, Masterton. Masterton had a population of 9,500 compared to the Pahiatua regions 4,640.55 The contributions to the Wellington Provincial Committee were reported in the Evening Post regularly.56 On five dates the contributions of Pahiatua and Masterton were revealed in the Evening Post on the same date. 55 New Zealand Official Yearbook 1940, p. 78-79. 56 All the figures in the following graph come from the Evening Post published on those dates. £0 £50 £100 £150 £200 £250 £300 £350 £400 £450 £500 7-Jun 11-Jun 20-Jun 29-Jun 13-Jul Masterton / Pahiatua Masterton Pahiatua 30 These figures give a good indication as to the generosity of the Pahiatua region compared to the largest population centre in the Wairarapa. On three of the five days the contribution of the Pahiatua region was significantly more than Masterton. This was despite Masterton having double the population of the Pahiatua region and ‘a corresponding increase in community facilities’.57 The town of Masterton had also undergone an impressive building programme just before the war and a number of new businesses had become established, such as Hansells and the Reliance Tyre and Rubber Company.58 Masterton certainly was on the rise but does not seem to have been as generous as the Pahiatua region, despite having over double the population. There were a number of other patriotic appeals that showed the generosity of the Pahiatua region at the start of the war effort. An example was the £1,000,000 ($94 046 803) appeal. For this appeal, the Pahiatua district was given a quota of £3 000 ($293 000) to raise. By December 1940, due to a queen carnival held in Pahiatua, £4 658 ($454 900.28) had been raised, well above its quota and second only to Waipukurau in the country.59 These results seem to suggest that the Pahiatua region may have been significantly more prosperous than other regions, such as 57 Winter, G. The Look Of Masterton: A celebration of 150 years 1854 – 2004, Masterton: Wairarapa Archive, 2004, p.44. 58 Ibid, p.46. 59 Auckland Star, 4 December 1940, p. 4. 31 Masterton, at the start of the Second World War. However, the evidence suggests otherwise. The amount of deposits that the Bank Of New South Wales had in its accounts based on population figures for both regions suggests that in Pahiatua the amount was approximately £11 per person, and in Masterton £17 per person.60 This combined with the fact that ‘by the outbreak of World War Two…the Council (Pahiatua County) was finding great difficulty in raising all the finance required...’61 suggest that the Pahiatua region was not as prosperous as its donations advocate. The donations the Pahiatua region gave willingly at the start of the war seem to suggest that there was an extreme patriotic feeling towards the war, more so maybe than other regions. It was important to ‘do your bit’ or as the Evening Post so nicely put it, ‘give till it hurts – it is the least you can do’.62 The patriotic campaigners certainly were able to raise money in the Pahiatua region, despite it not being the wealthiest region in the province. The Defence League An organisation that was extremely active in Pahiatua in the months before war broke out was the New Zealand Defence League. The Defence League was established in late 1936, largely by people 60 MS-Group-1977: Bank of New South Wales: Inspectors’ reports, April 1939, MSDL-1406. 61 McCallum, A. Tui Country: A History of Pahiatua County, p. 193. 62 Evening Post, 19 September 1940, p. 13. 32 with strong military backgrounds and interests. They were concerned with the lack of New Zealand’s defences and the weakness of the League of Nations, as demonstrated by Italy’s conquest of Abyssinia. However, the Defence League was mainly formed to try and inspire young men into military training. While it took a few years, a branch of the Defence League was established in the Pahiatua region on 16 May 1939. Like many regions of New Zealand, support for the Defence League was strong in rural regions and this was certainly the case in Pahiatua. At the annual meeting of the Pahiatua branch of the Farmers Union on 5 May an invitation was extended to the President of the New Zealand Defence League, the Hon. W. Perry, to speak in Pahiatua.63 This idea was unanimously supported by all members of the Pahiatua Farmers Union. Perry was unable to come but the Defence League secretary, Mr. Eric Reeves, keen to capture the mood of the people of the Pahiatua region quickly organized a meeting between the New Zealand Defence League and the Pahiatua Borough Council. A circular letter was delivered to all households and the Mayor made an appeal for the public to turn out at the meeting.64 The meeting was held on May 16 and was presided over by Siddells and was addressed by the Defence League Secretary, Mr. Eric Reeves. Over 100 people attended and by the end of the meeting 66 people 63 Ibid, 6 May 1939, p. 5. 64 Mr. S.K. Siddells was a strong supporter of the New Zealand Defence League. 33 had enrolled in the newly created Pahiatua Branch of the League.65 The Rev. A.A. Armstrong was unable to attend but sent his wishes for success and stressed his co-operation for the League.66 In his speech, Reeves, made a number of typical Defence League statements. New Zealand should have a force of at least 9 000 trained men, a compulsory register of every man, woman and child should be drawn up, everyone over 18 should have three months’ compulsory continuous military service after which they should serve in a territorial unit for four years, and the strengthening of the ANZAC relationship. On the economic effect of these policies Reeves stated ‘The Defence League consider that in time of war sacrifice should be bourn equally by every man and woman in New Zealand and it approves the principle of equality of economic sacrifice in wartime. This amounts practicality to what is known as ‘conscription of wealth’ and although we say nothing of the formula for putting this into force, we approve the principle.’67 Reeves concluded his speech by stating his wish that a branch might be created in Pahiatua and his disappointment with the widespread apathy in New Zealand with the defence measures that needed to be taken. ‘…we still need greater efforts so that when the Government does realise that something more must be done, it will have a responsive public. Our object is to 65 Pahiatua Herald, 17 May, 1939, p. 5. 66 The Rev. A.A. Armstrong was transferred in early August from St Paul’s Presbyterian in Pahiatua to another parish in Drury, Auckland. Thereby ending his just over two-year involvement in the Pahiatua region. 67 The Pahiatua Herald, 17 May 1939, p.5 34 make the Government’s task easier when it does change policy’.68 The Mayor closed the meeting by noting the enthusiastic response of the League’s appeal ‘especially as he felt that the people of Pahiatua were usually inclined to be apathetic on such matters.’69 Interestingly, while ‘apathetic’ was certainly not the case, support for the Defence League was perhaps not as strong as this meeting or the mayor indicated in the region. At the meeting, the majority of questions asked to Mr. Reeves, were not on the key Defence League policy of military training, but actually on the lack of military equipment in New Zealand, for example gas masks and anti-aircraft guns. The general feeling of the Pahiatua region to the Defence League can perhaps best be summed up in an editorial published in The Pahiatua Herald four days after this meeting. The editorial was addressing a speech made by Mr Semple in Christchurch on the Defence League. ‘The only result likely to be achieved by Mr Semple in such speeches…when he referred to those interested in the New Zealand Defence League as a gang of scaremongers who want to create a psychology of fear, is to bring gratification to the type of person whom the classical Sir Thomas Browne described as ‘those vulgar heads that look asquint upon the face of truth’…’70 68 Ibid. 69 Ibid 70 Ibid, 20 May 1939, p.4. 35 The truth for the majority of the people of the Pahiatua region seems to be that if war was to come, which at the time seemed increasingly likely, New Zealand was not prepared for it. There was the feeling, mentioned at the Pahiatua Farmers Union meeting, that New Zealand did not seem to have much military equipment or troops. If the Defence League could improve New Zealand’s war readiness it should be supported to a point. However, Semple himself came in for some criticism in the region with his supposed martyrdom of imprisonment for the sake of his opinions during World War One being compared very unfavourably to the thousands of New Zealand men who served on the battlefield. This feeling of New Zealand being ill-equipped for war in the region was obviously correct. As McIntyre points out in New Zealand Prepares for War, despite government expenditure on the Armed Services having greatly increased since 1934 New Zealand was overall not well-prepared for the war.71 The Petrol Restrictions As Taylor mentions in The Home Front ‘petrol rationing was the first dent in civilian life made by the war’72 and this was certainly the case in the Pahiatua region. One of the first major consequences of war breaking out for the Pahiatua region was the use of the private motor 71 McIntyre, W.D. New Zealand Prepares for War (Defence Policy 1919-39), Christchurch, New Zealand: University of Canterbury Press, 1988, p. 259. 72 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Vol 2), p. 742. 36 car. Only the day after the outbreak of the war large numbers of cars and owners were noticed outside the Pahiatua Post Office applying for the granting of licences to purchase supplies of petrol. However, the attitude was mentioned as being cheerful but resigned with the general attitude being ‘it’s worth trying, and if it doesn’t come off – we’ll have to walk.’73 At first garage owners mentioned that they felt the petrol restrictions were not affecting their businesses. One garage owner stated that ‘I don’t think things are any different for this time of the year.’74 However, it soon became apparent that this was not the case and the petrol restrictions were being felt in the region, ‘…the roads became so quiet it was an event if a car went past.’75 When the Minister of Supply, Hon. D.G. Smith relaxed some of the restrictions it was greeted with approval in the Pahiatua region. ‘For one thing it means that citizens will in a measure be able to get back to the enjoyment of more or less normal life, a sound factor in keeping up the public confidence. For another, a large portion of New Zealand’s trade will be given a much needed fillip.’76 However, this was not to last, as stricter petrol restrictions came into force on the 1 February 1940. Essential cars, for example for doctors, were allowed up to 30 gallons per month depending on the 73 The Pahiatua Herald, 5 September 1939, p. 4. 74 Ibid, 20 September 1939, p. 4. 75 Champion, R and Smith, L. Makuri School and District, Palmerston North: NZ Lottery Grants Board. p. 20. 76 The Pahiatua Herald, 13 October 1939, p. 4. 37 horse power of the vehicle. Semi-essential cars, such as in use of farmers to come into town, were allowed up to 12 gallons per month. Commercial vehicles, such as farmers trucks, had their fuel allotment cut by a third.77 The government gave people a week’s notice of these changes and ‘…many people who had containers, storage space and ready money, laid in reserves...’78 This practice was certainly seen in the Pahiatua region as well. In the two days before the restrictions came into being many garage owners in the region reported that sales were substantially above normal.79 Apparently no guidelines were given to the garage proprietors about filling tins, which meant that practically any quality was available as long as you had a container. ‘A good number of cars were observed to be leaving town with a drum lashed to the luggage-grid.’80 These scenes saw the Pahiatua Borough Council remind its residents that it was illegal to store more than eight gallons of fuel without a licence, under the Dangerous Goods Act.81 Despite the petrol restrictions there was little effect in the number of vehicles registered in the Pahiatua region. It was originally speculated that the higher cost of petrol and the petrol restrictions would lead to a likely decrease in the number of vehicles registered.82 77 Ibid, 31 January 1940, p. 4. 78 Taylor, N. The Home Front, p. 745. 79 The fact that many farmers were in Pahiatua for a stock sale two days before the petrol restrictions came into play, no doubt had quite a bit to do with this. 80 The Pahiatua Herald, 1 February 1940, p. 4. 81 Ibid. 82 Ibid, 7 May 1940, p. 4. 38 However, at the end of the registration period there was only a little over 4% drop in the number of registrations.83 In fact, heavy truck registrations increased from 58 to 68. The reason for this was ‘not easily explainable, although it may be due in some measure to the growing mechanisation of farm transport’.84 Sugar and Tea ‘When Japan’s attack threatened sources, there was widespread panic buying of sugar and tea…despite efforts by retailers to restrain buying and assurances by traders and officials that supplies were normal.’85 This tendency towards hoarding seems to have occurred in the Pahiatua region as well, but more so at the beginning of the war rather than when Japan entered the war. A Pahiatua grocer summed up the feeling of many grocers in the region quite nicely in the first few days after war broke out in Europe. ‘People seemed to go crazy for a day or two! Saturday and Monday were a nightmare...They went crazy on sugar and most of them seemed to think they weren’t going to get any. But we just wouldn’t let them have it, and when the position was pointed out to them, they quietened down and in a day or two were buying the normal qualities.’86 83 Ibid, 4 June 1940, p. 4. 84 Ibid. 85 Taylor, N. The Home Front, p. 788. 86 The Pahiatua Herald, 8 September 1939, p. 4. 39 Despite the Emergency regulations the majority of Pahiatua grocers could supply sugar in bags of 5lbs to town customers and 12lbs to country customers. They also stated that there were ample supplies of flour despite the increase in demand, with one grocer stating that while he was selling nothing ‘larger than a 25lb bag…there was not even the suspicion of a shortage from the mills.’87 They also stated that there was no reason to expect a shortage in tea. By the end of September 1939 grocers in the region were reporting that hoarding and attempts at hoarding had completely ceased88, and this seems to have remained the case for the rest of the war years. This does not mean that there were not still shortages of these key commodities in the region. Despite what Pahiatua grocers had said previously, within four weeks of war breaking out tea supplies had already been cut to one pound at a time for town customers and five pounds a month for country customers. There was also a temporary shortage of sugar within two months of the war breaking out.89 With sugar costs rising to 4d per pound, and with the added cost of freight charges to the Pahiatua region, many grocers were suffering and arguing that selling sugar was not paying costs. The Price Investigation Tribunal did increase the price to 4½d on 26 October, but one Pahiatua grocer, at least, made the increase at least a day before the official date. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid, 20 September 1939, p.4. 89 Ibid, 27 October 1939, p. 4 40 The Centennial Celebrations Perhaps the biggest impact of the Second World War on the community of the Pahiatua region in the first year of the war was the effect it had on the centennial celebrations. Following the immediate outbreak of war, there was a lively discussion in the region as to the advisability of continuing with the planned centennial celebrations. It was even suggested that should be cancelled or drastically reduced in size. One person who was against this idea was the editor of the Pahiatua Herald, who came out and stated that there should be an attitude of ‘business as usual’ and that the centennial should go ahead as scheduled in early 1940.90 The Pahiatua Centennial Celebrations Committee met on 27 November to discuss this issue. However, at this meeting it was decided to postpone the decision until February. The Mayor, Mr. Siddells, presided over this meeting, and at the conclusion said ‘We have to decide whether the Centennial programme as previously outlined is to be gone on with in full, curtailed, or amendments made. My personal opinion is that there is not the spirit of the general public behind the thing as there was at the time of the Coronation. Unless we have whole-hearted support, the effort expended will not be justified…’91 90 Ibid, 11 October 1939, p. 4. 91 Ibid, 28 November 1939, p. 4. 41 It was probably a wise choice to postpone this decision. The war was still in its early days and there was no way to know yet what effects it would have on the Pahiatua region, and support for the Centennial was definitely split amongst the public in the Pahiatua region. The editor of the Pahiatua Herald and the Pahiatua Borough Council had come out in support of the celebrations. The Mayor and the Pahiatua County Council itself was sitting on the fence, ‘The County has decided to hold the matter over until the end of the year…’92, while the Pahiatua Women’s Division had passed a resolution that the celebrations should be curtailed or postponed. The editor of the Pahiatua Herald was disappointed with public opinion. ‘While this does not imply that the celebrations will definitely be postponed, it does seem to indicate that whatever functions Pahiatua does have to mark the centenary date are likely to be upon a rather meagre scale.’93 He urged the Centennial Committee to keep the local celebrations. He gave a few reasons why he thought the Centennial Celebrations would be good for the Pahiatua region. First, the region owed it to itself to mark the centenary in a proper manner. ‘This is a progressive area, and to wipe out the whole programme would be a sign of weakness and a retrograde step.’94 Second, it was important in times of stress to put on a brave front and ‘carry on’95 as 92 Ibid, 28 November 1939, p. 4. 93 Ibid, 30 November 1939, p. 4. 94 Ibid. 95 Ibid. 42 normal. Finally, it would mean a lot to the local community, especially the local businesses. ‘Pahiatua’s Centennial Celebrations must go on, even if they last two, or three days, instead of the original week.’96 In February 1940 the Pahiatua County Council received a letter from the Pahiatua Borough Council asking for the County’s cooperation in a three-day Centennial celebration. But the County Council decided to abandon the centennial celebration. As Councillor A.W Bissett said, ‘I don’t think we can collect a fund for patriotic purposes one minute, and ‘whoopee’ down the street in carnival the next.’97 It was also pointed out that with the Centennial tree-planting, the memorial in Petone and the Exhibition in Wellington, the County council had already spent £217 on the Centennial celebrations. A resolution was carried ‘that in view of war conditions and appeals for patriotic purposes, it is the opinion of this council that all Centennial celebrations should be abandoned.’98 The one exception, was that the County Council agreed to assist financially for school children to attend the Wellington exhibition, as long as the sum did not exceed £20.99 The editor of the Pahiatua Herald was obviously disappointed at this decision and felt that since the idea of cancelling the celebrations a few months ago nothing much had changed. ‘It is to be hoped that 96 Ibid. 97 Ibid, 15 February 1940, p. 4. 98 Ibid. 99 Both councils gave financial aid in the end and this resulted in over a hundred children visiting the Wellington Exhibition on 8 March 1940. 43 even in the face of the County’s refusal to participate, the Borough will go right ahead with its plans, so a great day in Pahiatua’s history will not be allowed to pass dismally and unnoticed…Pahiatua can surely manage a day, or two days’ festivities, Pahiatua owes this much to itself, and to the pioneers who made this district what it is.’100 At the Pahiatua Borough Council meeting held on 4 March 1940, the Borough decided to continue with the celebrations. As can be imagined, the editor of the Herald greeted this news with great joy. ‘Somebody had to give the lead and Pahiatua owes a debt of gratitude to those who did so…due to the firm attitude adopted by the stalwarts in the community, the district will be able maintain its progressive reputation.’101 A circular letter was sent out to businesses and some residents by the Centennial Celebrations Lighting and Decorations Committee asking for bunting to use as decorations for the celebration and for each business to decorate its premises for the celebration dates of the 5th, 6th and 7th of April. It was also mentioned, that while they wanted the celebration to be a happy time for all residents ‘we are fully conscious of the fact that owing to the war no large-scale scheme as was witnessed at Coronation time can be carried out.’ On 2 April the full details of the Centennial Celebrations were finalised. Activities such as a ball, a parade, afternoon teas, the 100 The Pahiatua Herald, 15 February 1940, p. 4. 101 Ibid, 5 March 1940, p. 4. 44 opening of parks, sports events for children, church services, a fire brigade display, and even a cricket match had been arranged to celebrate the centennial. On 5 April the centennial celebrations were opened by the Governor-General Lord Galway at Carnival Park.102 This was seen as a great honour in the region as a visit from the Governor-General was very rare for small towns. In his short speech, the Governor-General made numerous references to the war. ‘We are living in dark, dangerous and difficult times, but there are still rays of hope’.103 He spoke of the need for the home market to provide food, something that was very definitely of relevance to the farming community of the Pahiatua region. The parade that afternoon, also saw some allusion to the effects of the war with the float for Swanney’s Garage having a lifelike demonstration of a steam-driven vehicle, alluding to the petrol restrictions.104 The first year of the war effort saw many changes for the Pahiatua region. The people had to adjust to the new reality of a country at war and what that meant for them. Overall, the region was very supportive of the war effort, as is demonstrated by the generosity of the region to various public appeals during this period. However, was this generosity only financial or did the region respond militarily as well. Did they enlist? This is the subject of the next chapter. 102 Ibid, 4 April 1940, p. 5. 103 Ibid, 6 April 1940, p. 5. 104 Ibid. 45 Photo courtesy of ‘Sir George Grey Special Collections, Auckland Libraries’ 46 Chapter Two The Military Reaction and Response ‘A terrible catastrophe has occurred…There is little doubt that great sacrifices will be demanded of every one of us, and I feel justified in concluding that we of the Pahiatua district are only too willing to share them, no matter the cost…1 was the special statement of the Mayor (Mr. S.K. Siddells) when war was declared. This so-called special statement was because it was a speech the Mayor made to the region that was published verbatim in the local media. An extremely unusual occurrence. But was the Pahiatua region willing to ‘share the cost’? Did they enlist? Was there support for the military effort in the region? Enlistment Support for any war, especially amongst men, can often be gauged by how many men enlisted. In the Pahiatua region, the Mayor was a great supporter of the military and within a week of war being declared he had made arrangements with the Defence Department to get men in the region to enlist. On the first day possible, twenty men from the region joined up. The feeling amongst the majority of these men was that they would rather fight and serve overseas than wait for 1 The Pahiatua Herald, 5 September 1939, p. 4. 47 S K Siddells Mayor of Pahiatua 1938 - 1942 Photo courtesy of Archives Central, Feilding 48 the war to arrive in New Zealand. ‘I think we’ll be needed there more than here.’2 Keith Elliot, the Victoria Cross awardee from the Pahiatua region, had a very similar response on hearing that war had been declared. ‘I must go. That was the only thought in my mind.’3 However, other reasons given for enlisting were that it was a chance to see the world, to gain aviation experience, they had no chance of meeting the requirements for the Expeditionary Force as they were married and had children, and one man over thirty stated that he was enlisting because ‘I have had a good deal of my life and enjoyed it. If a few more of my age go over, it may mean saving a boy of eighteen or nineteen with his life still before him.’4 This attitude is in direct contrast to that expressed in the New Zealand Herald of many married men of ‘It’s not my job, I’ve a wife and kids.’5 So while the majority of these early enlistments could be said to be altruistic, there was certainly some men who enlisted in the Pahiatua region because of the perceived benefits they could obtain. By 16 September 1939, 27 men had enlisted from the Pahiatua region.6 Three more men enlisted for the special voluntary force by 18 September. There was a real sense of pride in the region that due to these enlistments ‘Pahiatua has shown that it is not found wanting in 2 Ibid, 13 September 1939, p. 4. 3 Elliott, K & Adshead, R. From Cowshed To Dogcollar, Wellington, New Zealand: A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1967, p. 32. 4 The Pahiatua Herald, 13 September 1939, p. 4. 5 New Zealand Herald, 18 March 1940, p.10. 6 The Pahiatua Herald, 16 September 1939, p .4. 49 the present stress, and local recruits have shown a fine spirit.’7 However, these enlistment rates were not ‘extraordinary’ and were very similar with the amount of enlistments that were happening around New Zealand at this time based on population figures.8 This fine spirit was also reflected by the publics’ reaction to these first enlistments. Selected by ballot the first batch of recruits from the Pahiatua region (eight in total) were scheduled to leave on 3 October 1939. They were all presented with a fountain pen which was bought with money donated by the community. The Mayor, addressing the recruits, stated that ‘The material value of this gift is not much, but a far greater value is contained in the whole-hearted good wishes of the community, which go with it.’9 The farewell ceremony for these recruits in the Flagpole Square saw a huge turnout. ‘One of the most notable features at the gathering was the number of returned soldiers who attended. Over a hundred strong, they assembled at the Borough Council Chambers and…marched to the Square to pay tribute to their new comrades-in- arms.’10 This was an indication of the large support there was amongst the people in the Pahiatua region to the war effort, and in particular from returned servicemen. 7 Ibid, 28 September 1939, p. 4. 8 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Volume One), Wellington: Historical Publications Branch New Zealand, 1986, p. 68. 9 The Pahiatua Herald, 3 October 1939, p. 5. 10 Ibid. 50 These eight recruits came from a variety of economic backgrounds. Half of these recruits worked in the agricultural industry (three were farmers, one a cartage contractor), three were white collar workers (two worked in a bank, one in the Public Trust Office) while the final recruit worked in a store.11 Overall, it seems that there was support for the war across all economic and cultural areas of the Pahiatua region. However, the pattern of 50% or more of the recruits coming from an agricultural background was to become a common and at times a controversial theme in the Pahiatua region. Even Keith Elliott himself was to experience this when he was called up. Eventually I was called up for the first Echelon and my sisters gallantly stayed at home to run the farm. Someone, however, ruined my chances by telling the Army that I was managing the farm for my mother. I received a telegram from Headquarters instructing me not to proceed to camp, so I carried on as usual. I was considerably upset, as I had gone to a lot of trouble supervising a multitude of details in preparation for leaving the farm.12 At the start of 1940, 14 men from the Pahiatua region were selected to train for the Second Echelon of the Special Forces.13 These recruits attachment and ties to the region were strongly emphasized 11 Ibid, 3 October 1939, p.4. 12 Elliott, K & Adshead, R. From Cowshed To Dogcollar, p.32. 13 The Pahiatua Herald, 6 January 1940, p. 5. 51 in The Pahiatua Herald. They were descripted as ‘born and brought up in the district, while others have lived and worked here so long that they have become true citizens of Pahiatua.’14 The first indications of disapproval towards enlistment rates in the Pahiatua region was at the time of the Second Echelon. There was a perceived inferior response to the request for recruits to the Second Echelon compared to the First Echelon from the region. To be fair this was the experience of not only the Pahiatua region, but nationally. As Taylor puts so eloquently, ‘…as the first mood of acceptance and excitement waned, recruiting became slower and slower, and…it plainly needed gingering up to complete the Second Echelon’.15 The lack of response to recruiting for the Second Echelon was put down to a number of factors in the region. However, it seems the main one seems to have been the fact that after going through all the training there was no guarantee that as a soldier you would serve outside New Zealand. The lack of recruits for the Second Echelon in the region, compared to the First Echelon, was alluded to in The Pahiatua Herald. ‘These recruits are of a fine type, as fine as from any other part of the country, although their numbers may not be great.’16 It was also, tongue-in-check, mentioned that the state of the uniforms for the First Echelon could have resulted in the lack of enlistments for the Second Echelon. 14 Ibid, 9 January, 1940, p. 4. 15 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Vol One), p. 68. 16 The Pahiatua Herald, 19 December 1939, p. 4. 52 Despite this, the support for these recruits was still extremely strong in the region. Across country halls and private houses around the region large turnouts of people turned up to farewell these recruits for the First and Second Echelon. Marima saw over 150 people turn out to farewell one of the recruits on a Tuesday, which was close to the entire population of the area.17 This was not an unusual occurrence for the region. Every recruit or soldier who left would have an evening of dancing, singing and entertainment in their local area with a high turnout of the local residents. They would often then be given another enthusiastic send off at the local Pahiatua railway station. This seems to have been a very different experience from that of many other soldiers in larger regions ‘were there were few cheers, some crowds were notably silent and women wept.’18 This is a good demonstration of how proud the region was of the men who enlisted. There was a real feeling that these recruits were putting the Pahiatua region on the map and, as such, the region had a special admiration for them. This attachment to the local recruits was only enhanced by the short biography each recruit received in the local paper. Eventually 25 soldiers from the Pahiatua region left with the Second Echelon. The pride that was felt in the region towards these men can be shown by the response at the farewell to these soldiers on 20 17 Ibid, 28 December 1939, p. 4. 18 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Vol One), p. 68. 53 March 1940. A ceremony was held for them at Foresters Hall in Pahiatua with 15 of the 25 soldiers attending. It was reported that over 300 people turned out to say farewell, making it the largest crowd of its kind for over twenty years in the region.19 As the Mayor stated ‘no greater tribute could have been paid the soldiers than the size of the crowd which had come to wish them goodbye and good luck. It was a wonderful gesture of esteem.’20 He also stated that ‘On a proportionate basis…Pahiatua had probably given more men for the service of their country than any other district in New Zealand.’21 There is a touch of exaggeration to this, as best-case scenario, it was only approximately 2 to 3 per cent of the male population in the region.22 However, when these figures are compared to several South Island districts whose ‘quota figures loomed heavily above enlistments’ the Pahiatua region had every reason to be proud of its contribution.23 Seventeen recruits for the Third Echelon were called up from the Pahiatua region on 17 May 1940 to enter camp.24 This number was later to increase to 28.25 Once again crowds thronged the Masonic Hall in Pahiatua to give them a rousing farewell. There was a definite feeling of pride in these young men especially since ‘…that this is the 19 The Pahiatua Herald, 21 March 1940, p. 4. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. 22 New Zealand Official Yearbook 1940, p.78-79. The figures I give for the region are based on the Pahiatua County and Pahiatua Borough figures from the census. 23 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Vol One), p. 88. 24 The Pahiatua Herald, 10 May 1940, p. 4. 25 Ibid, 9 August 1940, p. 4. 54 Third Echelon, and it is still a voluntary one’.26 One of the recruits, perhaps summed up the feelings and expectations of these men best when he stated that ‘The men in the last war did their job – we are going to do ours.’27 Throughout all these farewells for the First, Second and Third echelon ‘it was noticeable that a highly patriotic atmosphere prevailed throughout, while it was also evident that those present fully realised the great sacrifice being made by the local men in uniform.’28 There was a definite feeling of patriotism towards these men who had enlisted from the Pahiatua region. So much so that it saw The Pahiatua Herald publish a special issue of the paper on 13 September 1940 to allow the businesses and individuals of the area to give special greetings to these men. The intention was to help ‘remind those overseas of Home’29 and by all accounts the response was such that it led to the editor of The Pahiatua Herald to state ‘The response…once again demonstrates the fact that when this town sets out to do something, it takes no half measures.’30 This was later to be repeated the following year on 12 September 1941 with the comment that ‘The number of messages in this issue far exceeds the previous one, and 26 Ibid, 15 May 1940, p. 4. 27 Ibid, 15 May 1940, p. 4. 28 Ibid, 9 August 1940, p. 4. 29 Ibid, 13 September 1940, p. 4. 30 Ibid. 55 plainly illustrates that many more men have left the district to join their pals.’31 Conscription Conscription, was an issue that dominated discussion in the Pahiatua region, as it did in the rest of New Zealand, in the first months of the war. There was certainly a feeling within the region that conscription was not really necessary. There was a feeling that the volunteers for the special force were currently sufficient to meet military needs, most of the pick of New Zealand’s manhood had already enlisted, volunteer armies were better than conscripted armies, and ‘conscription cannot be fully discussed until New Zealand knows its precise position in the war.’32 There was also a feeling among the people of the region, which predominately voted right of centre, that under a Labour government conscription was unlikely. It was felt that the majority of the Labour Party had been against conscription during the First World War, a current Cabinet Minister Mr. P. C. Webb, had been imprisoned for refusing military service, the Prime Minister Peter Fraser had been jailed for sedition, and that ‘the present Government could not well introduce conscription without a great deal of embarrassment. If they 31 Ibid, 12 September 1940, p. 4. 32 Ibid, 28 October 1939, p. 4. 56 did that they would be presenting a most remarkable reversal of form’.33 It is interesting to note that one local organization who supported compulsory service at this time was the Pahiatua electorate Labour Representation Committee.34 This position of there being no need for conscription in the region was to eventually change and change quite quickly. One group that very early on came out in favour of conscription, were local farmers. It was thought by many in the region that farmers would be against conscription, due to the fact that any conscription of young men could leave a labour shortage in the farming community. At a Pahiatua Farmers Union meeting at the Pahiatua Dairy Company on 13 October 1939 a frank discussion on the issue of farm labour volunteering for active service took place. At the end of the meeting the following resolution was passed, ‘That the Government be urged to set up a national register with a view to introducing conscription’.35 However, this resolution was not as noble as it sounds. As mentioned, approximately half of the volunteers for military service in the Pahiatua region in the first month of the war had come from an agricultural background. The major reason the Farmers Union was pushing for conscription is that it would give a reason for the Government to refuse to accept farm workers for enlistment. Farming could be labelled an essential industry. As one member of the Farmers 33 Ibid, 18 November 1939, p. 4. 34 New Zealand Herald, 31 October 1939, p. 9. 35 The Pahiatua Herald, 14 October 1939, p. 4. 57 Union said, ‘I think conscription is the only way to stop the young men rushing off hot-headedly when they are needed here.’36 Another group that came out in strong support for conscription was the Pahiatua Borough Council, becoming one of the first councils in the country to do so. On the 22 May 1940 the Borough Council passed a resolution that in view of the seriousness of the situation the Government be urged to adopt conscription.37 This was despite the fact that only three months earlier, in a response from a letter from the Defence League, the same Council had publicly stated on the conscription issue, ‘It seems absurd that we should be asked to say what should happen to the rest of New Zealand. Parliament is the proper place for the issue to be decided. It is not our duty as a council to express an opinion’.38 The Mayor himself stated that ‘Whatever we may feel personally it is certainly not our business as a Council to express an opinion about conscription. I am sure that if the necessity arises the Government will solve the question in a proper manner.’39 At the time there was support for this position in the region, with the editor of The Pahiatua Herald stating ‘The council is to be congratulated upon the stand it has taken’. 40 This somersaulting in attitude of the Pahiatua Borough Council was due to a perceived feeling, not only amongst the councillors, but also 36 Ibid. 37 Evening Post, 21 May 1940, p. 6. 38 Ibid, 13 February 1940, p. 4. 39 Pahiatua Borough Council Archives, Minute Book, 12 February 1940, 4/1/1/ Vol 12. p. 379. 40 The Pahiatua Herald, 13 February 1940, p. 4. 58 among the general public of the Pahiatua region, that the war situation was becoming extremely serious and therefore conscription was now necessary. The following motion was passed ‘That in view of the seriousness of the international situation it is the personal and considered opinion of the Mayor and Councillors of the Pahiatua Borough that the Government should as a war measure urgently consider the question of taking a referendum on the matter of conscription…’41 The council felt that there could be no argument against conscription and that they were reflecting the feelings of the region. Once conscription finally came in under the National Service Emergency Regulations (1940) the Pahiatua district came under the Napier Military Area (No 7). The first ballot for territorial forces, which was published locally on 2 October 1940, saw 120 men gazetted from the district, with 75 of them being from the Pahiatua region.42 It was noted that ‘In the Pahiatua area…a goodly number of farm employees are included in the list.’43 About one third of these men called up for military service applied for a postponement in their obligations.44. Predominately, a large number of these men were from farming and associated industries. Appeals for the Pahiatua region were to be heard by the Masterton 41 Ibid, 21 May 1940, p. 4. 42 Ibid, 2 October 1940, p. 5. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid, 19 October 1940, p. 4. 59 Manpower Committee. There were concerns that this committee, being from Masterton, would not understand the needs of a predominately rural region. This resulted in the secretary of said committee being keen to stress that ‘one of the members of the committee was a farmer with a comprehensive knowledge of the whole district.’45 The second ballot saw 122 men called up from the Pahiatua region.46 By this stage there were real concerns in the region about the large numbers of farm workers who had been included in both ballots. One farmer was even quoted as saying that, ‘If it were not for the women on farms the cows would not now be milked.’47 There were also concerns about the timing of the appeals board, with it coinciding with a busy farming season.48 At the first Appeals Board meeting in Pahiatua on 12 November 1940 the Masterton Manpower Committee adjourned four appeals and dismissed a further 18, with these men to serve at a later date. It became apparent at this Appeals Board meeting that the farming community in the region, while saying it was co-operative and implying keen to serve, were very concerned about a potential labour shortage on the farms if they did serve. ‘One father appealing for his son, (who stated) that the Government should find alternative labour 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid, 7 November 1940, p. 4. 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid. 8 November 1940, p. 4. 60 for farmers met with the retort that that was the farmers’ own job and the Government was not the father and mother of all.’49 This friction between the appeal boards and the farming community of the Pahiatua region was to be ongoing throughout the war years. Another common criticism that was made at these territorial service appeals boards was the feeling that a lot of the training could take place in Pahiatua, rather than in areas like Dannervirke and Wanganui, as had been done under the former system of compulsory military training. It was felt that there were ‘Great War officers with fine records in the district’50 who could supervise the training two or three days a week, thereby allowing the men to work and live at home. These concerns were never really addressed by the Appeals Board and by the time of the fourth conscription ballot there were still major concerns raised about what ‘a substantial drain’51 it was on the manpower of the Pahiatua region. While the region might have grumbled about the number of men who were being conscripted from the region, there was a certain amount of pride with the fact that the majority of these men were passing the medical exams. At nearly all of these medical exams over 55% of the men were passed fit for territorial service. There was a real feeling in the region that the military was getting ‘good quality 49 Ibid, 13 November 1940, p. 4. 50 Ibid, 17 January 1941, p. 4. 51 Ibid, 5 March 1941, p. 4. 61 manpower.’52 In fact, there was a real sense of regional disappointment when only 7 of 17 men passed the medical board sitting on 7 December 1940. There was also a perception that the men who failed the medical test were not pulling their weight. ‘It has been suggested that among many of the youth of the town, there is a feeling that their obligation to serve ends the moment they are rejected on medical grounds…this is a pity’53 The fact that these youth could and should be serving in such organisations, as the Home Guard, was a common refrain. The Home Guard The Home Guard in the Pahiatua region was in Group 7B and was known as the Pahiatua Battalion. It was renamed to the Bush Battalion in approximately mid-1942. It was made out of six companies, the Headquarters Company (headquarters at Mangatainoka), A Company (headquarters at Pahiatua), B Company (headquarters at Mangahao School), C Company (headquarters at Konini Hall), D Company (headquarters at Makuri), and E Company (headquarters at Pongaroa). Each company had enough men to make three or four 52 Ibid, 5 December 1940, p. 4. 53 Ibid, 12 April 1941, p.4. 62 platoons.54 A Company later grew to five platoons with the establishment of a platoon to act as petrol guards in Pahiatua.55 In Nancy Taylor’s The Home Front she makes the claim that in many areas of New Zealand there was a feeling of apathy towards the Home Guard in the early stages of the Second World War.56 This certainly proves to be the case in the Pahiatua region. It is often thought that the people in the Pahiatua region were keen to join the Home Guard but, at least initially, this does not seem to have been the case. In the region, there was also the popular belief that the Home Guard was ‘formed after the Japanese entered the war in 1941, with the bombing of Pearl Harbour’.57 While there was not a lot of initiative in creating a Home Guard, the Home Guard in the Pahiatua region certainly started well before the end of 1941. It fact its creation was a year earlier in December 1940. In The Home Front Taylor also states that the early recruitment for the Home Guard in rural areas ‘was more enthusiastic than in the towns.’58 However, the Pahiatua region seems to have more in common with cities like Auckland and Wellington, where enrolment in the Home Guard was slow, than compared to other rural regions. 54 General Staff Instruction No. 10 H.G. [Home Guard] – Bush Battalion, Archives New Zealand, AD-W10 5. 55 Ibid. 56 Taylor, N. The Home Front, p. 460. 57 Eddie, J, (ed.), Mangamaire “A Century of Change” 1897 – 1997, Palmerston North, New Zealand: Stylex Print, 1997. p. 197. 58 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Vol One), p. 456. 63 The fact that the Pahiatua region was without a coastline, and surrounded by hills may have contributed to this feeling of security. The region was definitely a late starter compared to other rural regions. It was not until 17 October 1940 that the Dominion Organiser of the Home Guard and the Minister of Manpower’s liaison officer visited the Pahiatua region to discuss the creation of a Home Guard. By mid-November 1940 concerns were being raised about the lack of co-ordination and how undirected the creation of a Home Guard was in the Pahiatua region. There had not been an enthusiastic response to the idea of creating a Home Guard and it was seen as somewhat disappointing that only approximately 30 men had so far tried to volunteer for the Home Guard at the local county and borough council offices. One of the problems seemed to be that ‘no committee…does not yet appear to be functioning.’59 However, the major problem with the delay in setting up a Home Guard in the Pahiatua region seems to be simply clerical. No one at the council offices was sure which form the volunteers were supposed to sign. This question was eventually solved by asking the Director of National Service and it was hoped ‘that since this matter has been clarified, that local enlistment for service in the Home Guard will show an improvement.’60 Despite this only eight enrolments had been made by 11 December 1940.61 59 The Pahiatua Herald, 15 November 1940, p. 4. 60 Ibid, 21 November 1940, p. 4. 61 Ibid, 12 December 1940, p. 4. 64 This attitude in the region is perhaps best described in a letter to the editor of The Pahiatua Herald on 10 December 1940. ‘I have interested myself in endeavouring to enrol members for the above (Home Guard). This is the sort of thing I have come up against: - From a member of a labour union: “I would like to join but we might be used to break up strikes, etc.?” From a farmer: “We might be used to enforce the Small Farms Act.” From another farmer: “Now what do they want – increased production, or me to waste time messing around parades?” From another: “I will join if …..(a neighbour) joins so that we can save petrol” From yet another: “Now what do I actually commit myself to?”’62 The Pahiatua County Council was also not happy with the attitude towards the Home Guard. The chairman stated that ‘the response …is to say the least tragic.’ This is very similar to the response of Auckland’s Mayor who was still complaining about the poor response and apathy towards the Home Guard in mid-December 1940.63 One councillor at the same meeting had the opinion that ‘plenty of men were willing to join if they felt they were going to serve a useful purpose’.64 This seems to have been a key opinion of many in the region. There was a willingness to serve but a perceived lack of organization and knowledge of what would actually be required had resulted in the poor response. For once, it felt like and was apparent 62 Ibid, 11 December 1940, p. 4. 63 Taylor, N. The Home Front (Vol One), p. 456. 64 The Pahiatua Herald, 12 December 1940, p. 4. 65 that Pahiatua was behind other areas in the war effort with the establishment of a Home Guard. A meeting of the newly created Home Guard Committee on 17 December 1940 started to make prelim