Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. HE KAWA ORANGA Maori Achievement in the 21st Century MEIHANA KAKATARAU DURIE 2011 HE KAWAORANGA Maori Achievement in the 21st Century A Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Maori Studies At Massey University Palmerston North New Zealand Meihana Kakatarau Durie 2011 2 ABSTRACT He Kawa Oranga, Nfaori Achievement in the 2151 Century, investigates the relevance of kawa to modern times. The thesis is essentially about Maori engagement with society and the ways in which kawa can be app lied to a range of situations and events in Te Ao Hurihuri , the changing world. But although the focus is on kawa in contemporary times, the origins of kawa are ancient and are embedded in a Maori knowledge system, Matauranga Maori. For that reason the research methodology adopted in the thesis is based on a Matauranga Maori epistemology and an associated research paradigm that draws on Maori concepts of knowledge, knowledge transfer, and the expansion of knowledge. Insights from exponents of kawa, observations on marae, together with an examination of kawa in three contemporary situations contributed to an understanding of the several dimensions of kawa. An important finding was that the outward expressions of kawa have l ittle meaning if they are detached from the kaupapa, the values, that underlie the kawa. The values contained in kawa reflect Maori world views and especial ly the relationships between people and between people and the environment. Maintaining the values in environments where Maori world views are not the prevailing norm is one of the dilemmas addressed in He Kawa Oranga. The thesis concludes, however, that kawa provides a useful values-based approach to the encounters that wil l increasingly confront young Maori in a rapidly changing world. It does not suggest a return to the past, but by l inking values and actions in ways that make sense to Maori, kawa is seen as an enabling process that can enhance performance, generate cohesion, inspire achievement and provide a measure of certainty. 3 HE MIHI Tuia te rangi e tzl iho nei, Tuia te papa e takoto ake nei, Tuia te here tangata kia puta ki te wheiao ki te ao marama, Tihe Jvfauriora! Kia tau tonu ra nga manaakitanga o te wa ki runga ki a tatou, i roto hoki i te ahua o tenei kaupapa e horahia mai nei. Kia whai wahi ake te mihi atu ki te hunga nana tenei kaupapa i arahi ki tona puawaitanga. Ahakoa he iti te kupu, he nui tonu te whakaaro. E tangihia ana hoki te hunga kua ngaro atu i te tirohanga kanohi. Na ratou tonu nga kaupapa whakapumau i tuku whakarere iho hei oranga mo nga uri whakatupu o muri nei . Ko te oha ia nei e kore ra e ngaro, engari e mau tonu iho nei hei taonga puiaki ki te ao . Mate atu he tetekura, ara mai he tetekura. Moe mai ra koutou i rota i te moenga roa. Tauaraia te po. Tltoko ake ki te ao. E mihi atu nei te uri whakaheke nei no te iwi o Ngati Kauwhata me te hapii o Ngati Tahuriwakanui, no Rangitane me te hapu o Ngati Rangi-te-Paia, no Ngati Porou me nga hapii o Te Whanau a Tarahouiti, Te Whanau a Hiinaara me Te Whanau a Rerewa, no Rongo Whakaata me te hapii o Ngati Maru, no Kai Tahu me nga hapii o Kai TCtahuriri me Kati Huirapa. Kia tahuri ai nga mihi ki hunga na ratou i arahi mai kia oti pai tenei kaupapa. Tuatahi ake, ki a Takuta Te Kani Kingi, te kaiarahi matua mo tenei tuhinga roa. Tena koe i ou kaha kia ii tonu ai tenei kaupapa ki te aratika, ki tona whakaotinga ake. 4 Huri atu ki a Takuta Farah Palmer, te kaiarahi tuarua mo tenei tuhinga roa. Tena koe kua noho mai na hei tuara ano i te roanga ake o tenei kaupapa. Ki a Ta Peter Snell me Takuta Chris Cunningham. tena hoki korua i te karahipi tautoko i tuku mai kia ahei ai enei mahi te whakatutuki . Ka huri atu nga mihi ki te hunga kua whakakla nei te kete korero i rota i nga tau. Kei aku rangatira e tiakina mai na nga pataka iringa korero o te matauranga, tena koutou me o koutou whakaaro, a koutou korero. Kati, e koutou ma, ko Charles Te Ahukaramu Royal, ko Pou Temara, ko Te Wharehuia Milroy, ko Amster Reedy, tenei te tauira e mihi atu nei. Te Wananga o Raukawa tena koutou. E te rangatira, Whatarangi Winiata, nau hoki te akiaki kia whaia te ara o te matauranga, tena koe. Huri ah1 ki te Tumuaki, ki a Mereana Selby. Tena koe i te nui o te tautoko me te manaakitanga i te roanga ake o tenei hlkoitanga. Mana Tamariki, e whaia nei te ara kia puta ai a tatou tamariki , mokopuna hei raukura mo te iwi . Tena koutou katoa. Tae ah1 ra ki a Tu Toa, e whaia atu ana nga tihi taumata o te ao matauranga me te te ao hakinakina. Tu kaha, tu maia, tu toa, tena hoki koutou. E te whanau. E kore ra e taea e te kupu korero te whakakakahu ah1 i te nui o te whakaaro mete aroha ki roto ki te whatumanawa. Kua tauiratia te ara e korua, e aku matua, tena tahi ra korua. E te tau, Ilane, e mihi atu nei ki a koe i to tautoko, manawaroa hoki . E aku tamahine, Hinemaurea, Kirihautu, H ineteahurangi, Te Atahaia, whaia kia tata te pae tawhiti. Kati, e waiho ake ana ma te aroha o te ngakau e mihi kau atu nei ki a koutou katoa. He iti nii Motai, i takahia te One-i-Hiikerekere 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS COVER PAGE ABSTRACT HE MIHI CONTENTS GLOSSARY LIST OF TABLES HE KUPU WHAKA T AKI CHAPTER ONE HE WHAKATAU: T IKANGA IN THE 2 1 sT CENTURY The Thesis The Research Question The Inspiration The Historic Walking Tour Human Wellbeing Kawa and Culture in Modern New Zealand Tikanga in Education Tikanga in Health Tikanga in Sports and Exercise Answering the Research Question 6 I I I I IV V I XI I XIV XV 18 1 8 1 8 2 1 25 29 32 36 40 44 48 52 CHAPTER TWO TE ARA WHAKA TUTUKI lv!aori and Research Further Research Developments Kaupapa Korero Change and Continuity Matauranga A1aori as a Research Paradigm Research at the Interface The GM Debate He Kawa Oranga: A Maori Engagement Paradigm Research Method CHAPTER THREE NGA REO TOHUNGA - EXPERT INFORMANTS Understanding Matauranga Maori Kawa me nga Tikanga Take Tikanga Nga Atua Whakahaere Kawa Kawa i Rota i Te Ao Hurihuri lnsights from Tohunga 7 61 6 1 62 67 69 72 79 8 1 89 92 95 103 1 03 1 03 1 05 1 1 0 1 1 6 1 25 1 30 1 42 CHAPTER FOUR TIKANGA MARAE - MARAE ENGAGEMENT Introduction An Analysis of Kawa Grounding Kmva: Nga N!omo Kawa - The Domains of Kawa Creating Pathways: Nga Putanga - The Objectives of Kawa Enforcing the Message: Nga Ritenga- Key Elements for the Retaining Integrity: Rangatiratanga - The Ownership of Kawa Conclusion CHAPTER FIVE CASE STUDY ONE : TE W ANANGA 0 RAUKA WA Whakatupuranga Rua Mano Ten Guiding Kaupapa ofTe Wananga o Raukmva Te Kawa o Te Ako Te Kawa o Te Ako and Engagement Underpinning Values The Parameters of Kawa Te OhakT Institute for Maori Lifestyle Advancement (IMLA) The Guiding Kaupapa and Institute for Maori Lifestyle Advancement Poupou Pakari Tinana Poutuarongo Kawa Oranga Kawa and Architecture Te Wananga o Raukawa and the Evolving Kawa 8 145 1 45 1 45 1 50 1 5 1 1 57 1 68 1 80 1 89 194 1 94 1 96 1 99 20 1 205 209 2 1 2 2 1 3 2 1 4 2 1 6 2 1 9 222 223 227 CHAPTER SIX CASE STUDY TWO: MANA T AMARIKI Learning in Te Reo Maori Establishment of M ana Tamariki Mana Tamariki Networks The 1\lfana Tamariki Whanau The Mana Tamariki Kawa CHAPTER SEVEN CASE STUDY THREE : TO TOA 1\lfaori in School The TL""i Toa Initiative Grounding the Initiative Establishing a Reputation Status and Funding A Ttl Toa Kawa Impacts of the Kawa CHAPTER EIGHT THEMES FOR A KA W A A Kawa for Engagement The Analysis Key Themes The Themes in Perspective 9 229 229 229 232 236 239 242 247 247 247 251 253 255 258 259 264 267 267 267 272 273 298 CHAPTER NINE 305 KAWA IN THE 2 1 sT CENTURY 305 Custom Today 305 Ka..,va and Whanau 3 1 1 Kawa and Climate Change 3 1 5 Kawa and Cyber Space 3 1 9 Kawa and Enterprise 322 Kawa and Multiculturalism 325 Kawa and Genetic Engineering 329 Kawa and Justice 332 Creating Kawa 335 CHAPTER TEN 341 CONCLUSIONS 341 The Thesis 341 Key lnsights from Chapter Three 345 The Chapter Four Framework 346 Key Themes from Chapter Eight 350 Lessons from Chapter Nine 353 Conclusions 357 Conclusion 1 : Mana Atua 360 Conclusion 2: Mana Tangata 364 Conclusion 3: Mana Wairua 367 Conclusion 4: Mana Whakahaere 369 Conclusion 5: Mana Rangatira 373 He Kawa Oranga 375 1 0 REFERENCES Academic Thesis Documents, Papers Books, Journal Articles and Reports 1 1 379 379 380 382 Aronga Awa Atua Hapu Haumietiketike Hinengaro Hui I hi Iwi Kaumatua Kaupapa Karakia Kawa Kohanga Reo Kotahitanga Kura Kaupapa Maori M ana Manawa Manaakitanga Manuhiri Marae Matauranga GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS World View River Guardian, Domain, Source Sub-Tribe Atua of Cultivated Foods Intellect Gathering of People Energy Tribe Elders Foundation Spiritual Incantation Protocol derived from Matauranga Maori Te Reo Maori Early Childhood Immersion Centre Unity Te Reo Maori Immersion School Prestige Heart Hospitality and Care Vistors, Guests Meeting Place for Hapu and Iwi Knowledge 1 2 Matauranga Maori Maunga Mauri Mokopuna Noa Ohakl Pakeke Pataka Iringa Korero Rongo-ma-tane Roto Take Tamarik i Tane Mahuta Tangaroa Tangata Whenua Tapu Tawhirimatea Te Ao Maori Te Reo Maori Tikanga Tinana To a Tumatauenga Waihanga Wairua Maori Specfic Mountain Life Principle Grandchild Unrestricted Dying Wish Adult Tribal Narrative Atua of Peace and Cultivated Foods Lake Reason I Base Children Atua of F orests, Birds and People Atua of the Oceans and Fish Indigenous Peoples Under Restriction Atua of Wind and Weathe Maori World Maori Language Customs, Desired Behaviours Body Warrior Atua of War and Confl ict Construct Spirit 1 3 W airuatanga Whakapapa Whakatupuranga Whakawhitiwhiti korero Whanau Whare Wananga Okaipo Spirituality Geneological Connections Generation Discussionte Family Centre for Higher Learning Source ofNourishment 1 4 LIST OF T ABLES Table 1 The Research Question 24 Table 2 Public Interest in Genetic Modification 89 Table 3 Kawa: Key Concepts 1 04 Table 4 A Framework for Discussing Kawa 1 5 1 Table 5 . 1 Te Wananga o Raukawa Protocols 1 94 Table 5 .2 Whakatupuranga Rua Mano - the Principles 1 97 Table 5 .3 Te Wananga o Raukawa Kaupapa 1 99 Table 5 .4 Te Kawa o Te Ako 203 Table 5 .5 Tikanga, Kawa, and Poupou Pakari Tinana 220 Table 6 Te Kawa o Mana Tamariki 243 Table 7 Nga Taketake o TO TOA 26 1 Table 8 Key Themes 273 Table 9 Emerging Trends, New Situations, and Kawa 3 1 0 Table 1 0 Kawa and Mana 359 1 5 HE KUPU WHAKA T AKI Mai ea te tipua mai ea te tawhito Nlai ea te kiihui o nga ariki mai ea tavvhiwhi ki nga atua Oi takina te mauri Ko te mauri i ahua noa ki runga ki enei taura ki runga ki enei tauira Kia tau te mauri ki runga ki tenei tama He tukuna no te whaiorooro o Tane-te-waiora Tenei te matatau ka eke, whakatil tarewa ki te rangi Whano! Whano! Haramai te toki! Haumie! Hui e! Taiki e! E tlmata atu ana nga korero whakataki ki nga ra o nehe. No te orokohanga ra ano o te ao tiiroa nei, o Aotearoa nei, kua nohoia e te tangata whenua 6na ake wahi, 6na ake wai, ona ake papa kainga ki te kimi i te oranga mo te whanau, otira tona rahinga. Na roto mai i te tl"thonotanga ki te taiao, na roto mai an6 i tona mohiotanga ki aua wahi kua tau te noho atu ki 6na whenua. No te huringa atu o te tau, o te kaupeka, o te marama, o te po, kua ata kitea atu e ia nga ahuatanga kia noho tapu me nga ahuatanga kia noho noa. No kona kua taea e ia te whakatakoto tikanga kia puta ai he ora ki te tangata. Kati ko etahi o aua tikanga he mea tiihono atu ki tetahi kawa. No muri nei kua whakawhaitihia. Ko te marae tonu te tino wahi e kitea tonu mai ana te kawa. Na whai ano te take o tenei tuhinga rangahau, kia tirohia nga ara mo te kawa i te ao hou, i te ao hurihuri, i te ao e noho atu ai nga whakatupuranga o muri nei. 1 6 E huakina atu ana i konei te tatau o te whare o te matauranga. Koia ra te putake o tenei kaupapa, he ata titiro ki tenei hanga a te tikanga me te kawa kia marama ai te wahi ki nga tikanga i roto i te ao hurihuri nei . Kati he kaupapa matauranga tenei te whakatakoto ake nei. E tukuna atu ana kia puhia e te hau, kia uaina e te ua, kia whitikia e te ra. He kaupapa hoki e whakamarama mai ana te wahi ki te kawa kia puta ai he ora ki te tangata, otira ki te ao e noho nei taua ko te tangata. Kua tapaina iho te tuhinga nei ki te ingoa 'He Kawa Oranga ·. koia tera ko tona iho, ko tona putake, ko tona hua. He ata titiro ki nga huarahi e taea ai e te kawa te tangata te hapai, te arahi kia pai te noho atu ki nga momo taiao e karapoti ake nei i a tatou. E hangai ana hoki te titiro ki nga kaupapa me nga ara kei mua i te aroaro o te iwi Maori i roto i tenei ao hurihuri . Na, e ata tirohia ai ano hoki te tuhonotanga i waenganui i te kawa me te ahurea, te auahatanga Maori, te ekenga taumata, te angitu, te oranga o te tangata, te mana me te rangatiratanga. E ai ki nga purongo korero o naia tata nei, ko nga kaupapa Maori kua ara ake i roto i nga tau tata nei e tino eketia ana nga tihi taumata, a, he mea angitu hoki na te whai wahi atu o nga tikanga Maori i roto. Ko te urupounamu o tenei tuhinga roa nei a He Kawa Oranga e penei ana, 'E taea ranei e te kawa me i5na whakahaere te hangai torotika atu ki nga tini horopaki, ahuatanga hoki 0 te ao hurihuri? 0 Ara atu etahi kaupapa Maori no mua atu, no muri tata nei hoki kua puawaitia mai hei oranga mo te Maori . Koia tera ko te aronga tuarua o tenei kaupapa rangahau, ko te whai kia mohio, kia marama ai te wahi ki te kawa i roto i nga kaupapa nui o te ao hurihuri . Hei whaiwhai ake i tera, he kahui tohunga kua uiuia ki nga ruahuatanga o te tikanga, o te kawa. Kati. E whai ake ana te roanga ake o nga korero whakamarama mo tenei kaupapa rangahau. Kua whakatakoto i konei te ia o te kaupapa, he take rangahau e aro nei ki te Matauranga Maori i roto i te i Te Ao Hou. Terra ano tatou katoa. 1 7 CHAPTER ONE HE WHAKATAU Tikanga in Contemporary Aotearoa The Thesis Na nga kaupapa, ka put a mai te kawa. Kaupapa is the precursor of kawa. Although kawa is reflected in the patterns of social interaction as well as the conventions that govern engagement and the outward expressions of group distinctiveness, kaupapa contain the underlying principles and philosophies which distinguish kawa. Kaupapa is to kawa, as theory is to practice; one provides the basis and the validation for the other. Importantly for this thesis, the elements of kawa are based on Maori values, philosophies, and customs - kaupapa Maori. An argument in the thesis is that the application of kawa to contemporary situations that are often far removed from customary circumstances, is nonetheless based on Maori world views and matauranga Maori - Maori knowledge. He Kawa Oranga contains three major themes: kawa, enagement, and Maori innovation. It is about the importance of Maori values and practices to the challenges faced by rangatahi in the twenty-first century and explores the relationship between culture, youth, success, wellbeing, and leadership. The practice of kawa introduces an aspect of Maori culture that is well rehearsed on 1 8 marae throughout the country and i s often used to identify the historic connections and traditional rituals associated with an Iwi or Hapu (tribe). However, although there is a strong focus on kawa as a vehicle for the transmission of culture, the thesis is not primari ly about marae kawa or kawa relevant to distant times; instead it is about the application of the principles, goals and components of kawa that can enhance Maori performance in a variety of contemporary situations. In other words, the focus is on the relevance of kawa to Maori participation in health, education, sport and team building. By understanding the foundations of kawa in tikanga and Matauranga Maori , the thesis reaches beyond the marae to explore the ways in which kawa can be employed to i ncrease achievement in those areas. He Kawa Oranga is also about Maori in ovation. There is increasing evidence that across a wide range of endeavours in recent times, Maori initiatives that have included cultural values and activities have also been associated with spectacular levels of accomplishment. The impact of Kohanga Reo on Maori part ic ipation in early chi ldhood education for example i l lustrates how a cultural dimension can produce transformational shifts. In the case of Kohanga Reo, Maori language was the catalyst; in other instances such as Maori partic ipation in health services, transformation followed the acceptance of Maori health perspectives. Innovative approaches to social development programmes have depended on Maori leaders who have been able to see the significance of culture to success and then devise pathways that will enable the culture to be felt as an i ntegral part of the activity . Creating an environment where ' being Maori ' can be the norm in a society where 'being Maori ' lies outside the norm has required leaders who can appreciate contemporary demands and at the same time recognise the contributions that culture might bring to enhance performance. 1 9 It has been well documented that Maori are disadvantaged by potentially avoidable health problems 1 as well as educational fai lure, especially at secondary schools. 2 It is also clear that a range of factors acting together and singly contribute to poor outcomes. 3 He Kawa Oranga does not explore the multiple causes of sickness, disease, injury, truancy, classroom fai lure or low Maori educational scorecards but focuses on two broad domains that have high significance for success. The first, the cultural domain, draws on customary and contemporary Maori knowledge as it impacts on human behaviour, while the second, the organisational domain, recognises the link between the culture operating within an organisation and the subsequent perfonnance of members. Maori cultural concepts originate from Maori expenence and knowledge generated over a mil lennium. While there is often a tendency to relegate matauranga Maori (Maori knowledge) to the past and to associate it with a world that is no longer relevant, indigenous peoples have demonstrated that indigenous values, knowledge and custom can influence contemporary l ifestyles.4 In effect, He Kawa Oranga sets out to investigate that very proposition. Further, more than a question of merely gaining cultural knowledge, the research is concerned with the possibility that cultural paradigms can add value to those pursuits that result in high levels of achievement and superior performance. Aside from the complex interactions that result in personal feats and group accomplishments, an emphasis in this thesis is on cultural consistency as a major contributor to Maori success. Maori success covers a wide spectrum of activities but the focus in this thesis is primarily on the application of Maori cultural values, practices and protocols to situations where levels of Maori involvement are high though do not necessarily have a long history. Too often in the past success has required behavioural adaptation, an abandonment of customary values, and a loss of 20 cultural identity. Prior to the 1 980 ' s for example, schooling in New Zealand disregarded Maori language and culture as important to learning and students were expected to leave Maori world views, te reo Maori, and whanau expectations outside the school gates. 5 For many Maori that pathway has not necessarily been problematic, but for many more, in previous years and in modern times, the attainment of success at the expense of cultural identity has not been an acceptable trade-off. Nor has it achieved positive results for the majority of Maori youth. A major conclusion in He Kawa Oranga is that not only are success and culture compatible but that one adds value to the other. An examination of the nature of the relationship between culture and success is therefore a central concern on this thesis . Some commentators have suggested that Maori performance is hindered by an adherence to customary values and practices. 6 Others have concluded that culture actually delivers benefits that cannot be secured by other means. 7 In either case, a relationship between the two is postulated. Assuming that the relationship is positive, questions about the interaction of one with the other, and the sites where interaction occurs, are important to understanding how culture impacts on performance and attainment. The Research Question Later in this thesis it will be evident that kawa arises from three levels. The first level concerns the aronga, or worldview held by a particular hapi.i, iwi or collective towards their specific environment; the second is about kaupapa - matapono or values that underpin collective social norms; and the third level, stemming from these two other levels, are sets of tikanga - actions or practices specific to and widely practiced within that community. Evolving from all three levels 2 1 - aronga, kaupapa, tikanga - are kawa. Based on worldviews, values, and actions, kawa are complex processes developed to facilitate important events, tasks or encounters in order to achieve certain goals and obj ectives. Typically, an element of tapu accompanies kawa; a cautious and measured approac h to ensure success and safety. It will also become apparentthat the solution is not simply about introducing a cultural element such as a visual symbo l , some Maori words, or a haka. Instead, the more important question is how a Maori worl d view can be fostered in order to provide a context for relationships. interaction. commitment, and focus. He Kawa Oranga explores that question by examining the concept and practice of kawa. Kawa is seen as the vehic le for 'I iving' a Maori wor ld view. Within kawa, cultural elements are intet1wined with values, beliefs, and protocols. Kawa h as no ready English equivalent although insofar as it denotes a systematic way of doing things, its meaning is not dissimilar to the notions of convention and protocol . Those parallel meanings both contain suggestions of confotmity and predictability, w ith implications of a measure of agreement about what c onstitutes appropriate behaviour. Tikanga w ithin the context of this research can be viewed as common practices, actions and behaviours that are specific to a community, for example an iwi or hapil. Tikanga reflect the kaupapa (val ues) central to a comm unity and at a broader level the aronga (worldview) or orientation and perspectives shaped by a community over time. Tikanga are dynamic and can evolve over time as environmental and situational changes arise. The term kawa relates to a process that involves collective participation by members of a community within an important event or task. Engagement in kawa requires caution, full and effective engagement, strong leadership and incorporates a number of specific tikanga in order to engage 22 But as this thesis will demonstrate, kawa embodies another level o f meaning that is not entirely captured by those English equivalents. Briefly, the difference lies in the origins of kawa. Kawa emerges from a world view in which human behaviour and human existence are part of a wider network of relationships - between individuals, between groups, between people and the natural environment, between the present and the past, and between the forces that regulate life and death. In other words kawa has both tangible and intangible connotations. On the one hand, like a convention or an established protocol, it is about a measurable set o f behaviours that can be expected in certain situations. But on the other hand kawa also makes a statement about the nature of relationships and j oumeys that bind people to land, territory, and a knowledge base that has risen from those bonds. The tangible component can be taught; the intangible component must be experienced - at least that was one finding that emerged from the research . For now, however, the more immediate point is that kawa is central to this thesis and underpins the primary research question: ·Can the concept and application of kawa be usefully applied to Miiori participation in a range of situations in modern times?' Table 1 (below) summarises the key themes embedded in the overall research question and the secondary q uestions that arise for each theme. Apart from a central focus on kawa, and its application, the thesis will also consider aspects of participation in education and sport, and the risks resulting from modern living environments for Maori. An importan t aspect o f the thesis, however. is the way in which kawa can act as a moderating force so that engagement (in sport or education or wider endeavours) c an occur in a way that enhances performance and delivers group benefits. 23 Table 1 The Research Question The Key Themes Main Focus Secondary Questions Kawa Maori values, concepts, What elements ofkawa are processes, conventions. relevant and transportable to specific situations? Maori participation Young Maori involved in sport What are the factors that and/or education programmes contribute to the success of while strengthening cultural young Maori? identity. Engagement with Active entry and participation How does the exercise of kawa society by Maori in organisations and contribute to successful Maori programmes engagement? Contemporary Maori in competitive modern How can rangatahi gain times environments and a changing competitive advantages in world. modern society? So far the key aspects of the study have been introduced: Maori partic ipation, education and sport, cultural paradigms, Maori world views and societal competitiveness. A further aim of He Kawa Oranga, however, is to explore the possibil ity that Maori wellbeing in modern times might be significantly advantaged by customary concepts and practices such as kawa applied to contemporary l ife styles. Tradition runs the risk ofbeing kept alive only to act as a memorial to the past. From that perspective kawa is sometimes seen simply as a tradition, especially when its practice is associated only with marae encounters, and only on ceremonial occasions. But all traditions have relatively practical origins and at some stage have had largely pragmatic aims . The contentions in this thesis are two-fold: first, kawa can provide guidelines for engagement and achievement and the reinforcement of cultural values in modern times, and second kawa i s not bound by time nor limited to a single situation. 24 In a world where universal values and global imperatives threaten indigenous world views,8 Maori do not always achieve full potential . He Kawa Oranga considers the possibility that disadvantage can sometimes be turned to advantage when cultural protocols are introduced into pursuits more usually regarded as being outside the reach of indigenous frameworks. Underlying that possibil ity is the more fundamental theme that many Maori cultural practices have been unnecessari ly alienated from everyday l ife by being cast as traditions from the past that have limited relevance to contemporary Maori experience. The Inspiration As a step towards exploring the research question, ·can the concept and application of kawa be usefully applied to i\1aori participation in a range of situations in modern times?', historical records and reports about Maori success in national and global situations were consulted. Early in the research journey the epic saga of the 1 888 New Zealand Native Rugby Team was uncovered. 9 This event provided critical insights into the successful application of kawa within a high performance environment. It would also become a major source of inspiration for the entire thesis and led to the eo-production of a twelve minute fi lm, an output that had not originally been planned. The story o f the 1 888 Native Rugby Team deserves to be told in some detail . It is a compelling example of the application of kaupapa and kawa to a competitive sporting context. The 1 888 New Zealand Native Rugby Team was the first Maori sporting team to compete against national and international sporting opposition. During the 1 880's the game of rugby was comparatively 25 new to New Zealand and had not yet to taken hold across all regions of the county. Nonetheless a New Zealand Maori representative team would tour overseas to Australia and England at a time when the sport of rugby remained largely domestic. At that point, the England national rugby team was widely considered to be the best in the world. Moreover, English county and club teams of that era were also of considerably high level . The 1 888 New Zealand Natives, compnsmg predominantly Maori players, undertook a mammoth tour of England with a punishing schedule that included over one hundred games. Initiall y considered to be nothing more than a novelty, the Natives went on to win over two thirds of their games. A major contributor to the success was the strong team culture that emerged on tour, helped in no small part by the charismatic persona of Joe Warbrick, captain and selector of the Natives. Warbrick by all accounts would regularly draw from the cultural values and traditions famil iar to him and other players in the team. A tour of these proportions required the team to operate in a cooperative and supportive manner. The notion of whanaungatanga, kinship ties, and kotahitanga, unity, enabled the team to remain focussed on achieving successful results throughout the tour. These same values are discussed later in this thesis and contribute considerably to current Maori initiatives in health, education and sport. The additional values of resilience - pftmautanga and spirituality - wairuatanga would provide the necessary spark to ensure that the drive and determination remained intact in order to complete the tour. In 1 888 and at the bequest ofNew Zealand Rugby administrators and promoters, a New Zealand Native Rugby Team was selected as the very first major international rugby tour to be undertaken by any rugby playing nation. Joseph Warbrick of Te Arawa and Ngati Rangitihi 26 tribal affiliations was selected as captain and selector of the team. In the months leading up to the tour Warbrick single-handedly selected a team comprising outstanding Maori rugby players from across the country. A unique feature of the team was the number of brothers and relations who were included as part of the squad. Quite apart from the fact that they were all rugby players of rare talent and promise, their kinship ties - kavvai whakapapa - would later prove pivotal enduring the long and arduous tour ahead. The tour itself comprised l 07 games of rugby compressed into a exhausting 1 8-month schedule. The Natives went on to win 74 games and drawing six, a record that would be unlikely to be surpassed in modem times. Commencing in New Zealand with matches organised in Napier, the Natives then travelled to Australia to play four games, three of which, unknowingly, were of the Austral ian Rules variety. 1 0 Although having never played the code before, they won three out of their four games. Sailing on to Great Britain, the Natives were initially welcomed with open arms. They were seen as a novel arrival to English shores and were representative of one of several English colonies existing in distant outcrops of the South Seas, a legacy of the travels of Captain James Cook. Games were organised on a regular basis with the Natives playing on average two to three times weekly. Despite a high injury tol l , unaccustomed food and beverages, and severe i llnesses, often untreated, they fielded a full team for every game. As the tour progressed the unexpected ease with which the Native team disposed of their opponents took the English by surprise. The Native team employed an attacking approach which sti fled the traditionally conservative English style of play. The Natives also adopted an innovative defence system which proved to be effective against the organised and methodical style of English play. The tour eventually became a fight for survival . As the Natives continued to defy expectations by winning game after game the level of hostil ity and antagonism from opposition teams began 27 to have an unsettling effect. After initially being accommodated in quality lodgings with meals and other effects, the Natives were eventual ly forced into spending many nights sleeping in train stations and make-shift shelters. Despite the hardships, however, Joe Warbrick and his team played each and every game organised for them. Their deep-seated desire to leave a lasting impression on their English counterparts and to forge a name on behalf of all Maori at home in New Zealanddrove them beyond the point of exhaustion. Contributing to their endurance and high levels of performance were the specific ritenga, tikanga and kawa employed by Joe Warbrick and his team. The notion of kotahitanga or unity was pivotal to ensuring a positive team culture from start to finish. The level of leadership, or rangatiratanga demonstrated by Warbrick throughout the tour enabled the players to be bound together through his vision. The positive relationships or whanaungatanga fostered on tour over two years similarly contributed to high levels of trust for one another on the rugby field. These values or kaupapa underpinned the approach adapted by the Natives on tour. The implementation was achieved through several means, i n particular the use of specific tikanga and kawa. Most of the Native team were well grounded in the ways of their tlipuna. Under the leadership ofWarbrick and other senior players in the team, they were able to call upon specific tikanga that were of value to them within the team environment. Prior to most matches, Joe Warbrick and other senior players would motivate and inspire the team through whaikorero - carefully articulated speeches that would be del ivered in te reo Maori in a way that would arouse the ihi or energy levels of the players. Moreover, when the occasion required, Warbrick and other team leaders would recite carefully selected ancient karakia in order to imbue the team with higher l evel sense of purpose and spiritual elevation. Finally, the engagement in haka would draw on 28 the ancient warrior traditions of their ancestors, engaging each player at a physical, mental, spiritual and social level in order to engage in the battle ahead. Each of these tikanga would provide selected points of engagement for the team prior to important games, particularly test matches, and together they would form the basis of a kawa for team performance and engagement - a structured and carefully planned step by step protocol underpinned by collective participation and core Maori cultural values. More than a spirited ' team talk' the renewed energies were as much psychological as physical, and spiritual rather than tactical. A kawa for rugby had been initiated. The pattern was well ahead of its time. The All Black teams of modem times continue to draw on some of these traditions, including the haka, in order to achieve high levels of performance. 1 1 The legacy handed down by the 1 888 New Zealand Natives i s significant, particularly when considering the broader contexts for rangatahi engagement and achievement in modem times. An Historic Walking Tour Research into Maori youthful engagement uncovered yet another story, also set in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. As sweeping reforms swept across the country, challenging Iwi to adapt to a cash economy, new laws and different standards of living, Maori land holdings rapidly diminished and in parallel the population decl ined. Factions resistant to settler demands emerged including an influential inter-tribal pupuri whenua collective, totally opposed to land sales. They were firmly opposed by colonial powers in parliament and in local bodies. Other factions saw little alternative than to adapt, to incorporate some of the new ways into village and personal l ives, and 'become essentially l ike the Pakeha' . 12 Few envisaged that l iving in two 29 worlds and by two codes was both possible and enhancing. However, by 1 89 1 , senior students at Te Aute College had realised the importance of engaging with change, rather than resisting it but did not necessarily see the situation as an 'either or' option. Instead they saw advantages in embrac ing both the old and the new and expected that Maori leaders would show the way. In June 1 889 Reweti Kohere, Maui Pomare, and Timutimu Tawhai, set out to visit rural Maori communities in Hawkes Bay, taking with them messages about sanitation, nutrition, education, and housing. 1 3 Their mission not only led to a groundswell of community awareness but was also to result in the establishment of the Young Maori Party in 1 897. 1 4 The three students who undertook the walking tour were motivated by a sense of duty and personal responsibil ity and had been strongly influenced by the Headmaster, John Thomton. 1 5 Their mission required them to engage with elders many years their senior, and to gain their confidence. In order to do so they needed an approach that would satisfy the cultural norms of the community and at the same time allow for the introduction new ideas and practices, a liberty that might have been regarded as insolent and offensive. Two factors facilitated the process. First, apart from being relatively well educated (a secondary education was unusual for Maori in the 1 890s) they were also well versed in kaupapa, tikanga, and whakapapa. They were delivering new world messages, but were also consc ious of the world in which Maori were sti l l l iving. The awareness of two worlds and two knowledge sets enabled them to engage with tribal elders and go some-way to bridge the divide. The engagement process drew on respect for local tradition and an abi lity to fol low the various protocols that were relevant in each situation. Second, their commitment and their readiness to endure physical discomfort gained the respect of the elders. They were seen as new age warriors, ready to do battle against the modem i l ls that had progressively weakened resolve and tenacity for many nineteenth century Maori. They 30 brought with them hope, the means to understand the realities o f new times, and a conviction that gains could be made without sacrificing their own identity. Their emphasis on education and adaptation may have been at odds with the counter messages circulating at the time, but the strength of conviction and the boldness of their approach gained support and respect. He Kawa Oranga is not only about engaging with rangatahi but also about the ways in which rangatahi engage with wider society. The walking tour by the three Te Aute students highlighted the importance of culture as a vehicle for engagement and a conduit for adaptation. It is unlikely that the trio would have been received cordially, if at al l , had they not been able to understand and follow the kawa of their hosts or to couch their messages in terms that made sense to men much older than themselves. Intergenerational engagement is challenging for many reasons and it can be doubly chal lenging when cultures collide. Kohere, Timutimu and Te Rangi Hiroa had cultural affil iation on their side and as a consequence were able to engage on terms that were acceptable. The authority of tribal leaders was not contested but by observing the kawa of the place and the time, it was possible to introduce new ideas and to foster support for them. In any event the walking tour raises three points especial ly relevant to this thesis - engagement, change, and leadership. Importantly it highlights the significance of kawa for engagement. Despite differences in age, iwi affil iations, levels of education, and divergent lifestyles, it was possible for genuine communication to occur and an agreed position to be established. That level of engagement could not have occurred unless all parties shared the same understandings and cultural nuances. Further, the story has relevance to societal change. The changes that occurred in the late nineteenth century were dramatic and extensive and without high levels of resi l ience might have led to irreversible depopulation. But change is always occurring and Maori adaptation to new circumstances will always be part of an ongoing process that will 3 1 require intermediaries who are able to span the o ld and the new. In this instance, while having grown up in environments where Maori world views prevailed, the three T e Aute College students had the advantage of an education built around western philosophies. 16 Leadership was the third point. The walking tour was essentially about the emergence of a new cadre of leaders who, in time, were to be hugely influential figures concerned with steering Maori into the twentieth century. 1 7 But then they were inspired students bent on strengthening the arm of existing older leaders. Moreover, the impact of their leadership was a function of their coll ective capacities as much as their individual attributes and skills . The three case studies in He Kawa Oranga make a similar point; each one is built around group determination and combined achievement as well as the roles of leaders in harnessing energies. Human Wellbeing At times the emphasis in this thesis is on Te Ao Maori (the Maori world) , at other times it shifts towards Maori participation in activities that have not been normally regarded as part of a Maori frame; and at stil l other times it comes to rest on modes of engagement and the ways in which youthful commitment can be secured. The reality is that Maori l ives are not shaped by uni­ dimensional forces but by a range of influences that constitute modem living. He Kawa Oranga explores the boundaries between some of those forces. Human wellbeing, success, a secure identity, the transmission of values, and positive participation in society have together created a broad backdrop against which He Kawa Oranga has unfolded. In contrast to concepts of health that are derived from the absence of disease, there is an increasing trend to define wellbeing with criteria that are unrelated to sickness or disability, but 32 include measures of cohesion, inclusion, enterprise and self management. 1 8 I n this approach there is not necessarily any contradiction between having a physical disability and being wel l . There might, however, be an inconsistency between wellness as a fixed condition and the unleashing of unrealised potential over time. Wellbeing has been l inked to economic c ircumstances, social connectedness, quality relationships, and a capacity to function effectively in society. 1 9 Indigenous peoples, however, have placed great importance on cultural identity as a critical determinant of wellbeing arguing that there is a strong relationship between wellbeing and alienation from cultural markers such as language, diminished participation in indigenous networks and cultural activities, and a lack cultural knowledge.20 Alongside the more conventional indicators such as health status, educational achievement and economic wellbeing, ' being Maori ' is a determinant ofwellbeing.2 1 Maori have also considered wellbeing to reflect balance between the domains of spirituality ( taha wairua), mental capacity (taha hinengaro), bodily functioning (taha tinana) and social relationships (taha whanau). 22 This holistic perspective has been incorporated into a model of wellbeing known as 'Te Whare Tapa Wha' . The model is not dissimilar from other indigenous perspectives and integrates inner personal experiences with social and ecological impacts.23 Wellness is constructed from an ecological perspective with a dynamic exchange between spiritual, biological, intellectual, emotional and social forces. Wellness is not a static state. Over time the markers of wellbeing change so that what constitutes wellness in the latter years of human development is significantly different from what might represent wellness in adolescence. Wellness is also a function of bias and stereotyping. Being seventy or even eighty years old is no longer seen as a time of inevitable decline with diminished interest in interests and activities; instead the notion of positive ageing recognises that age is not, 33 by itself a barrier to wellness, independence or ongoing contribution to family and community. 24 Attitudes to young people have also changed. Wellness in former times had moral overtones especially for girls, so that obedience and abstinence (from alcohol, tobacco, sex, strenuous exercise) were supposed indicators of wellbeing. A well child was one who only ' spoke when spoken to ' , ate whatever food was placed on the table, and did not express emotions or question the behaviour of adults. The wellness of a baby was often measured by weight - the heavier, the healthier - and, in contrast to 'demand feeding' by an appetite that conformed to the clock. Apart from varying cultural attitudes to wellbeing, and age-related differences in the criteria for wellbeing, wellness is valued differently by different groups within society. A trend towards valuing physique, and physical appearance as an indicator of wellness, has become increasingly important to New Zealanders and is reflected in the increasing number of participants in strength training programmes and cardiovascular exercise classes. Wellness is often associated with being extra thin or super fit, and is not infrequently accompanied by an inflexible attitude to exercise and diet. In those situations, wellbeing is measured by ( low) weight, (dense) muscle mass and (an absence of) fatty tissue. I t is a narrow approach at odds with Maori views of wellbeing since it fai ls to take into account spiritual, mental and social domains. 25 There is also evidence that for an increasing proportion of the population wellness is equated with youthful (slender) appearance, perfect facial (wrinkle-free) features and bodily (fat-free) contours and attractiveness to others . A preoccupation with that perception of wellness is more l ikely to be found in populations who reside in more affluent neighbourhoods and are better off in economic terms. Indeed insofar as there are financial barriers that impede access to gymnasia, personal trainers, fitness cl inics, cosmetic surgery and healthy diets, it could be expected that Maori would be less likely to be involved in the broad range of wel lness programmes. He Kawa 34 Oranga has investigated another approach to wellbeing and wellness programmes. While physical fitness and high performance might be attained, the significance of other indicators of wellness such as a sound cultural identity and cohesiveness are afforded greater recognition. I t i s also postulated that those factors (cultural security and social inclusion) can lead to enhanced mental and physical performance. Despite a general trend towards increased longevity in all OECD countries, disparities in health status between population groups remain so that people in lower income brackets and some who belong to ethnic minorities have lower l ife expectancy. Generally, indigenous peoples experience poorer health outcomes than their non-indigenous compatriots and even when socio­ economic circumstances are taken into account, disparities remain. 26 Moreover, across the world the epidemiological patterns of disease for indigenous populations are not dissimilar. This study takes place at a time when there is mounting concern about the emergence of threats to health associated with physical inactivity, unsafe nutritional habits, alcohol and substance abuse, and high levels of health risk for youthful populations . Inequalities in health stem from many causes including differential access to services, differences in quality of care and blatant racism.27 In New Zealand the threats to Maori health are disproportionately high, at least compared to non­ Polynesian population groups. 1 28 35 Kawa and Culture in Modern New Zealand In 1 960 a report was presented to Parliament by the Deputy Chairman of the Public Service Commission, J . K. Hunn. Known as the Hunn Report it contained a comprehensive outline of the differences in standards of l iving between Maori and non-Maori . 29 Disparities in l ife expectancy, mortality rates, morbidity, educational achievement, housing, and income levels all pointed to a two tiered soc iety within which Maori urban migrants were disadvantaged on almost all socio-economic scales. The problem then was seen largely in terms of poor social adjustment to urban l iving and increased efforts to integrate Maori into wider soc iety were seen as a solution. Closer links between Maori organisations and communities and Government Departments were recommended as well as a series of initiatives for education including the establ ishment of a Maori Education Foundation, a progressive transfer of Maori schools to board control, and extra tuition in mathematics. The Report also distinguished between ·abstract forms of welfare' and 'concrete forms of welfare. ' The abstract type such as · exhortatory work on marae' could be left to tribal committees and welfare organisations, while concrete work (e.g. case work) would be left to welfare officers. 30 By 1 970, however, another type of disadvantage was recetvmg attention. A Young Maori Leaders Conference at Auckland University produced a report for the government which among other things decried the status of Maori lands, culture and people in relationship to wider society. Out of that Conference a protest movement, Nga Tamatoa emerged. 3 1 Among their goals were to oppose racism, to campaign for Maori language and culture, redress for loss of Maori land, and observation of the Treaty of Waitangi . As urban dwellers themselves, they had grown increasingly aware of the extent to which urbanisation had led to the alienation from culture and language and were especially concerned that te reo Maori (Maori language) would be lost 36 altogether. Whereas the students from Te Aute College in 1 89 1 had sought to bring western insights to Maori vil lages, Nga Tamatoa fought to bring Maori knowledge, language and culture back into the l ives of Maori. The concerns raised in the Hunn Report were not dismissed but rather than advocating greater integration into wider society, Nga Tamatoa emphasised greater participation in Te Ao Maori . They had postulated a link between social exclusion and cultural estrangement. The possibi lity that Maori language might be relevant and helpful in the late twentieth century had not been previously considered by most New Zealanders, but Nga Tamatoa, in association with Te Reo Maori society initiated a nation-wide petition calling for Maori language to be taught in primary and secondary schools. Over 30,000 signatures were added to the petition. As a result of their efforts Te Reo Maori was added to the curriculum and a Maori Language Day (later extended to a week) was endorsed. 32 In 1 975 another protest added a further strand to the mix. Led by octogenarian, Dame Whina Cooper, and marching under the name of Te Roopu Matakite, 5000 Maori converged on Parliament to protest at the continuing alienation of Maori land. 33 The presented a petition signed by some 60,000 people to Prime Minister Bill Rowling. Not only did their long walk from Hapua in the Far North draw public attention to the numerous historic injustices that had seen Maori land holdings dwindle, it also provided a forum to express disapproval at some current laws that would see further al ienation. There was particular disquiet about the Maori Affairs Amendment Act 1 967 which required land with fewer than five Maori owners to be converted into general land, thus outside the j urisdiction of the Maori Land Court. 34 Essentially they were demonstrating against the dismissal of Maori custom and practice in legislation that 37 impacted on Maori land tenure. Largely as a result of their protest, the 1 967 amendment was repealed. Apart from the Land March, 1 975 was important for another reason. Under the sponsorship of Matiu Rata, Minister of Maori Affairs, the Treaty of Waitangi Act was passed, establ ishing the Waitangi Tribunal . The Tribunal was empowered to investigate claims against the Crown for breaches of the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi and was to become an important milestone in reversing the assimilatory trend that had been implied in the Hunn Report and was the fundamental reason for earlier protests. In 1 983 the Tribunal publ ished i ts first major report regarding the threatened pollution of the Motuni River and the reefs on the Taranaki coastline. 35 A conclusion that a petro-chemical plant in northern Taranaki would indeed cause extensive pollution prompted a re-think about the proposed plant and especially the option of discharging waste into the river, rather than using a land-based system of disposal . But the Tribunal 's Motunui Report also introduced a cultural element into the argument by highlighting the importance of tribal customary practices to conservation and to wel lbeing. Polluted reefs would contaminate shellfish and other sea foods and would therefore impose health risks on tribal members. Moreover, if the pollution was severe enough to prevent any harvest, the tribe would not be able to exercise its customary form of hospitality to visitors. This would reduce the mana of the tribe and in the process undermine collective wellbeing. By the early 1 980s a groundswell of concern about the loss of language, culture, customary resources, and Maori lore had reached sufficiently high levels to generate a series of actions by Maori leaders that would see the reinstatement of te reo Maori and a revaluing of Maori culture, including kawa, as key elements in l ifting levels of wellbeing, especially in health and education. In the new approach, there was a rej ection of any notion of assimilation. Instead the expectation 38 was that all Maori young people should be able to grow up as New Zealanders and as Maori. Full participation need not mean abandoning a Maori identity. The prospect of a new era in Maori development and approaches to Maori wellbeing were formalised at the Hui Taumata in 1 984. 36 Maori leaders, in partnership with Government, prescribed a decade of positive Maori development so that Maori people could develop their own economic and social systems in ways that were consistent with Maori aspirations and custom. In the deregulated environment, large numbers of Maori health, education and social service providers emerged enabling famil ies (whanau), communities and tribes to steer their own courses.37 The twin approaches, retaining a Maori identity whi le rejecting assimilation, together with a measure of autonomy, self management, and Maori delivery systems, have been important in the Maori j ourney from dependency towards full participation. Transformations have been evident in a range of areas, including entrepreneurship ,3 8 but there has been particular progress in non­ compulsory education39 and health workforce part icipation.40 The 1 984 Hui Taumata ushered in a decade of development taking Maori in new and positive directions. But beyond the developmental mode there is evidence of a more confident mode where Maori can not only build on gains already made, but also shape the directions to suit new times, and rebalance some of the imperatives that seemed so necessary in 1 984. In 2005 for example, the Ministry of Maori Development, Te Puni Kokiri recommended a 'Maori potential approach' as a basis for Maori policy and development. The ' potential approach' encompasses wellbeing, knowledge, influence and resources and the desired outcome is one where 'Maori succeed as Maori ' . Built on the complementary pillars of rawa (wealth), 39 matauranga (knowledge) and whakamana (autonomy and control), the focus was away from deficit and failure towards success and achievement.4 1 The potential approach requires substantial directional shifts to those that focused on alleviating distress and gaining access to language, culture, and societal goods and services. While they were largely concerned with bui lding foundations and i nstituting processes, the ' Maori potential' focus was geared towards result and outcomes rather than access and processes . Kawa in Education The more important point, however, is that in modern times, and in contrast to the situation that tended to prevail before the 1 980s, Maori cultural values, language and practices have found a place in contemporary educational institutions. In less than a quarter century new institutions that incorporate Maori custom and culture alongside other goals have been established. Maori language immersion educational centres for example have reshaped the education sector at early childhood, primary, secondary and tertiary levels.42 Building on the pioneering Kohanga Reo movement, Maori participation in early childhood education has increased to over ninety percent and te reo Maori is the medium of learning for Nga Puna Kohungahunga services as well as Kohanga Reo centres. Generally, immersion education has three primary goals : educational achievement, the revital ization of te reo Maori, and the creation of learning environments shaped by customary protocols and traditions. For the most part the syllabus is based on the national curriculum; distinctiveness comes from the values that underpin teaching, learning and parental involvement. One case study in this thesis is based on a composite school encompassing early 40 childhood, pnmary and seconday school levels ; it will explore the appl ication of kawa to learning and to the establishment of a distinctive educational milieu. Apart from experiences in immersion mode education, the use of culture as a way of accelerating engagement with learning has been introduced in a number of other situations. The Northland [ntersectoral Forum, a group made up of representatives from the Ministries of Social Development, Education and Maori Development (Te Puni Kokiri), as well as a range of other community organisations, has developed a three part engagement strategy for Maori learners in Northland schools. The Engagement Taitamariki in Learning Strategy is aimed at l ifting the educational achievement of young Maori in the Te Tai Tokerau region, from 3 7 percent in 2006 to 75 percent in 20 1 3 . The three sub-strategies are Te Ako o Nga Taitamariki (the school community interface), Tama Tu Tama Ora (personalised learning pathways for Maori boys), and Te Mana o Nga Taitamariki .43 The latter sub-strategy is based on the observation that part icpation in cultural activities such as kapa haka, and sport, can lead to gains in confidence in l earning and bring those experiences to bear in school or other formal learning. The aim is to have 1 000 Taitamariki engaged in sport, cultural and leadership initiatives each year. P rogress will be measured by attitudinal and behavioral improvements based on pre and post evaluation of participants. I n order to accelerate Maori student success in compulsory education, the Ministry of Education launched a strategy, Ka Hikitia: Managing for Success in 2008. The Strategy recognised the education system had not been working well for Maori and proposed an approach that emphasized potential more than deficit. In contrast to the first ( 1 999) Maori Education S trategy, Ka Hikitia placed greater emphasis on a continued attitudinal change and stressed the importance of cultural outcomes as integral to successful educational outcomes. Culture was seen as an 4 1 advantage; ' being Maori is an asset; not a problem. ' In addition to endorsing the value of Maori language education as part of the education portfolio, the relationship between teachers and learners was also acknowledged as critical along with an organizational environment that supported collaborative relationships with whanau, hapu and iwi. Engagement with Maori learners in ways that aligned with their cultural frameworks and ' iwitanga' was to be an important aspect of the S trategy.44 A second case study in He Kawa Oranga explores the place of kawa within a tertiary education environment. Te Kawa o te Ak:o has been developed at Te Wananga o Raukawa to guide student learning, behaviour and relationships while on campus. The kawa permeates all facets of the institution and provides a code of behavior to facil itate student advancement. Other tertiary education institutions have adopted aspects of kawa to guide particular activities, usually those that have a distinctive Maori cultural dimension such as marae activities. But, apart from designated wananga, kawa is more often than not confined to particular situations rather than to the institution as a whole. 42 Concern about Maori participation m tertiary education, and the variable standards applied to Maori culture, language and knowledge in tertiary qualifications, prompted the New Zealand Qualifications Authority (NZQA) to develop a Maori Strategic P lan that would not only foster greater Maori participation but would also provide for a set of standards to guide courses that had high Maori content. Te Rautaki Maori proposed six strategic goals. Learners will be able to : succeed as Maori and as citizens of the world; qualifications wil l add to the knowledge base of Maori communities, and will increase the capability within Maori communities; education and training will increase Maori soc ial wellbeing; and Maori participation across the qual ification spectrum will contribute towards transforming the economy. 45 In order to ensure that the NZQA approach to Maori knowledge was compatible with Maori values, consistent with Maori expectations, and complementary to other validation processes, including those that may be establi shed by Maori, an expert group, Nga Kaitiaki, was appointed. The Kaitiaki group was not to be directly concerned with approving qual ifications or accrediting providers but would have two main roles. F irst i t will assist the Authority in decision making about the place of Maori knowledge within NZQA business. Kaitiaki advice on the nature and level of Maori knowledge appropriate for inc lusion in state qualifications and the mode of delivery wi l l enable the Authority to adopt an approach that i s consistent with Maori aspirations and less l ikely to lead to the appropriation of knowledge best maintained within a Maori context. A second role for the Kaitiaki group was to ensure that the instruments used by the Authority for the assessment and valuing of courses and qualifications based on Maori cultural perspectives, would be appropriate. Similarly the Kaitiaki group would advise on the development of qualtiy assurance instruments appropriate for providers who del iver qualifications based Maori knowledge or Maori world views. 46 43 In the first Tertiary Education Strategy for the years 2002-07 one of the six strategies concerned Te Rautaki Matauranga Maori (contributing to the achievement of Maori development aspirations). The tertiary education system would reflect Te Ao Maori and endorse Maori language as a gateway to an understanding of Maori culture and values. Increasing kaupapa Maori tertiary education and research across the sub-sector, especial ly in Wananga, was also seen as a critical function of tertiary education. The need to develop indicators to measure matauranga Maori, tikanga Maori and tikanga-a-iwi was noted.47 The second S trategy for years 2007-20 1 2, adopted a different approach. The Strategy noted the importance of education and research that is relevant to Maori, including the development of matauranga Maori, and identified wananga as sites for the ongoing elaboration of Maori knowledge. Based on the position of Maori as tangata whenua and an indigenous population there was, however, a more general recognition that ' the tertiary education sector has a particular responsibil ity to work with Maori to develop and maintain the Maori language and culture. ' 48 For the most part the second Strategy shifted the direction towards a greater focus on younger (under 25 years) students, increased levels of l iteracy and numeracy in the workforce, industry needs, and economic opportunities. Tikanga in Health The introduction of tikanga i nto modem New Zealand has also been evident in the health sector. Maori health providers offer a range of health services that are consistent with best practice but do so within an environment governed by tikanga.49 The elements of practice incorporate Te Reo Maori, acknowledge the aspirations of whanau, formalise the relationship between therapist and client, and recognise a spiritual dimension in the encounter. Those elements are no longer 44 confined to Maori provider organisations. Many D istrict Health Boards have servtces that incorporate principles derived from tikanga. In particular, since the early 1 980s mental health services have adopted Maori values and customary practices when dealing with Maori patients. Some Boards have established Maori units that have operating environments s imilar to Maori providers. In fact the first service to introduce tikanga as a component of therapy was a state mental hospital, Tokanui, which established the Maori treatment unit, Whaiora in 1 983 . 50 The unit was staffed by a Maori psychiatrist, Maori nurses, and Maori elders, recruited for their knowledge of kawa and their readiness to supplement conventional clinical practices with a Maori cultural overlay. Patients and their fami lies were formally welcomed to the unit, karakia commenced the day's programme, occupational therapy incorporated raranga (flax weaving) and kapa haka, and patients were supported in efforts to consol idate a cultural identity and if necessary to re-link with marae and whanau. Cultural relevance to health has a relatively recent history in New Zealand and the development of a cultural programme within a conventional mental hospital was a bold, if pioneering feat in the 1 980s. Although Tokanui Hospital has been disestabl ished, the foundations laid in the Whaiora Unit continue as a Maori mental health provider organisation, Hauora Waikato. 5 1 Since then, the incorporation of tikanga into health services for Maori have been reflected in a number of health strategies and policies. The Maori Health Strategy, He Korowai Oranga, launched in 2002 brought together a number of practices and cultural concepts that had been progressively introduced to the sector. Pathway one of four pathways for action was concerned with fostering development within iwi, hapii, whanau, and Maori communities. By building on Maori health perspectives, the Strategy recognised Maori models of health and traditional healing. It endorsed 'models that operate within and through te ao Maori' as a way of engaging 45 with whanau and committed the Ministry of Health to supporting the health sector to ensure Maori cultural values were included in planning, funding and delivering health services. ' 52 The !vfaori Mental Health Strategy also discussed the importance of cultural identity as an essential component of health care and noted the significance of elements such as Te Reo Maori, tikanga MaorL kaumatua guidance, whakapapa and whanaungatanga. 53 But in addition to clinical services, health promotion has also received more attention in recent years largely as a response to evidence that backs avoidance of disease as more effective, efficient and humane, than treatment for disorders that could have been prevented. Interventions for diabetes for example are less costly and more effective if they are made before end-stage renal fai lure, vascular constriction and visual impairment have created disabling consequences. There is a growing realisation that although modem medical treatment can lengthen l ife and reduce pain and suffering, early intervention and prevention are more sensible approaches, especially where the causes of poor health are clearly established. The incorporation of tikanga into preventative strategies has been shown to have beneficial results in a number of programmes. Increasing levels of activity for example can be achieved through Te Ao Kori, a programme based on traditional physical activities such as raupo darts, peruperu and manu tukutuku (kite flying) . In addition to increasing physical movement the activities stimulate the domains of hinengaro and wairua.54 Health promotion practitioners have long recognised the relevance of culture to health. An important ingredient of primary prevention is health promotion and a range of social marketing programmes have been introduced on television and in the print media to alert the population as a whole to opportunities for preventing particular health problems. Nutritional habi ts, household 46 inj uries, effective parenting, and exercise have been given particular focus in recent times along with the prevention of motor vehicle accidents. Schools have also been identified as appropriate sites for health promotion. In the 'Health Promoting Schools' programme for example, the Maori holist ic view of health, Whare Tapa Wha, was incorporated as a conceptual platform for the programme and, in addition active Maori participation in the process was recommended. 55 Similarly, when promoting health from general medical practice, the Newtown Union Health Service engaged with Maori communities in ways that were culturally and socially relevant to whanau. It was seen as an important step towards health self management. 56 Five health providers in Te Tai Tokerau have demonstrated the impact of culture on a health promotion programme based on nutrition and physical exercise. The Korokori a-Iwi project util ised a range of cultural activities to increase engagement with health promotion. They also found that the app lication of themes such as whanaungatanga, t ino rangatiratanga and the use of Maori knowledge and resources were useful guides to the process. The cultural, exercise, and nutrition mix proved to be a major element of the programme' s success. The cultural components in the programme included kapa haka, te reo Maori , marae locations, waka ama, hTkoi, and rebuilding waka. Although the focus was on nutrition and exercise, additional benefits were evident in educational attainment, whanau wellbeing, and a greater interest in economic development. 57 47 Tikanga in Sport and Exercise Overcoming barriers to participation in sport and exercise is especially important for Maori of all ages especially those who l ive sedentary lives. Apart from physical barriers such as finance, transport, childcare, appropriate clothing and equipment, under-participation is associated with attitudinal blocks and a perceived lack of relevance. However, programmes organised especial ly for Maori have been encouraging and there i s evidence that Maori involvement at the recreational and community level as well as in organised sport is extensive. 58 In addition, successful programmes have been built around aspects of tikanga such as marae, whanaungatanga, kotahitanga, aroha and wairua. Culture becomes a basis for self confidence and physical activity has been more readily embraced as a contributor to taha tinana, taha hinengaro and taha wairua. In addition, by fostering a group approach to exercise, taha whanau has also been an important motivating factor. 59 Marae sports days, a tribal touch (rugby) day, hikoi tangata (a walking programme) and summer camps that include trekking, fishing, waiata, karakia, and whanau participation, have been successful pilots to foster a shift from sedentary to non-sedentary activities. The revitalisation of customary Maori games has had a similar impact. Manu tukutuku (kite flying) provides both exercise as well as a reinforcement of ecological principles and legendary exploits. The selection of raw materials for kite making, the accompanying karakia and waiata, and the necessary craftsmanship required skilled leadership and a sound knowledge of the environment. Kite mythology recurs in Maori traditions and one account recalls how kites were made to resemble a flock of b irds that were used as a distraction that enabled invading warriors to seize an advantage.60 A resumption of manu tukutuku has been associated with ' a two 48 pronged conservation movement' - a repopulation of the environment with native species, and a revival of traditional Maori arts, both of which have influenced educational settings and . 6 1 practices. Another approach to the application of tikanga to sport and exercise can be seen in a long running programme in Te Arawa, Te Papa Takaro o Te Arawa, established in 1 99 1 . Working alongside whanau, hapu and iwi, Te Papa Takaro has reintroduced traditional Maori sports and activities as a way of promoting healthy l ifestyles and fostering cultural values. The value model includes whanaungatanga (communal responsibi lity and commitment to common goals), whakapapa (connections to land and people), manaakitanga (responsibility for pool ing expertise, role modelling, and fostering a philosophy of growth) , rangatiratanga (support to individuals and groups by allowing exploration in a range of opportunities), and arikitanga (a focus on high performance associated with higher learning and enhanced achievement). 62 Among the programmes provided by Te Papa Takaro o Te Arama is Te Arawa Toiora, for men over 25 years. The ten week course is designed to enable males from Te Arawa to increase their personal health and wellbeing and achieve healthy goal weight through a range of activities. In addition to increasing physical activity and greater awareness of healthy l ifestyles, there is a strong emphasis on cultural strengthening; marae engagement, hiking over landscapes that have tribal significance, and navigating local lakes and rivers combines exercise with increased cultural knowledge. 63 A more recent undertaking has been the ambitious Te Arawa Pride Project. The aim has been to build stronger cultural knowledge and participation for the Iwi through community sport engagement, enhancement of cultural identity for individuals and whanau, strong Iwi leadership, 49 health promotion, workforce development and monitoring and evaluation. A major strategy hinges on the Te Arawa games that incorporate hapu challenges in waka ama, marae contests, Ki-o-Rahi (traditional ball games), and whanau relays. In 2008 Te Papa Takaro hosted an event to recognise rangatahi achievement. Awards were presented for high achievement in sports, academic attainment, cultural leadership, the performing and visual arts and service to the . 64 commumty. The experiences of Te Papa Takaro are relevant to He Kawa Oranga . Two case studies in this thesis are also concerned with Maori partic ipation in sport and exercise. Tu Toa is a secondary school programme that fosters high performance both on and off the field while Te Wananga o Raukawa has introduced a course of study that is devoted to sport and exercise. Both case studies explore the significance of tikanga kawa to engagement and to achievement . . Moreover, both locate sport and exercise within a holistic framework where spiri tual , intel lectual and social pursuits are integral to outcomes. Maintaining consistency, adhering to customary values that are relevant to teaching and learning as well as to health and wellbeing, and competing with other models not based on tikanga are seen as challenges in a society where different standards apply. The consol idation of Maori perspectives m education, health, sport and exerctse and social services reflects a significant change in New Zealand' s attitude to culture as a determinant of best practice and good outcomes. Assumptions that services were culturally-neutral were progressively exposed as flawed reasons for offering mono-cultural services that invariably disadvantaged Maori clients . Those assumptions have now been balanced by increasing evidence that results will be better when there is cultural congruence between client and practitioner. While incorporating cultural values into generic programmes remains variable, 50 Maori cl ients can now reasonably expect that their cultural norms will be evident in cl inical interventions, learning environments, and community support. Change has occurred for many reasons including protest but has also fol lowed a series of reviews such as the Puao-te-Atatli review of social services. 65 Puao-te-Atatu was critical of Departmental practices especially the mono-cultural convention while the Royal Commission recommended that the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi be applied to all social services. Legislative changes have also occurred. Maori cultural perspectives are recommended in the Children Young Persons and their Families Act as well as the New Zealand Public Health and Disabi l i ty Act 2000 which among other things aims to ' reduce health disparities by improving the health outcomes of Maori and other population groups. ' The introduction of Maori perspectives and practices into education, health and social services has not been without controversy but has also been accompanied by enthusiasm from clinicians, managers, teachers, policy makers, sportsmen - and especial ly whanau. A more consistent appl ication probably awaits the further development of a workforce that is both skilled in kawa and possesses advanced knowledge of clinical, teaching, and social work practices. To that end, the case studies in this thesis demonstrate how a sound knowledge of kawa and the underlying principles and values can be employed to strengthen engagement and improve outcomes. 5 1 Answering the Research Question The research undertaken in this thesis is intended to answer the question: ' Can the concept and application of kawa be usefitlly applied to Maori participation in a range of situations in modern times? ' So far, Chapter One has introduced the parameters of the question and considered the broader context within which the question has evolved. From an early twentieth century transition where tikanga facilitated adaptation to new ways, to a later twentieth century time period where tikanga was reintroduced to rebalance the direction, Maori values have mediated between cultures in conflict. A mono-cultural perspective that characterised services for most of the twentieth century has been reshaped by Maori values, culture and models that have found a place on educational and health agendas. While the level of commitment to tikanga has been inconsistent, and the standards of practice variable, there are nonetheless many examples where tikanga has become a critical component of the process and a key factor for sustaining engagement and achieving quality outcomes. This chapter has identified some of the ways in which those examples have been applied at strategic and operational levels. It has also highlighted the ways in which two value systems and two sets of conventions can be harmonised and better results obtained. However, although improved education outcomes, better health status and greater participation in sport and exercise are important considerations, the attitudes and ideals that people hold in order to shape their l ives in later years, and the lives of their children are also relevant to the research question. Chapter Two outlines the approach used in this thesis. . It recognises that any investigation of Maori values, culture and tradition requires a Maori frame to understand the nuances and subtleties of meaning and significance. A Maori frame was consolidated as the thesis evolved so 52 that the methodology came to include participation by Maori who were experts in tikanga and kawa, conversations with marae elders entrusted with upholding kawa on marae, i nterviews with Maori teachers, sports managers, and administrators, and a focus group with Wananga students. As well , the project was overseen by two Maori supervisors both of whom had academic and cultural credentials. The focus on kawa was not only reflected in the research question but also in the way the research was conducted. Underlying the interviews, attendances at marae hui, and ongo ing contacts with research participants, was a Maori interactional paradigm that allowed the relationship between researcher and participants to be clearly defined and mutually respected. Defining relationships was especially important since for some years I had actively participated in all three case studies, not as a researcher but as an ' insider' . As a staff member at Te Wananga o Raukawa, a parent at Mana Tamariki , and a resource person at Tu Toa, I had prior knowledge of each situation and carried ongoing responsibi l ities to all three. How the dual roles of researcher and active contributor were managed is explored in greater detail in Chapter Two. In Chapter Three, the insights offered by experts in kawa are outlined. Their views covered a wide range of matters and shifted the debate away from a l ist of stereotyped rituals to a more fundamental exploration of the philosophy, purpose and practice of kawa. Though acknowledging the importance of marae kawa, their understandings were not confined to the marae and they identified a wide range of places and events where kawa might be employed. Moreover, they were able to l ink kawa - and the practice of kawa - with a knowledge base that continues to grow. None of them subscribed to the view that kawa was about perpetuating a bygone era. Instead they saw kawa as a way of facil itating Maori participation in new and challenging situations. The influence of new technologies such as heart transplants on kawa was raised as an example of the challenges that will need to be addressed in the future. 53 Perhaps the most important information coming from the experts, however, was their in-depth knowledge of the origins of kawa, the link between kawa, tikanga, aronga, and matapono, and the recognition that kawa is part of a wider context shaped by Maori understandings of the world and the nature of relationships between groups and between individuals. The fourth chapter meanwhile examines the elements, purposes, and applications of Kawa. It draws heavily on marae kawa, largely because marae remain the most obvious places where customary protocols govern actions, relationships, and responsibilities. Marae elders contributed a great deal to this chapter; their day to day experiences coupled with their own motivation for upholding kawa provided rich insights into the contemporary applications of culture and tradition and the ways in which they can be misunderstood or alternately embraced. Chapter Four is not intended as a finite or exhaustive account of kawa. Instead the more important reason for examining its form and function is to understand how it can impact on human behaviour. Despite the differences, the functions of engagement between groups, engagement within groups, and engagement with specific tasks are shared by a range of societal groups and organisations as well as by marae. Chapters F ive, S ix and Seven contain the case studies. As already noted, all three case studies involved situations where personal involvement was already occurring. A participant perspective was therefore inevitable though did not necessari ly constitute a disadvantage. Being too close to the subject material always ran the risk of being blind to competing explanations or being captured by a prevail ing institutional view. On the other hand, a longer term association provided opportunities to watch three organisations grow and evolve into models for rangatahi success. The longitudinal perspective was important since it allowed for the theme of consistency to be tested and provided time to ascertain results. Measuring results or outcomes i s 54 never simple. Much depends on selecting indicators that will track to the desired outcome so that if a final result cannot be observed because there has been insufficient time for a result to emerge, at least there will be proxy measures that suggest movement in the right direction. This thesis does not attempt to measure results by l isting a reduction of negative indicators. There may well be legitimate interest in whether a programme based around kawa can reduce offending, minimise alcohol misuse, reduce violence or lower the prevalence of disease. But that approach has not guided this thesis. Instead the focus has been on the strength of Maori engagement in activities and programmes and the significance of engagement for success. Chapter Eight reports on the analysis of case studies and elaborates on the several parameters of kawa. The approach to analysis was based on the Framework for Discussing Kawa outlined in Chapter Four. Four foundations have been identified : the domains of kawa, the purposes of kawa, the elements of kawa, and the ownership of kawa. Arising from each domain a series of themes emerged from the case studies and also from the expert interviews. The ten themes add both depth and breadth to the foundations and provide a framework for considering the key functions of kawa as they relate to Maori engagement in modem times. When considered as a thematic group, the col lective themes point to a kawa that has the potential to be transposed to a variety of situations confronting Maori in modem times. Those situations are l ikely to be increasingly complex and increasingly challenging. Though grounded in customary values and world views, chapter eight concludes by suggesting that kawa need not be confined to the marae, nor to a past period of time. The major conclusion to the chapter is that kawa has the potential to facilitate engagement and to motivate participants towards high levels of achievement. Building on the findings reported in Chapter Eight, Chapter Nine continues an exploration of the application of kawa to domains that rangatahi will encounter in the future. The chapter considers 55 the rapidly changing nature of society, within New Zealand and globally, and identifies key areas where engagement will be challenging. It concludes that kawa will be relevant to situations that have yet to materialise and has the potential to be incorporated into future organisations, pursuits, and value systems. Despite the extensive changes that will occur over time, kawa has a timeless potential and a set of values and principles that can have ongoing relevance in the decades ahead. New technologies provide opportunities for e-kawa; relationships within multi -cultural populations can be facil itated by kawa, and approaches to teaching and learning in the years ahead will sti l l demand a cultural context within which new pedagogies can unfold. Chapter Ten contains a summary and a conclusion. Like other populations, many Maori face the prospect of engaging with innovative and novel situations in New Zealand and abroad, without the benefit of value systems to guide the many encounters they will experience. To some extent the absence of a clear value system arises from a lack of societal experience with new situations and a slowness to realise that cultural concepts such as tikanga and kawa can be applied to modem times. The principles underlying engagement and confrontation on marae have not always been seen as relevant to marae equivalents within society. Finally the chapter reaches five conclusions, each associated with different levels of mana and the relationship of kawa to the environment, human standing, culture and tikanga, processes and leadership. An implicit question throughout this thesis, and one that is finally addressed in chapter ten, is whether old values have application that go across t ime and beyond technological and social reforms. Can the fundamental ethics and ideals inherent in kawa retain meaning and provide guidance for engagement in new environments? 56 He Kawa Oranga has examined a range of values found in the concept and practice of kawa, not to demonstrate that the old ways are necessari ly the best ways, but to identify aspects of customary thought and behaviour that can assist Maori in the pursuit of success and achievement in modem society. Probably the most significant conclusion reached in this thesis is that : Na nga kaupapa ka puta mai te kawa; na te kawa ka oho ake te mauri o te tangata. Just as kawa is founded on old values, so can human potential be enhanced by kawa. 4 6 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 B. Robson, R. Harris (eds.) (2007) , Hauora Maori Standards of Health !V A study of the years 2000-2005, Te Ropu Rangahau a Eru Pomare, University ofOtago, Wellington. Ministry of Education, (20 1 0), Nga Haeta Matauranga 2008/09 Annual Report on Maori Education, Ministry of Education, Wellington. Ministry of Education, (2005) , Nga Haeata Matauranga Annual Report on Maori Education , Wellington, p. 1 23 . J. P . Gone, (2009), Encountering Professional Psychology: Re-envisioning Mental Health Services for Native North America, in Kirmayer, LJ., Valaskakis GG. (eds . ) Healing Traditions The Mental Health of Aboriginal Peoples in Canada, Vancouver: University of Vancouver Press, pp. 4 19-439. Arohia Durie, (2002), Te Rerenga o te Rii. A utonomy and Identity: Miiori Educational Aspirations , Ph D thesis, Massey University, Palmerston North, pp. 1 97-228. Stuart Scott, ( 1 995, The Travesty ofWaitangi, Campbell Press, Dunedin, pp. 96- 1 09 . Paul Whitinui (2008) , The Indigenous Factor Exploring Kapa Haka as a Culturally Responsive Learning Environment in New Zealand Mainstream Secondmy Schools, VDM Yerlag Dr. Muller, Germany. G. Hall, H . A. Patrinos, (2006), Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development in Latin America, Palgrave MacMillan, New York, pp. 24 1 -240. Greg Ryan, ( 1 993), Forerunners of the All Blacks, The 1888/9 New Zealand Native Football Team in Britain, Australia and New Zealand, Canterbury University Press, Christchurch. Malcolm Mulholland, (2009), Beneath the !vliiori Moon An l//ustrated History of Miiori Rugby, Huia Publishers, Wellington, pp. 6- 1 2 . T.P. McLean, ( 1 99 1 ), The All Blacks, S idgwick and Jackson, London, pp. 4, 20. Felix Keesing, ( 1928), The Changing !vliiori, The Board of Maori Ethnological Research, New Plymouth, pp. 1 62- 1 63 . 57 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 20 2 1 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 J .F . Cody, ( 1 953) , Man of Two Worlds A Biography of Sir Maui Pomare, AH and AW Reed, Wellington, pp. 27-36. John A Will iams, ( 1 965), 'The Foundations of Apirana Ngata's Career 1 89 1 - 1 909 ' , in J . G.A. Pocock (ed.) , The Alaori and New Zealand Politics, Blackwood and Janet Paul, Auckland, pp. 55-60. Reweti T Kohere, ( 1 95 1 ) , The Autobiography of a i\.Iaori Chief, AH and A W Reed, Wellington, pp. 74-77. J . B. Condliffe, ( 1 97 1 ), Te Rangi Hiroa The life of Sir Peter Buck, Whitcombe and Tombs, Christchurch, pp. 63-73. Ranginui Walker, ( 1 990), Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou Struggle Without End, Penguin, Auckland, pp. 1 72- 1 74. Taskforce on Whanau Centred Init iatives, (20 I 0), Whanau Ora: Report of the Taskforce on Whanau Centred Initiatives, Ministry of Social Development, Wellington, pp. 44-4 7. J. Spicer, K . Chamberlain, ( 1 994), · Integrating Psychological and Social Perspectives on Determinants of Health' , in Spicer, J . , Trlin A., Walton J. (eds), Social Dimensions of Health and Disease, Durunore Press, Palmerston North, pp. 1 76- 1 93 . Marie Battiste, (2008), 'The Struggle and Renaissance of Indigenous Knowledge in Eurocentric Education', in Villegas, M. , Neugebauer, K. R. Venegas (eds.) , Indigenous Knowledge and Education, Harvard Education Review No. 44, Cambridge, pp. 85-9 1 . H. Pihema, ( 1 997), ·Te Taro o te Ora A Progress Report ' , Journal of the New Zealand Dietetic Association, conference 1 997 proceedings, 1 997, no. 2, pp. 33-36. Mason Durie, ( 1 985), 'A Maori Perspective of Health ' , Social Science & Medicine, 20: 5, 483-6. Mason Durie, ( 1 994), · Maori Perspectives on Health and I llness,' in ed. Sp icer J, Trlin A, Walton J, Social Dimensions of Health and Disease New Zealand Perspectives, Dunmore Press, Palmerston North W. Edwards (2009), Taupaenui: Positive Maori Ageing, Ph D Thesis, Massey University, Palmerston North. National Health Committee, ( 1 998), The Social, Cultural and Economic Determinants of Health in New Zealand: Action to Improve Health, National Health Committee, Wellington. G. Hall, H. Patrinos, (2006), 'Key Messages and an Agenda for Action' in Hall G . , Patrinos H., Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development in Latin America, Palgrave McMillan, New York, pp. 22 1 -240. P. Re id, B Robson, (2006), 'The state of Maori health ' , in Mulholland M. (ed), State of the Maori Nation twenty-first century issues, Reed, Auckland, pp. 1 7-32. B. Robson, R. Harris (eds.) (2007). J .K.Hunn ( 1 960), Report on Department of Maori Af airs with Statistical Supplement, R.E. Owen, Government Printer, Wellington. 58 30 3 1 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 4 1 42 43 44 45 46 47 Hunn ( 1 960), pp. 5- 1 2. A. Harris (2004), Hikoi Forty Years of Maori Protest, Huia, Wellington, pp. 44-48. Harris (2004), p.48. Harris (2004), pp. 68-76. Walker ( l 990), pp. 1 39, 207, 2 1 2 . Waitangi Tribunal ( 1 983) , Report, Findings and Recommendations ofthe Waitangi Tribunal, on an Application by A il a Taylor for and on behalf of Te Atiawa Tribe in Relation to Fishing Grounds in the Waitara Districts (Wai 6) , Department of Justice, Wellington. Ngatata Love, ( 1 994), 'The Hui Taumata and the Decade of Maori Development in Perspective ' , in Kia Prunau Tomt: Proceedings of the Hui Whakapiimau Maori Development Conference, Department ofMaori Studies, Massey University, Palmerston North, pp. 2 1 -27 . John Tamihere, ( 1 999), 'Changing Whanau Structures and Practices ' , i n Min istry of Health (ed.), Proceedings ofTe Hua o te Whanau: Whanau Health and Development Conference, Wellington. H. Frederick, P. Carswell , E. Henry, I. Chaston, J . Thompson, J. Campbell, A. S. Pivac (2002), Maori Entrepreneurs, in Bartercard New Zealand Global Entrepreneurship Monitor 2002, UNITEC New Zealand Centre for Innovation and Entrepreneurship, Auckland, pp.23-25. Ministry of Education, (2004), Ngti Haeata Mdtauranga ,.lnnual Report on 1Haori Education & Direction for 200212003, Ministry of Education, Wellington, pp. 1 7- 1 9. Health Workforce Advisory Committee (200 1 ), The New Zealand Health Workforce A stocktake of issues and capacity, Wellington: Health Workforce Advisory Committee, pp. 52-54. Te Puni Kokiri (2005), Mfrori Potential Framework a presentation, M inistry of Maori Deve lopment, Wellington. M inistry of Education, (2007), Nga Haeta Matauranga 200610 7, Te Tahuhu o te Matauranga, Wel lington. Northland Intersectoral Forum, (2007), Engaging Taitamariki in Learning, Te Puni Kokiri, Whangarei . M inistry of Education, (2008) , Ka Hikitia Managing for Success; Mfiori Education Strategy, Te Tahuhu o te Matauranga, Well ington. New Zealand Qualifications Authority, (2007), Te Rautaki Mfiori Me Te Mahere Whakatinana A Te /'vlana Tohu Mfitauranga 0 Aotearoa, The Mfiori Strategic and Implementation Plan for the New Zealand Qualifications Authority 2007- 12, Wellington, pp. 2 1 -22 . New Zealand Qualifications Authority, (2007), p. 3 3 . Associate Minister of Education (Tertiary Education), (2002), Tertimy Education Strategy 2002/07, Ministry of Education, Wellington. 59 48 49 50 5 I 52 pp. 53 of 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 6 1 62 63 64 65 Minister for Tertiary Education, (2007), Tertiary Education Strategy 2007-12, Ministry of Education, Wellington, pp. 22-23 . Hauora Waikato Group, (2000), Mental Health Services 'By Maorifor Maori ', Potential Barriers that Could Impede, Hauora Waikato, Hamilton. J . F .A. Rankin, ( 1 986), "Whaiora a Maori Cultural Therapy Uni t ' , Community Mental Health New Zealand, vol. 3, no. 2, pp. 38-47. Hauora Waikato Group (2000). Ministry of Health, (2002), He Korowai Oranga i\Hiori Health Strategy, Ministry of Health, Wellington, 1 1 - 1 3 . Ministry of Health, (2002), Te Puwaitanga J'v!Ciori Mental Health National Strategic Framework. Ministry Health, Wellington, pp. 4-7. Bob Stothart, (2002), 'Te Ao Kori - A Quiet Revolution' , Education Review, Vol 7, no 38, October 2-8, pp. 26-27. M inistry of Health, (2004), Health Promoting Schools Support Manual, Manatu Hauora, Wellington. Kathy James (ed.), (2009), Health for the People Newtown Union Health Service 20 Years on, Steel Roberts, Wellington, pp. 28-35. Wendy Hen wood, (2007), · Maori Knowledge: a Key Ingredient in Nutrition and Physical Exercise Health Promotion Programmes for Maori ' , Social Policy Journal of New Zealand, issue 32, pp. 1 55- 1 64. F .R. Palmer (2006), ' S tate of Maori Sport' , in Mulholland M . (ed.) , State of the Maori Nation twenty-first century issues, Reed, Auckland, pp. 261 -275. Te Puni Kokiri, ( 1 995), Omangia te Omaroa Mfrori Participation in Physical Leisure, Ministry of Maori Development, Wellington, pp. 1 2- 1 6. Harko Brown, (2008) , Nga Taonga Takaro Mfrori Sports and Games, Raupo/Penguin, Auckland, pp. 8 1 - 90. Brown, (2008), pp. 9 1 -92. Te Papa Takaro o Te Arawa, (20 I 0), Te Papa Tfrkaro o Te Arawa Strategic Plan 2010-2012, Rotorua. Te Papa Takaro o Te Arawa, (20 I 0), Te Arawa Toiora, A Report, Rotorua. Paora Te Hurihanganui, (2008), Te Arawa Mfrori Sports and Rangatahi Achievement Awards 2008, A Report, Rotorua. M inisterial Advisory Committee on a Maori Perspective for the Department of Social Welfare, ( 1 986) , Ptlao-te-ata-ltl, Department of Social Welfare, Wellington. 60 CHAPTER TWO TE ARA WHAKA TUTUKI METHODOLOGY At a time when New Zealand society I S increasingly governed by the need to provide environments conducive to a culture of creation and innovation, i t is important to review those values that continue to define what is Maori about living and wellbeing in the 2 1 st. century. The thesis sets out to investigate the significance of kawa in modem times and the potential of kawa to propel Maori forward into the future, and to be well grounded in Te Ao Maori, the Maori world, and Te Ao Whanui, the world at large. The study maintains a working definition of kawa, viewing it as process guided by matauranga Maori and Maori world views, thereby recognising the multidimensional nature of the Maori universe. Although kawa engagement is most closely observed in marae practice, it can also govern important activities and events in all aspects of Te Ao Maori through a values and principles approach. This chapter will look at Matauranga Maori in relation to descriptors, to elements of the body of knowledge that constitutes matauranga Maori and to the further development of Matauranga Maori as the basis for a research paradigm to form the basis for research into He Kawa Oranga. 6 1 Maori and Research Acceptabi lity by Maori of research as a legitimate procedure has taken time to develop. 1 Only recently have general researchers begun to recognise their own cultural suppositions as contributing to the topics and methods that define their research questions and the approaches selected as appropriate to seek answers to those questions. What was previously assumed to be a neutral exercise in research has been exposed to the extent that former research ethics and research methods have come under close scrutiny for cultural bias and cultural harm. Across culture research efforts drawn from just one cultural standpo int have all too often lead to criticism from the researched communities where the information garnered looses in translation the cultural understandings that contextualise the knowledge transferred. Questions have arisen as to the activities of researchers who intrude across cultural paradigms to mine information with no consideration given to the i nterests of the communities from whom knowledge is taken. Writing from the United States, Vine de Loria (Jnr. ) in discussing those who are not Indian but who research Indians, had this to say: "The researcher has the luxury of studying the community as an object of science, whereas the young Indian, who knows the nuances of tribal l ife, receives nothing in the way of compensation or recognition for his knowledge, and instead must continue to do jobs, often manual labour, that have considerably l ess prestige. If knowledge of the Indian community is so valuable, how can 62 non-Indians receive so much compensation for their small knowledge and Indians receive so little for their extensive knowledge?"2 Indigenous authors draw attention to research on rather than with indigenous peoples as another form of exploitation if it results in indigenous peoples receiving l ittle or no benefit. I nstead, in such scenarios, the outcomes go to enhance non-indigenous individuals or communities but not those whose knowledge was taken. Experiences of research of this kind created an antipathy among indigenous communities for activities to do with research. Linda Smith ( 1 999) has written a telling critique of research of this kind, stating m her introduction that: "C learly there have been some shifts in the way non-indigenous researchers and academics have positioned themselves and their work in relation to the people for whom the research still counts. It is also clear, however, that there are powerful groups of researchers who resent indigenous people asking questions about their research and whose research paradigms constantly permit them to exploit indigenous peoples and their knowledges"3 . Critiques of such research have been assembled over time to challenge the research status quo of the academy and to uncover the privileged position given to western research methodologies over the indigenous and to western perceptions of the indigenous. Collectively, the critiques were seen as talking back, as empowering the researched to see the harm inherent in research 63 that was exploitative of indigenous knowledge and to expose these flaws to public scrutiny. In this paradigm, such exploitations are seen as being as much a form of colonisation as were the earl ier appropriations of indigenous lands and peoples. From this perspective, the role of research as a colonising tool is made clear. It provides a warning to non-indigenous and to indigenous researchers to be alert to the traps of engaging in research without due diligence. Processes should be free of the exploitations of the past and ensure that researchers have the appropriate expertise to conduct and analyse the research without bringing harm to the researched or misrepresenting the data col lected. Indigenous researchers have an even greater responsibility to avoid the invasive research style raids of the past on their peoples. A spectrum of research types were charted by Chris Cunningham in 1 998, setting out the ways in which Maori people and Maori topics might be included or addressed. He raised four main types of research, science and technology, providing descriptors for each. 1 . Research not I nvolving Maori 2. Research Involving Maori 3 . Maori-Centred Research 4. Kaupapa Maori Research4 64 While the first i s self-descriptive, the next three engage Maori to a greater or lesser extent. Types three and four are the more recent of the four types, with types three and four attributable to the work of individual Maori academics in the field. Maori-centred research clearly, puts Maori at the centre, as researchers, as communities and their partic ipants and in process and beneficial outcomes. In first developing the notion of Maori ­ centred research, Mason Durie set out three main principles : 1 . Whakapiki Tangata, about enablement, enhancement or empowerment 2. Whakatuia, about integration 3 . Mana Maori, about Maori control5 These three principles coalesce in defining first a research approach that identifies foci to foster the development of Maori capabil ity; second acknowledgement of a Maori world view about an integrated environment, human, spiritual and natural ; and third, Maori control over Maori research, marking a major shift in research to research by Maori within parameters that draw from Maori process and thought. Kaupapa Maori research evolved as a response to the marginalisation of Maori from full partic ipation in all aspects of social and educational l ife. An early advocate of Kaupapa Maori as a theory of change was Graham Smith who laid out a set of principles that comprise Kaupapa Maori . 65 l . Tino Rangatiratanga (Self Determination Principle) 2 . Taonga Tuku Iho (Cultural Aspirations Principle) 3 . Ako Maori (Culturally Preferred Pedagogy) 4. Kia Piki Ake i Nga Raruraru o Nga Kainga ( Mediation of Socio-Economic and Home Difficulties Principle) 5. Whanau 6. Kaupapa6 Although these ideas were developed to help inform the background to Kura Kaupapa Maori and Kohanga Reo education initiatives, other writers adapted them to suit further purposes, for example, Leonie Pihama discusses Kaupapa Maori as a useful pol iticising agent, a theory of Maori : "Kaupapa Maori theory is a politicising agent that acts as a counter-hegemonic force to promote the conscientisation of Maori people through a process of critiquing Pakeha definitions and constructions of Maori people and asserting explicitly the validation and legitimation of Te Reo Maori and Tikanga."7 The theory asserts the place of Te Reo Maori me nga Tikanga Maori (Maori language and Maori cultural practices) in empowering Maori to strengthen counters to Pakeha negative prescriptions of Maori and their place in the world; adding another perspective on the idea of talking back. 66 Kaupapa Maori also evolved into a research methodology. As cited in Smith, L.T. ( 1 996) and McLeod, J. (2002), Kaupapa Maori Research descriptors are : ( i ) related to being Maori ( i i ) connected to Maori phi losophy and principles ( i i i ) about taking for granted the validity and legitimacy of Maori, the importance of Maori language and culture (iv) being concerned with the struggle for autonomy over our own cultural wellbeing8 The term is also used by Russell Bishop to describe his approach to research. 9 Kaupapa Maori became a catch-all phrase for a range of initiatives. Further Research Developments Maori have gone on to refine research frameworks and methodologies even more since the Cunningham work was published. Writing in 2005, Mason Durie refers to a research type he labels interface research, or research at the interface, developed to expand on his original ideas around Maori-centred research. Arohia Durie discussed a sense of commitment through the notion ofNgakau Maori research. 1 0 In the interface model, Maori research draws from dual bodies of knowledge, western thought and Maori thought. The basis of this was earlier outl ined in a 200 1 presentation titled ' Science and Indigenous Knowledge, exploring the I nterface' . 1 1 67 The i nterface is seen as a source of inventiveness, recognising and providing access to the world of science and technology and to the indigenous world. In Durie ' s view both Maori-centred and Kaupapa Maori research could accommodate interface research to utilise the opportunities that a combined approach would bring. Ngakau Maori research is seen as an extension of Maori centred research to include the qualities of the engaged researcher as well as the characteristics of the research methodology, bringing the researcher into view as a known factor. Not included in the four types set out in the Cunningham paper, and sitting at the opposite end of the research spectrum to Research not involving Maori, i s Matauranga Maori research. In contrast to Maori-Centred and Kaupapa Maori research, Matauranga Maori research is about a methodology that draws from one indigenous body of knowledge and is ' by, about and mostly, in Maori . ' 1 2 , a turn of phrase taken from Wally Penetito' s work on Maori Education. There are features in common with some other research approaches, particularly those such as narrative research and oral history; methods that have been at the heart of matauranga Maori practice in the telling and validation of the multifaceted nature of events and histories. 68 Kaupapa Korero Narrative research has a recent acceptance in the academy, but in indigenous oral cultures, bodies of knowledge depended on the context of place and time and the accuracy and trustworthiness of knowledge transfer sources and their agents for legitimation. The marae provides an opportunity for knowledge to be debated, questioned and thoughtfully considered within a community domain by acknowledged experts, and the wharenui another but less contested and sometimes more restricted venue. This aspect of knowledge transfer helped ensure that accuracy was maintained, that a range of views could be considered and that the opportunity for consensus was created. As whanau and individuals have become more mobile, the more traditional means of passing knowledge on becomes more challenging for each generation but can create a greater flexibility around means of knowledge transfer and acceptabil ity. In a discussion about mana, Te Pakaka Tawhai writes about the factors of tupu and mate, growth and decline as influences on the state of mana at any one point in time since actions can enhance or detract from states of m ana. 1 3 His work is referenced t o the N gati U epohatu context rather than to Maori in general but the contribution to knowledge about mana has significance in considering research relationships. Context is seen to be vital for people in order to know how to act s ince mana i s in process rather than remaining static. Not all knowledge was considered appropriate for the community domain, some was shared other aspects were held by experts for transfer to those who showed sufficient potential to be responsible recipients. For example, in talking about sharing special knowledge, John Rangihau says: 69 " ' I talk about mauri and some people talk about tapu. Perhaps the words are interchangeable. If you apply this l ife force feeling to all things - inanimate and animate- and to concepts, and you give each concept a l ife of its own, you can see how difficult it appears for o lder people to be wil l ing and availab le to give out information. They believe that it is part of them, part of their own l i fe force, and when they start shedding this they are giving away themselves. Only when they depart are they able to pass this whole thing through and give it a continuing aspect. Just as they are proud of being able to trace their genealogy backwards, in the same way they can continue to send the mauri of certain things forward and down to their children after death. They pick and choose from their children and if they have none it is up to the person himself to pass information to one of his kinfolk . . . There is no b lack and white as to how to do these things.'' 1 4 Restrictions remain around some aspects o f Matauranga Maori. To quote John Rangihau further, he says, there is a spirituality about the Maori world and this exerts a force on Maori things. 1 5 This view was evident in a separate discussion, one about an ancestral wharenui. Te Pakaka Tawhai explains: "The wharenui is addressed and treated in many ways as the ancestor himself. I f our eyes - sensory perceptions - tell us that the wharenui i s not the ancestor himself, then our thinking - mental conceptions - might make it so" 1 6 70 As knowledge i s written down, the context in which it originated may be lost but importantly, also the tone of voice and the emphases of the spoken word. Researchers today ask permission to record the spoken word to retain the nuances of the narratives as they unfold. Maori are not alone in holding strong v1ews about the sanctity of some knowledges, and procedures for passmg certain knowledge on. Other indigenous oral cultures have similar protocols about the transfer of certain knowledge. In her book on researching and writing about American Indians, Devon A. Mihesuah makes the observation that: "While non- Indian historians have made careers speaking for tribes and interpreting cultures besides the ones to which they belong, many Indians wil l not write about tribes other than their own even if they have insights into those cultures. When it comes to speculating on Other's motivations and world views, many Indians are simply uncomfortable and won' t do it ." 1 7 Yet, for cultures to survive, adaptation is important and even more so in times of rapid social change where each new generation is presented with many choices to make about preferred values and l ifestyle despite their heritage culture. Research cultures too must adapt and change to be relevant. Indigenous research or Matauranga Maori research spec ifically, offers a way forward for Maori in research where Maori values and processes prevai l . Indigenous peoples from oral cultures have moved cautiously into the field of research and researching. Research itself has undergone significant change in methodology and in practice. The growth of small but rich qualitative studies reflects the extent of these changes as recognition and acknowledgement of Maori values in relation to research processes increases. 7 1 Change and Continuity For Matauranga Maori, change is also a reality. The e±Tects of the contact period of Maori engagement with European cultures generated change at such a pace that aspects of Matauranga Maori either adapted or were undermined by the new. New world views infiltrated Maori communities for good or for bad. Christianity was one new world-view brought to Maori communities and adapted to become a new aspect of Maori community life. Importantly at this time, the arrival of Christianity with the missionaries also brought the written word beginning the shift from being an oral culture to the use of a written form of Te Reo Maori . The new technology had flow on effects for Maori communities. The written word dislocated knowledge from oral sources and ruptured the contexts of time and place. Importantly it could separate kawa from later actions taken by recipients or observers of Matauranga Maori. I t took away the flexibil ity of the spoken word to be able to respect and acknowledge all facets of mana and it created new experts, those with the capacity to read and write. The lessening of expert oversight to test the accuracy of knowledge transfer in this mode and to maintain control over the content and the process caused some upheaval. It also made possible the detachment of knowledge from its cultural context, l eaving misinterpretation as a distinct reality. The kawa inherent in the spoken word had then to work around the new environment. In discussing inj unctions and prerogatives around certain knowledge, Te Pakaka Tawhai found that: 72 " . . . implicit in the kawa . . . an injunction that one should discuss one 's own whakapapa and let those of others be and reminds us that the recitation of whakapapa whether in the form of haka, oriori, moteatea or a list of names, was regarded as the perogative of the descendants. To recall a name verbal ly was considered to have the effect of recalling the spiri t of that ancestor. Whakapapa was therefore tapu and was treated with the same regard as we have nowadays for private personal property." 1 8 As Te Pakaka Tawhai states, '·prerogatives were i n place for the recitation o f whakapapa to ensure that people who did not have a right to the knowledge by being a descendant, did not usurp the rights of those who did. Whakapapa written down grew in mana behind the oral versions because each was an ancestral record. · · For research, the idea of whakapapa has been used to identify relationships between various elements and ideas using the notion of interconnectedness as a translation. Traditionally, the conceptualisation of interconnectedness applied beyond human genealogies to include the natural and spiritual environments around them and this world view has kept its vital ity for Te Ao Maori and helped Maori maintain a distinct identity as tangata whenua in Aotearoa-New Zealand. In time past, knowledge of the past and whanau and hapu knowledge was held c losely by those entrusted with it. A system of tapu operated in certain instances as a form of protection, both for the body of knowledge and for those trusted recipients of it. Te Uira Manihera of Waikato 73 entreated people to hold tapu in the highest esteem, and provided a caution at the same time. ''There is a fear that by giving things out they could become commercialised. If this happens, they lose their sacredness, their fertility. They just become common. And knowledge that is profane has lost its life, its tapu". 19 An earlier scholar, Te Matorohanga, explained that the tapu system ensured that ' the m ind, body and spirit remained fixed and focussed upon the higher teachings' ?0 Maori scholars such as Te Matorohanga and Nepia Pohuhu began writing up important aspects of Maori thought as early as the 1 860' s, although charges were levelled that ' the ideas were (both Maori and European) were assembled into a pan-Maori system of thought which nonetheless disguised botTowed elements . . . and that the central isation of Maori traditions gave the traditions a new authority' 2 1 . The authority of the tradit ions in their collective or in their regional or tribal forms is not at issue here. Reference to Maori or the Maori or Maoritanga or even to Matauranga Maori can have the effect of emphasising what is shared beyond iwi, hapu or whanau details but here it is not to imply that each aspect i s identical across each iwi or hapu . Nor does it address the challenge that the use of the word 'Maori ' can be seen as a colonial construct, i nstead it allows a pragmatic approach to working in the field without intruding on those aspects that ought to remain out of the discussion. 74 In 1 99 1 writing on diverse real ities, Mason Durie has emphasised that Maori are not an homogenous group and that it would be misleading to see all Maori communities as the same. While there are similarities and generalisations about knowledge, iwi , hapii and whanau face similar di lemmas. In the sense that Matauranga Maori is used here, it refers to a col lective body of knowledge contributed by generations of Maori over time. It accepts that there are bodies of knowledge that might more accurately be described as Matauranga a-iwi, Matauranga a-hapii and Matauranga a-whanau but that these are not spec ifical ly under discussion here. John Rangihau reminded us of this view in his reference to Tuhoetanga as a more appropriate term than Maoritanga for the body of knowledge generated and passed on by members of the Tuhoe iwi for example. Whatarangi Winiata defines Matauranga as being: : ' A body of knowledge that seeks to explain phenomena by drawing on concepts handed from one generation of Maori to another. Accordingly, matauranga Maori has no beginning and is without end. It is constantly being enhanced and refined. Each passing generation of Maori make their own contribution to Matauranga Maori . ' 22 A definition l ike this gives us a generative view of Matauranga Maori, emphasising that it is much more than an archive, that it allows for growth and development over time. In accordance with this definition, for Mason Durie, research that evolves from a Matauranga Maori basis is "research that is conducted entirely within the context of Maori knowledge and Maori methodological approaches".23 The combination of Matauranga Maori with research as a 75 paradigm in its own right is a step towards generating knowledge that can be explained within the bounds of i ts own logic. Te Maire Tau makes the point that 'The Maori perception of the past is not the same as that held by Pakeha . . . Like everything else in Maori society, mana formed one's perception of the past, not time ' .24 Misconceptions have been more likely to occur when scholars without cultural acuity attempt to interpret aspects of Matauranga Maori through foreign cultural concepts, as Te Maire Tau explains when examining work by Peter Munz interrogating ' the nature of indigenous forms of recounting the past'25 . Te Maire Tau also rmses a concern for applicability in his discussion about what counts as history. He says that 'Munz made the point that indigenous perceptions should not be reconstructed as history. The past is recalled and retained by the community because i t matters to the community' .26 Once again this seems to be a problem between logics and language, how the world is interpreted and explained and what descriptors are used for that process. Ideally, these interpretations would be made in Te Reo Maori for best fit as writing in the English language brings us up against debates over what counts as history, a matter of semantics or something more? For Te Maire Tau, i f the work of a community is to be j udged authentic by the standards of that community then oral traditions are a matter of relativity. He goes on to say: 76 "Like any framework based on relativity, there are strengths and weaknesses. The strength is that the frameworks truism acts as cohesive binding agents that maintain the community. Its weakness is that the framework acts as a kind of intel lectual prison - a closed shop for thinking. "27 The observation that there are strengths and weaknesses can apply to all disciplines of knowledge; degrees of relativity are realities of l ife and of research, a part of the nature of being human. A definition ofMatauranga Maori is provided in Te Maire Tau ' s text as: " . . . the epistemology of Maori - what it is that underpins and gives point and meaning to Maori knowledge. Whakapapa is the skeletal structure to Maori epistemology. What about language? Obviously language is the critical factor."28 Wiri employed a model for interpretation of Maori soc ial construction of land and history through the identification of specific domains of mana, including: Mana Tangata, the human domain ; Mana Wairua, the spiritual domain and Mana Whenua, the earthly domain. The emphasis on these domains enabled enhancement of the knowledge transmission process to occur whilst also providing a Maori frame for the interpretation of Maori endeavour and experience within a Matauranga Maori context. 28 77 Matauranga Maori is therefore a complex knowledge base built up over centuries by close engagement with the physical, human and spiritual environment within which communities constructed their l ives. There are some aspects of Matauranga Maori that are off limits for wide distribution, but others wil l grow and change as Maori society changes. This thesis puts forward the idea that kawa, as a dimension of Matauranga Maori has a bearing on Maori wellbeing for today and for the future and will search narratives and case studies for pointers about future directions. It also acts on the premise that research drawn from a Matauranga Maori base should be searched and explained applying the logic of that base. 78 Matauranga Maori as a Research Paradigm In an address titled, Te Ao Marama - A Maori Research Paradigm, Te Ahukaramu Charles Royal29 explored the notion or theory of Matauranga Maori, Maori knowledge and the process or processes that create Matauranga Maori . Whakapapa is posited as a research methodology 'capable of providing an explanation of all phenomena in Maori experience dO He later enlarged on these ideas by positing Te Ao Marama as a construct of Te P6 and Te Kore, two of the forces that in Maori oral history brought the world as we know it into existence and so beginning the whakapapa of the modem world. 3 1 While Royal sees Te Ao Marama as the paradigm of Maori knowledge32 it is also possible to see Matauranga Maori itself as a knowledge paradigm, a means of reading the world and all that happens within it . In other words, not necessari ly a research paradigm but the wellspring from which current research may be informed and in return some aspects may be informed by the research results. Epistemology is another term that has been applied to Matauranga Maori in the academic sense, simply a theory of knowledge. Matauranga Maori is more than a theory since it shapes and nurtures Te Ao Maori. Matauranga Maori is the knowledge base that informs the research and the body of knowledge that expands as a result of the research activity. To be a research paradigm, differences from other methodologies would be expected, the most obvious would be differences in emphasis and in cognitive style. Maori research methodologies are part of an indigenous move world wide to take back the research process so as to serve indigenous goals and aspi rations in the first instance and to ensure 79 that indigenous values and practices are not mined or undermined by the global push to exploit indigenous bodies of knowledge for non-indigenous purposes. In the Aotearoa-New Zealand case, Matauranga Maori allows research methodologies an authentic place, and establ ishes a space for indigenous bodies of knowledge. There are risks involved in positioning Matauranga Maori in the research domain at all, much less at the centre of Maori research methodologies. There is always the risk that the knowledge will not be respected or that it allows for another round of exploitation of Maori knowledge for non-Maori agendas but there are others who have worked through this dilemma and is briefly referred to earlier in this chapter. The noted scholar, Maori Marsden, is one of the key sources of knowledge discussed by Te Ahukaramu Charles Royal where he reiterates Marsden's view that ' in the Maori view, spiri t is the ultimate reality. J3 . Royal develops a case for his thesis around Te Ao Marama, ' the traditional Maori name for the world in which we currently reside ' , and the name for the theory that informs his thesis. He weaves together many iwi and whanau narratives , working around genealogies and his whakapapa theory of knowledge generation without tipping the balance. Where new generations work within a Matauranga paradigm, kawa can assist with that process. This thesis search of kawa potential is the topic of the thesis combined with an effort to put kawa into action. The research process has the challenge of doing the topic justice so following kawa is a natural response to the task ahead. I t should avoid the pitfalls of colonising research andfollow appropriate tikanga .. For this to happen, methods and methodologies will be restricted to those that best enable the research question to be answered. There is an appreciation of the fact 80 that there are many forms of kawa, some applicable in si tuation specific instances, others where the concept allows more room for flexibility. In a discussion around the application of kawa to contemporary Maori l ifestyles, food gathering is provided as one example where guiding principles of kawa, tapu and noa were more likely to continue to be observed as customary practice within original tribal boundaries whereas in a less connected urban environment, practices are likely to be more influenced by consumerism than traditional principles. 34 Research at the Interface As previously discussed, a range of distinct Maori methodologies and approaches to research are now being articulated. Although there are sometimes incongruent or misaligned ideas across and throughout these various discussions, quite often the basic principles are remarkably similar. Ideas and processes such as "kanohi kitea"2 "koha"3 or ·'manaakitanga"4 are often referred to when discussing the pragmatics of Maori research and although their application may differ according to the requirements of particular investigations they are ideas which resonate across a broad continuum of Maori research. 2 2 Within this context referring to conducting interviews face to face rather than ( for example) via telephone, email, or postal surveys. 3 Within this context, a gift or some other kind of acknowledgement for the respondents time 4 Within this context, the process of ensuring that research respondents are respected and 8 1 Despite the diversity of contemporary Maori research, these high level processes have al lowed investigators in various fields to inc lude a "'Kaupapa Maori" dimension (however defined) into their investigations. In this regard, and while researchers in Maori health, Maori education, or Maori social policy may have differing aims and approaches, it has been possible to apply these high level processes and to l ikewise develop techniques which draw from multiple modes of . . 3 tnqUiry. The integration of Maori perspectives alongside more conventional or western techniques is also gaining momentum. 4 It has, in part at least, been driven by necessity and the broadening scope of Maori research activity. The New Zealand Psychiatric Epidemiology study for example was initiated along conventional epidemiologi cal and bio-statistical l ines - a technically challenging study involving complex mathematical calculations, algorithms, and quantitative research techniques. 5 Despite this, Maori approaches and research philosophies were embedded into the design of the study. Kaitiaki principles were developed to guide the collection and analysis of information. A Kaitiaki group was also established and used to ensure that issues connected to the collection of information from Maori could be considered. For the first time, Maori perspectives of mental i llness were included within the data col lection tool and represented a unique opportunity to capture cultural views and perspectives alongside western diagnostic classifications. The study would not have met the criteria for a Kaupapa Maori research initiative - it was led by non-Maori and Maori were not the major focus of the investigation. Despite this, the research i l lustrated the utility of integrating aspects of Western 82 and Maori approaches and that idea that this could be achieved without confl ict or compromise. Moreover, the notion that outcomes for Maori could be achieved through the considered application of both Maori and Western approaches. Consistent with this broad philosophy of considered integration, this thesi s (while securely anchored to a Maori base) also draws from conventional techniques, approaches, and practice. For example, the research had to satisfy a range of ethical expectations. 6 Ethnical approval for the study was sought (and given its relatively non-invasive research design) this was granted and study designated as low-risk (this is appendixed). Case studies (an established western technique) were also used to inform the findings of this thesis. 7 The case study approach is derived from western research tradition and well-rehearsed methodological techniques. Yet, it is applied here in ways which match the objectives and cultural foundations of this research. This is possible in that case study (in particular) lends itself to this type of philosophical integration and offers sufficient scope through which a diverse range of approaches might be included within its design - including those which are culturally derived. By definition, case studies are able to cope with technical ly distinct and diverse situations and are useful in settings where there are many more variables of interest than data points, where the research is reliant on multiple sources of evidence, and where data is converged in a triangulated fashion. Although case study research does not require the examination of a diverse range of issues and contexts, typical ly this is the manner in which qualitative researchers chooses to apply it . 8 Qualitative case researchers orient to complexities connecting ordinary practice in natural habitats to the abstractions and concerns of diverse academic disciplines. In this sense, the case 83 study approach resonates well with the objectives and design of this thesis and provides a suitable framework through which the cultural , technical, and more pragmatic dimensions of the thesis can be managed. 9 For large research investigations, such as this, it is the management of research data and information (the way in which the various strands of the study are synthesized) which becomes a seminal consideration. Frequently the need to conduct a comprehensive and rigorous investigation leads to a complicated research strategy, one which may be unmanageable and often beyond the control of any one investigator. In order to avoid such situations a number of techniques have been developed and have successfully aided researchers i n making the most effective and efficient use of their time and resources. I t is in this context that case study has also become an especially popular research strategy by providing a means through which a particular case can be used to illustrate i ssues of broader significance. A concept typical ly known as analytic generalization. 1 0 As such, carefully selected and studied cases may be applied so as to provide insight into much wider i ssues or concepts. Therefore providing an effective means through which a comprehensive investigation can be conducted within certain logistical, financial and time constraints. Given the broad scope of research activity and the endless range of possible research questions, case studies have be categorized into three basic types - Intrinsic, Instrumental and Collective. 1 1 Intrinsic case study i s primarily used to obtain a better understanding of a particular case. It does not represent other cases or does i t i llustrate a particular trait or problem. Rather i t is studied 84 because it itself is of interest and the researcher wishes to reveal i t 's story through the exploration of the case. An instrumental case study is examined to provide ' insight' into an issue or the refinement of a theory. The case is not the focus but is used to enhance our understanding of a wider issue. It is of secondary interest and provides the means through which our knowledge of something else is enhanced. The case is often examined in some detail and from a variety of perspectives. Activities are detailed and used to explain an external concept or idea. Essentially the case is expected to advance our understanding of something else that is of greater interest. Researchers using instrumental case studies show how a phenomenon exists within a particular case. There is l ittle interest in how the case is (without the phenomenon) different as there are too many ways for this to be explored. As the name suggests collective case studies rely on the application of a number of cases jointly in order to provide some insight into a particular phenomenon, population or general condition. It is not concerned with the study of a col lective, but an instrumental study extending to a number of cases . Individual cases in the collection may or may not be known in advance to manifest the common characteristic . They may be similar or dissimilar, but are chosen because it is believed that they will provide a better understanding of a still larger collection of cases. To this end, the collective case-study approach was most suitably aligned with the overall objectives of this thesis. That is , the selection of several different cases which are used to exam a common ISSUe. 85 Again, the flexibility of the case-study approach extends to its abi lity to be used alongside other methodological or data gathering techniques. Case-studies may be applied and interpreted as distinct research entities or combined, as with this thesis, alongside other methods and approaches - key informant interviews, l iterature reviews, and broader consultations. The major consideration being that the cases becomes part of a broader discussion and contributes to the examination of the research question. An aligned advantage of the case-study approach are established protocols for the preparation and presentation of research information. In particular, how research findings are provided to the reader. Hubberman and Miles 1 2 describe the process of 'Data Reduction ' , ' Data Display' , and 'Conclusion Drawing/Verification' As part of Data Reduction the information is reduced in an anticipatory way as the researcher chooses a conceptual framework, research questions, cases and instruments. Once field data, including notes, interviews, tapes, or other information is available, data summaries, coding, theme finding, clustering and writing stories provide the opportunity for further data selection and condensation. This technique was applied within this thesis during the analysis of the various interviews as well as the identification and selection of key informants. As with most qualitative research investigations more information is gathered than what is eventually used so applying this approach early provided a means through which information (relevant to the outcomes of the thesis) could be sorted early and managed as part of the overall information collection process. Additionally, it provided a framework through which research informants were selected and eventually interviewed. To this end, a large pool of potential informants were 86 identified early. By carefully rev1ewmg the interests of each informant a smaller list was compiled and further refined until a group (considered to have the breadth and depth of experience) was final ly selected. 1 3 Data Display is defined as an organised, compressed assembly of information that allows conclusion drawing and/or action taking, this may be a second, if not inevitable, part of the data analysis process. In this sense the researcher views a set of reduced data to consider its meaning. More focused displays may also include structured summaries, synopses, vignettes, network-like or other diagrams and matrices with text rather than numbers in the cells. The "data-display" approach to the presentation of information has been adopted throughout this thesis . [n this regard, data is initial ly isolated and presented with limited analysis . This approach is preferred as it draws a clear demarcation between collected and interpreted material and creates additional clarity with respect to the analysis of information. In particular - how relevant issues were gathered and identified. Conclusion drawing and verification i s an analytic technique which is common to qualitative research. It involves interpreting information and drawing meaning from displayed data (as referred to previously). The means by which this is achieved can be diverse, noting both comparisons and contrasts, patterns, themes and clusters. Triangulation (the examination of multiple perspectives) may be applied in order to verify results and determine significance and relevance. In this sense we can speak of "data transformation" as information is condensed, clustered, sorted and l inked over time. Yin 14 explains that by having a clear idea of ones theoretical proposition, data may more easily be condensed. Essentially, by providing a focus 87 and a means by which information can be sorted, retained or excluded. The application of this technique within the thesis is again very selective and not always connected to a particular case. Rather, it is used to separate col lected from analysed information and to assist with rationalizing the findings. As previously discussed, this approach to the application of various research techniques is not uncommon within qualitative studies. Unlike quantitative investigations, the collection and analysis of information is not subject to rigid statistical protocols or procedures. Rather, an organic approach is preferred and whereby multiple methods, drawn from various techniques and or disciplines, can be applied concurrently. The main consideration being that they collectively contribute to the understanding of the research question and are driven by the need to elucidate this . Of added interest is the possibility that Maori perspectives and cultural expectations can be accommodated within western research methods (or vice-versa) and that this b lended approach can add to the richness, depth and rigor to Maori research. 88 The GM Debate The debate around Genetic Modification brought the tension between Matauranga Maori and the frontiers of Science into sharp focus. Concerns were expressed from Maori in regard to genetic modification and approvals that might be given for the transfer of animal genes to humans in the interests of the amelioration of certain illnesses such as diabetes. The basis of the concerns over the proposed intervention was that they were seen to go against Maori cultural concepts, particularly where human integrity and mana are concerned. To be considered on the plus side was the potential for Maori individuals to benefit where respite from cet1ain il lnesses could result from genetic modification. The following table, taken from a paper delivered at Massey University, Wellington, summarises the range of concerns expressed in submissions to the Royal Commission on Genetic Modification. Table 2 Public Interest in Genetic Modification35 Specific to Maori Shared by other groups Philosophical Maori world views Religious views objections Cultural concepts 'Green' views Clash with tikanga ' Unnatural' Treaty ofWaitangi Maori inclusion in Maori views should be decision-making given due consideration Intellectual property rights GM opportunities Maori health gains Economic gains Health gains 89 Maori concerns coalesced around three mam areas, philosophical objections, the Treaty of Waitangi and opportunities that Genetic Modification might provide. Submissions to the Royal Commission on Genetic Modification raised many issues, including concerns that were specific to Maori as well as concerns that were generic and shared by a number of groups (see table 2) . 36 A later publication, addresses the existing usage of Matauranga Maori to address anxieties about genetic modification and the restricted use of Matauranga Maori in interface research to address risk assessment protocols.37 In order to understand Maori cultural and spiritual values, the challenge, therefore, is to shift the focus of analysis from a risk paradigm to a ' paradigm of potential ' , so that applications to modem times can be better understood within a framework that i s l inked to holistic perspectives. Such a shift fol lows a pattern established in earl ier Maori health initiatives, particularly the Maori development outcome measurement too l, Te Ngahuru, that utilises concepts drawn from Matauranga Maori and a measure drawing on customary Maori understandings of health, Hua Oranga.38 A research potential framework bui lds on past work to look beyond risk assessment to Maori world-view endorsement in a more progressive sense. This would inform research into the human condition. However, the major point relevant to this thesis made in the discussion is that ' in order to understand any body of knowledge, the tools for analysis need to be congruent with the world-views attached to that knowledge base".39 90 Differences between Maori thinking and what can be cal led western thinking were highlighted by Mason Durie, pointing out the dichotomy between mind and body or 'Cartesian Dualism' that drives the distinction. 40 His view was that this logic of dualism influences the search for new knowledge by governing investigations of greater and greater detail to find explanations and make new discoveries. Although the merit of this approach is acknowledged, it has been at the expense of an alternative logic - that knowledge can be obtained through examining the relationships that people have with wider systems, a logic based on a holistic world view. Maori tradition follows this logic, the view that solutions can also come with knowledge and explanations from understanding relationships with the wider world. Such logic emphasises a synthesising process as distinct from a process of analysis and helps to shape the method for this research on the contrib ution of kawa to wellbeing. Hirini Mead raises two different interpretations of kawa, the first where "the knowledge base is the tikanga Maori aspect and the practice of it is the kawa" and the second where "kawa is the major term that deals with the knowledge base and tikanga Maori is the practice of that knowledge".4 1 A range of ideas around kawa are explored in the thesis research. To study kawa, a deeply ingrained aspect of Maori thought, the research process has to do the study j ustice. It will have to avoid the pitfalls of colonising research, fol low appropriate tikanga, and still be a credible search. 9 1 The idea of a pataka iringa k6rero (oral narrative traditions and practices) or associated body of knowledge to infuse these efforts is a way of looking at methodology and the discussion about Matauranga Maori, about research, about inj unctions that operate in the Maori world. In the end, knowledge will not be of use to fol lowing generations if it is not passed on. . This thesis examination of kawa is both the topic of the thesis and an example of kawa in action. He Kawa Oranga: A Maori Engagement Paradigm The work reviewed to date tells us much about working within the Matauranga Maori domain. It demonstrates that Maori cognition and logic there are contained with a cultural context so that any methodology that draws from Matauranga Maori should recognise the authenticity of Maori cognition. The most effective ideas will be those that resonate with the logic of interconnectedness i n the Maori world. The affective o r subjective domain is very much a part of Maori cognition where mind is not separated from body or matter from spirit or thought from feelings. Where divisions are made between objectivity and subjectivity in research work, a subsequent inability to reflect the spirit of vital ity in Maori lives is more likely. Maori Marsden makes a point that has a bearing on research drawn from Matauranga Maori. He says that: 'The route to Maoritanga through abstract interpretation is a dead end. The way can only lie through a passionate, subjective approach. '42 92 If wellbeing i s be maximised then preconceived notions about objectivity and subj ectivity as separate rather than interdependent concepts have to be put aside despite research and research thinking in a traditional academic sense still purporting to be objective through advocacy of abstracted individuals as the prototype for researchers. Insider research, where researchers have that personal connection with the community of interest is thought to be fraught with problems for researchers and their communities and for the results of the work. With Matauranga Maori and Maori cognition, neutrality would be a foreign concept so differences of view should be worked through to a solution that will satisfy the community in a mana enhancing manner. Genealogy or whakapapa is a central unifying force. Whakapapa affords the means to set out the levels of kinship between people and their natural and spiritual environments. Mason Durie describes whakapapa as : ' the natural evolutionary link between generations, and the method of identifying inheritance and the relationships between people and the entities in the environment' .43 For research, whakapapa as an analytical tool is said by Royal to concern two phenomena coming together to generate a third, so that the union of A and B gives rise to C, and new knowledge or a new idea is bom.44 This research investigates the proposition that kawa can adapt to new scenarios and by doing so continue to provide a strong cultural framework to enable new generations to l ive as Maori. 93 Kawa has the potential to enable M aori engagement with a range of lifestyles and new situations without the p rospect of becoming overwhelmed in that process as has been the case for too many in the past. Research will be treated as fonn of kaupapa, wherein the i nteraction between kawa and tikanga wil l a l low for research into Maori m atters to be guided by Maori ep istemol ogy and the values within it. The choice of method for this thesis is made on the basis of it being conducted in keeping with values o f tikanga, associated with M atauranga Maori. To do this a set of prerogatives about researcher qualities has been designed to reduce potential risk involved in work of this nature. In order to be recognised as an appropriate researcher within the field of M atauranga Maori, a set of expectations w i l l exist such as a strong commitment to the pursuit of such knowledge evidenced along the following principles; pa11icipation over time, proven performance and trustworthiness. Such evidence m ight be validated by the fol lowing examples: • Dem onstrated long term pursuit o f Matauranga Maori • Ability to converse w ith experts through researcher expertise in Te Reo Maori • Theoretical and practical knowledge of tikanga • Long term commitment to the advancement of tikanga and Matauranga M aori • Long term participation in kura reo and wananga matauranga • Guided by the principle of mana enhancement 94 Research Method In order to undertake this research five phases were delineated: Phase One The method to be followed for this research accounts for the values,principles and researcher qualities that will be brought to the research relationship (as described above). Added to these were the academic criteria that are also expectations of researcher profi les. Research design included the creation of the points above to make it clear that the design is based on a form of kawa and tikanga for the research kaupapa. Phase Two Whanaungatanga governed the choices of expert and institution participation.Approaches were made on the basis of whanaungatanga, that is, existing relationships that have grown through the pursuit of matauranga by the researcher. The value of knowledge being tapu influences what knowledge could be shared and how much, so the relationship between the expert and the researcher was such that the knowledge shared could be rel ied on to be appropriately valued and disseminated according to foundational cultural precepts. Interpersonal relationships with either the researcher or the wider whanau or hapu were likely to strengthen the research connection. It would have been difficult to approach people where there 95 was no existing relationship because the expert needed reassurance that the recipient was trustworthy and would in turn contribute to the knowledge pool in a respectful manner. The relationship between the experts and the researcher was to be one that was mana enhancing for each party. On that basis it would be difficult to approach experts unknown to the researcher where there was no existing relationship. Phase Three It was not l ikely that experts would be offering insights and perspectives on aspects of Matauranga Maori including tikanga and kawa with expectations that the rec ipient would contribute to the further development of Matauranga Maori without compromising the nature of knowledge that is tapu. Therefore only experts who were in this group would be approached. Four experts in Matauranga Maori were approached, one with a long history of working between traditional and contemporary work in the field. On the expert side of the relationship the following points would define the kind of expertise sought. • Scholar exemplars in Matauranga Maori • Scholarly innovators in Matauranga Maori • Scholarly commitment to Maori advancement through research and development The formation of Pataka Iringa Korero for this thesis consisted of the researcher deciding on questions relevant to the research question and collating a collection of narratives achieved through methods that took account of kawa and tikanga for this type of work. The first collection was sought from a small group of known experts in their fields and the second 96 collection from three institutions known to the researcher where there has been innovative application of aspects of Matauranga Maori in operation. The two col lections were l ikely to complement each other. • Initial approaches were made to known experts • Recipient capabi l ity would be determined by the known experts • Whakawhitiwhiti korero where ideas could be discussed and responded to in kaiako­ tauira style • Wananga-specific kaupapa would form the focus for discussion gathering drawing also from guided questions • Wananga ensured an appropriate environment for raising and discussing the research questions. • Experts and institutions would be identified by name as they wished. Researcher questions were based around the relationship of kawa to tikanga, the key characteristics of kawa and the appl icabi lity of kawa to modem times. Phase Four - Korero a-Tuhi Interviews were recorded and transcribed in full then drawn down to inform the thesis. Those in Te Reo Maori were translated into English by the researcher for the purposes of the thesis. 97 Post thesis wananga would be arranged in a suitable timeframe to present and share thesis findings for all contributors. It could well be that further insights would develop at this stage although beyond the thesis process. Note that the method section here has made an effort to keep to the idea of a research process drawn from Matauranga Maori without compromising the process by using Maori terms superficially for methods that might be expected in a thesis of a different type. The four phases set out are there as a guide to show the progression of the process wil l take place in an orderly fashion. Phase Five A fifth research phase was based around marae kawa and observations made at a series of six Hui. During the Hui, marae kaumatua were engaged in a discussion about the observed protocols to gain their views about particular aspects of the kawa. The kaumatua were generally older people who had assumed the roles of kaitiaki and who had learned from their own parents, or simply by watching others over t ime. The Hui included tangihanga, whanau celebrations, a meeting to discuss a land matter and a hapu hui to consider a proposal for a roading development. In summary this chapter advocates the notion of Matauranga Maori as the fundamental basis of a research paradigm that enables further investigation into He Kawa Oranga. 98 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 1 1 � 1 2 M. Jackson, ( 1 998), ' Research and the Colonisation of Maori Knowledge ', in Te Pilmanawa Hauora (ed.), Te Oru Rangahau Mtiori Research and Development Conference, 7-9 July 1 998 Proceedings, School of Maori Studies, Massey University, Palmerston North. Vine de Loria (Jnr. ) Commentary: Research, Redskins, and Reality, American Indian Quarterly, 1 5 (Fal l , 1 99 1 ) : 466. L.T.Smith ( 1 999) Decolonising Methodologies Research and Indigenous Peoples, Zed Dunedin, p. l 7. Cunningham, C . ( l 998) A Framework for Addressing Maori Knowledge in Research, Science and Technology, in Te Oru Rangahau, Massey University, Palmerston North, pp.390-392. Durie, M. H. ( 1 997) Identity, Access and Maori advancement, paper presented at the NZEAS Research Conference, Auckland . .,. G .H .Smith ( 1 99 1 ) In Absentia: Maori Education Policy and Reform, Monograph No. 4 Research Unit for Maori Education Auckland University, Auckland L . Pihama ( 1 992) Tungia Te Ururua, Kia tupu Whakaritorito te tupu o te Harakeke : a crit ical analysis of parents as first teachers, unpublished MA thesis, Auckland, Auckland University J. McLeod (2002) Better Relationships for Better Learning, unpub. Masters Thesis, Palmerston North, Massey University, p .38 Bishop, R . ( 1 996) Collaborative research stories: whakawhanaungatanga. Palmerston North, Dunrnore Press Durie, A.E.(2002 ) Te Rerenga o Te Ra, unpub. PhD thesis, Palmerston North, Massey University. M.H .Durie (200 1 ) Presentation to a Post-Graduate Research class, Palmerston North, Massey University. - W.Penetito ( 1 988) Maori Education for a Just Society, in The April Report Vol. I V, R.C.S .P . Well ington, p. 1 03 . 99 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 20 2 1 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 28 29 30 T.P.Tawhai ( 1 978 He Tipuna Wharenui o te Rohe o Uepohatu, unpub. M.A. thesis, Palmerston North, Massey University p . l 6 . J .Rangihau ( 1 975) in M.King(ed) Te Ao Hurihuri, Hicks Smith & Sons, Wellington, p . 1 2 J .Rangihau ( 1 975) p . l 3 . T. P .Tawhai ( 1 978) p. l 2 . D.A.Mihesuah ( 1 998) Natives and Academics, Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, p . 1 2 T .P .Tawhai ( 1 978) p . l 0. T.Manihera ( 1 976) in M.King (ed) Te Ao Hurihuri; the world moves on, introduction. T .C.Royal ( 1 998) Te Whare Tapere, unpubl ished PhD thesis , Victoria University, Well ington. M.D.Jackson ( 1 975) in I .H .Kawharu (ed) Conflict and Compromise, Reed, Well ington. W.Winiata (200 1 ) Address given at Te Herenga Waka Marae, Victoria University, Wellington. M .H .Durie (2005) Nga Tai Matatu; Tides of Mtiori Endurance, Oxford University Press, Melbourne p. 1 4 1 . T .M.Tau (200 1 ) in Histories of Power and Loss, A.Sharp & P . McHugh (eds) Bridget Wil l iams Books, Wellington p .63 . T .M.Tau (200 1 ) p .6 1 . T .M.Tau (200 I ) p.64. T .M Tau (200 1 ) p.64. T .M.Tau (200 1 ) pp.67-68. R .K.J . Wiri (200 1 ), The Prophecies of the Great Canyon ofToi : A History ofTe Whaiti Nui a Toi in the Western Urewera Mountains ofNew Zealand, PhD Thesis, Auckland University, Auckland, p.25. T .C .Royal ( 1 998) pp.78-86. T .C .Royal ( 1 998) pp.82-83 . 1 00 3 1 32 33 34 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 1 1 T.C.Royal ( 1 998) Te Whare Tapere; Tovvards a Mode/for Afaori Pe1jormance Art, unpub.PhD.thesis, Victoria University, Wel l ington. T.C.Royal ( l 998) p.83 . T.C.Royal ( 1 998) p .87 . M.K.Durie (2005) Taia Te Kawa, address to First Foundation Young Maori Leaders Conference, Wellington. R. Bishop, ( 1 994), ' Initiating Empowering Research? ' , in New Zealand Journal of Educational Studies, vol . 29, no. 1 , p . 1 75 . C. Cunningham, ( 1 998), ·A Framework for Addressing Maori Knowledge in Research, Science, and Technology' , in Te Pilmanawa Hauora (ed.) , Te Oru Rangahau Maori Research and Development Conference, 7-9 July 1 998 Proceedings, School of Maori Studies, Massey University, Palmerston North, p. 396. J . Bevan-Brown, ( 1 998), · By Maori, for Maori, about Maori - Is that Enough?' , in Te Plimanawa Hauora (ed.) , Te Oru Rangahau Miiori Research and Development Conference, 7-9 July 1 998 Proceedings, School of Maori Studies, Massey University, Palmerston North. N. Te Awekotuku, ( 1 99 1 ), He Tikanga Whaikairo - Research Ethics in i\1aori Communities: A Discussion Paper, Ministry of Maori Affairs, Wel l ington. Quinn, M.P , ( 1 990), Qualitative Evaluation and Research Methods, : Sage Publications, Newbury Park, Cal ifornia. Neuman, W,L, ( 1 99 1 ), Social Research Methods; Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, A Viacom Company, Needham Heights, MA, USA. Denzin, N .K and Lincoln, Y .S , ( 1 994), Handbook of Qualitative Research, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks. Yin, R. K., ( 1 994), Case Study Research: Designs and Methods (2nd edn), Sage Publ ications, Thousand Oaks, Newbury Park, Cal ifornia. S take, R., ( 1 995), The A rt of Case Study Research, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, Newbury Park, Cal ifornia. 1 0 1 1 2 1 4 3 5 36 37 38 39 40 4 1 42 43 44 Oakley-Brown (eds) . , (2004), Te Rau Hinengaro: The New Zealand Psychiatric Epidemiology Study, Ministry of Health, Wellington, New Zealand. Hubberman, A., Miles, M., ( 1 984 ), Innovation up Close: How School Improvement Works, Plenum Press, New York. McCracken, G, ( 1 988), The Long Interview, Sage Publications, Cal ifornia. Yin, R, ( 1 994) Case Study Research: Design and Methods, Thousand Oaks, Sage Publ ications, Cal ifornia. p 140 M.H.Durie (2003) Mana Tangata; Culture, Custom & Transgenic Research, Academy for Maori Research and Scholarship, Massey University, Palmerston North. Royal Commission on Genetic Modification (2000) Report, Appendix 3, Wellington. M.H.Durie (2005) Nga Tai Matatu; Tides o.fMaori Endurance, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, pp. 1 56- 1 59. M.H.Durie(2005) p . 1 56. M.H.Durie (2005) pp. 1 57- 1 58 . M.H .Durie ( 1 990) International Journal for the Advancement of Counsell ing, Kluwer, Netherlands, pp. 1 07- 1 1 8 . H .M.Mead (2003) Tikanga Maori; Living by Maori Values, Huia Publishers, Well ington p .8 . M.Marsden ( 1 97 5 ) in M.King( ed) Te Ao Hurihuri, Hicks Smith , Well ington p . 1 9 1 . M.H .Durie (2005) Nga Tai Matatu; Tides of Maori Endurance, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, p. 1 5 1 . T.C.Royal ( 1 998) Te Oru Rangahau, Massey University, Palmerston North p.78 1 02 CHAPTER THREE NGA REO TOHUNGA EXPERT INFO�ANTS Understanding Matauranga Maori Chapter 3 contains edited interviews with four tohunga selected because of their extensive ski l ls and knowledge relating to kawa, tikanga and matauranga. Interviews were largely unstructured and fol lowed the themes and directions important to the experts. They were conducted and recorded in te reo Maori and subsequently transcribed, translated and edited by the researcher. The first interview was held on 28 October 2008, on the 1 73rct anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. The Declaration affirmed Maori sovereignty and paved the way for potential Maori rule, supported by Great Bri tain. But for reasons beyond this thesis, events dictated otherwise. The Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1 840 and sovereignty was transferred to Queen Victoria and the British Crown. The promise of Maori rule and ongoing Maori sovereignty did not eventuate. British rule was soon to be accompanied by British law and the traditions of Britain. The knowledge base that guided New Zealand ' s post-Treaty development was distinctly European and almost extinguished Matauranga Maori, Maori knowledge and Maori customs. But enough of the Maori knowledge base survived to provide l ater generations with the tools to understand an indigenous world view and to transform an almost extinct l anguage to one that by the 2 1 st century was to become part of the nation' s vernacular. Charles Royal, Pou Temara, Wharehuia Milroy and Amster Reedy represent the guardians of that old knowledge. But of greater 1 03 significance for He Kawa Oranga, they were also able to interpret the old knowledge in ways that were relevant to the future. This chapter records their views about particular aspects of kawa. For the most part it is a verbatim report though some editing has been necessary to accommodate the conventions of the written word. During the interviews, if it had not already done so, the experts were invited to comment on the key concepts important to understanding kawa. Although there was not a common approach to all the details, there was broad agreement on the principles and purposes . For greater clarity, the information provided by the experts has been grouped under a series of headings shown in Table 3 . Some responses have been reported in Maori and English. Because translation into English does not always capture Maori meanings, the original Maori has been retained in several p laces. Table 3 Kawa : Key Concepts Kawa me nga Tikanga The relationship between kawa and tikanga Take Tikanga Changing views on tikanga Nga Atua Atua endorsement of kawa Whakahaere kawa Maintaining the integrity ofkawa Kawa i roto i te ao hurihuri Adaptation ofkawa to meet new situations 1 04 Kawa me nga Tikanga A relationship between kawa and tikanga was a recurring theme in the interviews. There was general acceptance that there was a relationship but l ess agreement about the nature of the rel ationship. According to Charles Royal there are two ways of thinking about kawa. ' The first way is rather like thinking about a l aw; here are a sanctioned group of behaviours - sanctioned either by experts or a community - and by conforming to them we confirm their legitimacy. The o ld ' laws' , the tikanga, were part of our culture and there were very strict disciplines around them. Tikanga and kawa were in effect Maori laws and as befitting an oral culture, they were not written down but passed down, from one generation to another. Those laws made good sense and mostly hinged around survival and conservation of scarce resources. For example, l iving in a desert where water is scarce you have to be very strict around knowledge of the location of water, who has that knowledge, who has the right to impart that knowledge, and who has the righ t to use that knowledge so that one can obtain water. Well we never had to contend with deserts but I was just using that example to explain that tikanga was strict for very good reasons. Behind the law was a very practical situation and unless strict rules were applied the results could be disastrous. 1 05 There are many examples; where do you get certain kinds of food, how do you traverse an ocean, when is the best time to plant kumara? They were very practical questions and people had to acquire the knowledge to answer them and then frame a set of rules so that their knowledge could be applied in a sensible way. Tikanga was a way of behaving so that people could l ive in harmony with the world. The reason for tikanga being so strict was that survival depended on knowing how to manage many potential ly dangerous situations. Oral cultures do not have books or manuals that contain a l ist of instructions - so the transfer of information from one person to another must be accurate so that the knowledge and therefore the behaviours wi ll be consistent. ' 1 Pou Temara considered tikanga to be a fundamental precursor to kawa: 'Mehemea koe e patai ana he aha tenei mea te tikanga, he aha tenei mea te kawa, na ko tehea te mea tapu o raua te tikanga te kawa ranei, a, ko tehea te mea kaore e taea te whakarereke ko te kawa ko te tikanga ranei . Ka taea an6 te t ikanga te whakarereke? Ka taea an6 te kawa te whakarereke? Koira an6 te tlmatanga. Ko te mea ke pea ko te ata matapaki he aha tenei mea ko te kawa he aha tenei mea ko te tikanga. '2 However, if you were to ask me to define tikanga and to define kawa, and which of these is the more sacred, which of the two cannot be altered - kawa or tikanga? Can existing tikanga be altered? Can existing kawa be altered? In answering those questions the first requirement is to understand what constitutes kawa and what constitutes tikanga. 1 06 ' Na, akene pea ka timata a tatou korero ki te tikanga. Tuatahi, ki te kore he t ikanga kaore he kawa. Tuarua, na rota mai i to tikanga e tu ai to kawa. No reira ki te kore he tikanga kahore he kawa. Koira oku whakaaro. I ahu mai te tikanga i te aha, i hea? I ahu mai i te tangata. He wahanga nui e riro ma te tikanga no te mea ko ia te mea hei arahi i te iwi . ' 3 We ought to commence our discussion around tikanga. Firstly, without tikanga there are no kawa. Secondly, it is through your tikanga that your kawa can be established. Therefore, without tikanga kawa cannot exist. Those are my thoughts. What is the origin of tikanga, where does it come from? It comes from people. Tikanga play a pivotal role because that is the thing that guides people. Wharehuia Milroy used the analogy of a tree with branches to explain the relationship between kawa and tikanga. ' Hei tauira: E kore me kl ko te kawa he rakau e tU torotika ana engari kaore he take o te rakau, mehemea kaore he pakiaka na reira ko te patai he aha na te pakiaka he aha ranei nga pakiaka o te rakau e kla nei ko te rakau o te tikanga ko te rakau o te kawa? He aha aua pakiaka? '4 As an example, kawa cannot be viewed simply as a tree standing perfectly straight, and it cannot have a base if it has no branches, the question then is why is the branch or why are the branches of a tree referred to as branches of tikanga, or branches ofkawa? What are those branches? 1 07 Royal maintains that kawa is a collection oftikanga. ' I see kawa as really collections of tikanga that are arranged in a certain pattern. The simple explanation then is that kawa is process which arranges tikanga i n a certain pattern. And kawa gives some advice about the order in which each tikanga should be done. Do t ikanga one first and do tikanga two when i t is the time for tikanga two. Do not do tikanga three when i t is time for tikanga one. They should not be mixed up. If you follow that process, that pattern, you will get to the desired goal . You wil l achieve what you seek to achieve. 5 Royal also saw a relationship between world views, values,actions and iironga, kaupapa, tikanga. ' For want of a better English word, aronga can be described as a worldview; the ways in which we comprehend and understand the world around us. Aronga and kaupapa are often seen as being intimately connected. Because I see the world in a certain way I therefore value i t . Acting on that value describes tikanga. Understanding the world we l ive in has always been a cause for wonderment. The beginning of Klngitanga for example was because our tiipuna came to understand that loss of land represented a loss of both poltical power and independence. That is an aronga statement - you lose land, you lose political power, you become disenfranchised. So the kaupapa is let us not lose l and. And that value was expressed in a Klngitanga haka ' ka ngaro te whenua ka haere nga tangata ki hea? 1 08 E ruaumoko puritia, tawhia kia ita kia mau rawa. ' The kaupapa i s ' puritia te whenua' . The tikanga then i s all the action that they took i n keeping with that kaupapa and in keeping with that aronga- including open warfare - they fought to retain the land. Aronga is often emotional a spiritual kind of experience of the world. It leads to a kaupapa and then to action - tikanga. Those three things can happen instantaneously. The aronga is omnipresent and a healthy person is visiting these things all the time. An unhealthy person gets fixated on the one kaupapa all the time and fail s to grow. Or becomes totally focused on the tikanga a l l the time and doesn' t grow. A healthy person is constantly reflecting on these things all the time. Aronga is very much a modern term developed in the Master of Mataranga Maori degree at Te Wananga o Raukawa. Prior to the arrival of Pakeha we didn't really have a need to talk about a worldview as our people had been with the same people all the time. Everyone had a similar big picture understanding of the world. Then the Pakeha came along and effectively said that a l l tikanga and kaupapa are entirely wrong and here ' s something total ly different. But the main point I wanted to makes is that aronga, kaupapa and tikanga are all part of the same process and kawa is the embodiment of all of them. ' 6 1 09 Take Tikanga Considerable discussion revolved around the several meanings of tikanga. Charles Royal was concerned that populaist views of tikanga tended to perceive it as an inflexible type of law. 'Tikanga has developed into an inflexible way of thinking, forgetting that the whole point was to address a practical situation in a way that would be safe and reliable. The trend towards thinking about tikanga in an inflexible way is largely a result of colonisation - that is, confusing tikanga with a type of law that could never be changed even if the times had changed, instead of seeing tikanga as a means to an end. Traditionally, Maori l ived in and around a very tapu culture. But that notion has become so intensified that we have become preoccupied with identifying different types of t ikanga. I t ' s almost as if we've created a whole list of t ikanga and in the process have used rigid markers to say what it is to be Maori. Maybe we overdid things out of fear that we might lose te reo Maori or might once again be separated from matauranga. We just might have turned very practical guidelines into inflexible rules - and made Maori culture into a static tradition which defies change. So that 's one way of looking at t ikanga - as a sanctioned group of inflexible behaviours and if you adhere to these things you are being Maori. 1 1 0 In the past there was a very strong belief that if you infringe a tikanga or a kawa you would face a very strong retribution of some kind. I don' t think that appl ies today. I don' t think people are beholden to the tapu system like that anymore. I don' t think people are caught up in things l ike 'vvaiho ma te whakama e patu '. Attitudes and ideas about cause and effect have changed. We had a similar example at our marae where one of our aunties argued that we shouldn' t tidy up the urupa because the families of those in the urupa should feel embarrassed that it is run down. But that doesn' t work because clearly they don ' t feel embarrassed. So that kind of type casting, being psychologically bound up with certain assumptions and a common set of understandings just doesn ' t work anymore; it j ust isn' t there. Our people have widely diverse views of the world and experiences of the world. This populist way of looking at tikanga, as a prescribed set of sanctioned behaviours is also very tied up in ethical and moral ideas where tikanga are viewed to be correct or right - this is a right way of doing things and that is a wrong way. According to that thinking, If you adhere to these tikanga you are in a morally superior position. People don ' t actual ly say that, but i t is implied; tikanga can be used to put people up or down. Tikanga is of course derived from the interpretation of the word ' tika' meaning to be correct or right. ' 7 1 1 1 Pou Temara introduced other thoughts about tikanga within modern contexts. 'M6 ahea taka atu ai te tikanga ka mutu m6 ahea kore ai te tikanga e taka atu? Mehemea he mokopuna Uiku ka mutu ma te manawa o te poaka e ora ai taku mokopuna, ka peratia e a au kia ora ai taku mokopuna? He kawa o te ora tera? ' 8 When is tikanga not applicable? When is tikanga applicable? If for example I had a mokopuna whose life could only be saved by implanting the heart of a pig would I do that in order that might my mokopuna might live? Does that then constitute a kawafor survival? ' Ki a etahi kaore i kite i te he o te ira rawekeweke karaehe ki roto i te tangata engari he raruraru ki te iwi Maori ehara nei i te tohunga te korero ka mate te whakapapa ki te ira o tetahi atu. Ko nga korero a nga tohunga i ahu mai ra hoki tatou i te whakahupe o Maui i a ia. " 9 Some would not see a problem with combining the genetic makeup of an animal with a person. but it is of major concern to many Maori who are not experts in this field who would argue that the whakapapa of a person is diluted or destroyed by intergrating it with that of a different species. Tohunga contend that we (humans) came into being as a result ofMaui 's transformations. 1 1 2 In contrast to what he called populist views, alternative views about tikanga were also raised by Charles RoyaL ' An alternative way of thinking about tikanga is not as a sanctioned set of views, but as a revelation and expression of kaupapa where tikanga naturally and organically and spontaneously flow from kaupapa. The usual way of interpreting tika as being correct, and he on the other hand as being incorrect owes its origin to colonisation and to the adoption of a biblical moral ity. There ' s a line in the bible which says ' i tupu ake te pono i te whenua, te tika i te rangi ' , meaning truth grows through the ground and righteousness shines through from heaven - a classic biblical statement of morality. When translators of the Paipera Tapu (Holy Bible) came to that verse they translated righteous as tika - what is correct and right. And so that has become the popular way of looking at tika. But if you look at creation and traditions that is not the way that tika is used. Tika or more particularly the word whakatika means to grow or to arise. And when Rongo-ma-Tane attempts to separate earth from sky it is described as 'Whakatika ana a Rongo-ma-Tane kaore i taea e ia' . 'Whakatika ana ko Haumie Tiketike kaore i taea e ia". "Whakatika ana ko T angaroa, kaore i taea e ia. ' 'Whakatika ana ko Tane Mahuta ka taea e ia. So whakatika means to arise. Tika means to be upright. A t ikanga is this sense of uprightness. So what this suggests to me is that the land i s kaupapa. Papatuanuku is a metaphor for kaupapa and the tree is a metaphor for tikanga. So the idea is that tikanga grow from kaupapa like a tree grows from the ground. And here is the sense is that tikanga grow spontaneously from kaupapa. There 's a sense of an internal energy rising from kaupapa itself - 1 1 3 organically. And the way I i l lustrate this is i f you raise a child full of love that i s the kaupapa of the child. And what comes out of that child organically and spontaneously are actions or tikanga based upon the kaupapa of love that are in that child. But if you raise a child in fear, within a dysfunctional family, the kaupapa within the child reflects that environment, and what comes out of the child is fear - that ' s where the behaviour comes from. I t is the difference between doing as I say, on the one hand, and doing as I do, on the other. There is a difference between what you profess, and what you actually bel ieve in; when you say one thing and spontaneously go and do another thing. So tikanga i s spontaneous and organic, i t grows from a kaupapa and becomes apparent as actions and behaviour. The t ikanga are the manifestations of the kaupapa or values. This approach to t ikanga is very much a values and principles-based way of thinking about things. I happen to think i t ' s a more indigenous way of thinking about tikanga than the other way which is a biblically based way. In that view all real tikanga come from above - come from God and heaven and they were handed down to Moses on the Mount and then via Moses were passed out to the world . That 's what sits behind Crown power, the idea of God making laws that are then passed on to the community. That is also part of the mythological basis of the Western Democracy processes that we have. In the USA you have the religious right in power and the religious right in a president. Power from above being handed down - this is the way everyone should behave - this is the law. In contrast, the view of tikanga that I am suggesting recognises the papa that we' re 1 1 4 really standing on. What are we really here to do? What is really going on? And then crafting our behaviours out of that earthly reality. Of course, in reality we have a mixture of both approaches. There are times in l ife when we do have to have someone else say ' this is the law' or ' these are the values we wi ll observe; these are our tikanga. ' As a young person you learn t ikanga from others. A carver for instance will tel l an apprentice that you have to do this and you have to do that. The same is true for young people who want to be good fishermen or be good writers. Tikanga is learned from other people and that ' s really important but there ' s also a time where you have to discover your own papa, your own kaupapa, within. A sign of a mature person is one who is ready and interested to discover the papa within. What am I real ly standing on? Who am I really? What really i s all this l ife about? What am I really here to do? The story of Maui going fishing is about Maui finding his kaupapa. He wasn' t content to fish in the same fishing grounds as others because that meant bringing up someone else ' s papa or fishing ground. He wasn't content to fish in an area where you could still feel the continental shelf underneath. He wanted to go to the deepest part of the ocean, what' s cal led "te au o te moana". There he might find his own destiny. A functioning healthy person wil l go through this experience. It is often a crisis that forces us to re-evaluate where we are and what is important. Sometimes if you have a real ly bad crisis you feel l ike you have no papa at all , nothing sol id to stand on. Everything has fallen apart. The whole experience of Maui fishing up 1 1 5 Aotearoa was an allegorical way of describing a journey of discovery. Although it is told as i f it were a voyage across the seas, what is more important is the internal journey that allows the true papa, the true kaupapa, to be discovered within. ' 1 0 Nga Atua Pou Temara pointed to a link between kawa and Atua and gave some examples to explain the concept of Iho Atua. ' Heoi an6 ko tetahi patai m6 ahea e atua ai te tikanga m6 ahea e kore ai e atua? Ka mutu i roto i tera patai e kite ai koutou ko nga tikanga atua kaore e taea te whakarere. Engari he aha nga tauira tikanga atua? ' 1 1 Therefore another question is when do tikanga contain atua endorsement and when don 't they? Furthermore, within the context of that question, it is possible to see that tikanga with atua endorsement cannot be readily discarded. But, what are some examples of this ? ' Tena kia whakahokia an6 tatou ki te mau hu o tera. He aha te hononga atu ki te atua o tera? Ko nga mea e k6rero nei tatou - he hononga atua to enei mea katoa ne? Koira e tapu ai. Engari ko te mau hu ki roto i te whare he hononga atua tera? Kao. Ko tera momo kawa ko tera momo tikanga, kaore 6na herenga ki tetahi atua ne ra? Koira nga mea e k6rero ake nei au ka taea te whakarereke. ' 1 2 Let us then return then to the issue of wearing shoes [in a whare]. What is the connection between that and atua? These things that we discuss all have an atua 1 1 6 connection don 't they? That is why they are sacred. But wearing shoes inside a whare, does that have an atua connection? No. That type of kawa, that type of tikanga does not have any direct connection to an atua does it? These are the types of things that I have been talking about that can be altered or changed. ' Kei te korero ti'itou mo tenei kupu huna he iho matua he iho atua ranei . He iho atua te mea e whaia ana i roto i te horopaki o a tatou nei korero. Ko tenei korero na, ki te kore e taea e koe te here i o tikanga ki tetahi iho atua, kati, he tikanga teretere, kei te poteretere haere noa iho ne - he rite ki te tikanga mau hu ki roto i te whare - he tikanga poteretere - mehemea he tikanga e taea ana e koe te here ki tetahi atua kua kore e taea e koe te whakarereke taua tikanga ra. ' 13 We are talking about this subliminal term - he iho matua or otherwise, he iho atua. The iho atua is the concept that has been alluded to within the context of our korero. This statement, if you cannot connect your tikanga vl'ith an iho atua, well then, it is an expendable tikanga, it does not have any huge significance - such as the tikanga for wearing shoes within the whare - it is a tikanga without any major bearing - if it is a tikanga that you can connect directly to an atua then you yourself cannot change or alter that tikanga. 'No reira koinei nga mea e kia ake nei ki te kore he iho atua o te t ikanga kua tikanga poteretere noa iho. Kaore e taea e koe te here atu taua tikanga ra ki tetahi iho atua. No reira kaore noa iho he tino hua o tera tikanga he ahua rite pea anei ki te tikanga e korero ake nei tatou mo te mau hu ki te whare - kaore e taea e koe te here atu i taua tikanga ki tetahi iho atua no reira ka kia tera tikanga he tikanga 1 1 7 poteretere - ka taea ai e koe te whakarereke. Engari ko enei tikanga e k6rero ake nei tatou, kaore e taea e koe te whakarereke. ' 1 4 So those are some of the things that, if they do not have an iho atua - an atua connection, they are not permanent, they are able to be altered or changed. It is not possible for you to attach or connect that tikanga to an atua. So there is no discernable benefit to that tikanga, it can be compared to that of vvearing shoes in the whare -you cannot attach that tikanga to an atua, so that is said to be a non­ permanent tikanga, you can alter or change it. However the other tikanga that we have discussed, those cannot be changed or altered. A, no reira, koira pea tetahi whakarapopototanga o tenei mea ko te tikanga, ko te tikanga e ora ai tatou. E ora ai te iwi Maori ara, e tika ai te iwi Maori, e puta ai te ihu o te iwi Maori ko nga tikanga ka herea e ia ki tetahi atua hei iho atua m6na. Ki te kore e taea e koe te here atu taua tikanga ra ki tetahi iho atua, a kati, ehara i te tikanga e ora ai koe. 1 5 So that is a summary then of this thing we term tikanga, practices that enhance our wellbeing and survival. Maori wellbeing and survival is assured when tikanga have an iho atua, an atua connection. If you cannot attach or connect that tikanga to an iho atua, well, it may not be a tikanga which can enhance your survival or wellbeing. 1 1 8 According to Amster Reedy, the Maori world was defined by the relationship of people to the natural environment. 'Maori had a chant for everything - birds, eels - which was all about the wairua and engaging the wairua. For every event it is important to ensure the wairua is in the right place. And wairua is closely l inked to karakia that add value to the kaupapa. Karakia appeals to the spirit of our people, it appeals to the ngakau. Karakia can also be used in a healing way to restore the wairua and it is the essence of our wairua. Rituals that accompany nga Atua are necessary to guide us in encounters with others . ' 1 6 Charles Royal discussed the changing notion of Atua ami the relationship to kawa from a different perspective. ' Prior to the advent Christianity in Aotearoa, day to day life revolved around Atua. Every particular aspect of existence had some particular korero about the life behaviour of a particular Atua. The standard formula of myth and ritual is that ritual i s the re-enactment of myth and by participating in the rituals you are participating in the myth. That is what happens for instance at a powhiri when we are all able to participate, and to transform ourselves into Hinenuitepo, Hinenuiteao, into Tane, Papa and so on. In pre-Christian days, l ife that was largely governed by the natural world, every aspect of the environment was the domain of a particular Atua. In order to maintain good faith with each Atua, rituals were developed so that interfering with nature (harvesting, fishing, 1 1 9 planting) could sti l l be in accord with the wellbeing of that particular Atua and the bounty of that Atua, the manaakitanga, would be j ustified. Fishing, gardening, col lecting water, cooking, building canoes - anything and everything had a close connection to an Atua. Christian teaching changed that. The word Atua was used as a translation for God and because there were many Atua, it seemed like a challenge to God and there could only be one God. But God (Atua) now was no longer in the world; God was in heaven. A major shift in thinking had occurred. From a world which was the manifestation of God's creative power rather than God himself, the world had become a reflection of God' s power. In the traditional Indigenous view Atua were everywhere and were part of the tangible world . In the mono-theistic tradition, God is outside the world in a place cal led heaven and what has resulted over a period of time is the de-sacril isation of the world. Notions of tapu and mana have been disassociated from everyday l ife in the real world and with them have gone an abi l ity to understand nature and to live with nature. That process has been happening to our people for a long time. It has also been happening in the West over a much longer period so that there is no real way of connecting with the world with any sense of a spiritual connection. What has happened over time is that we have lost much of the knowledge and stories about a particular Atua, and along with the knowledge, the significance has disappeared. If you look at the Whare Tapere for example we have only fragmentary knowledge of the rituals, ceremonies and routines that existed. S imilarly if you look at the rituals, practices, and conventions associated with the 1 20 forests, ngii whakahaere o te ngahere, we have only fragmentary knowledge of their importance. I n effect what had to happen was an adaptation of existing ritual to conform to the new story about the world which was essential ly the bibl ical story. And so by and large that is what happened across a whole range of kawa. The process of the powhiri changed to incorporate more Christian elements. I n some communities they abandoned the marae altogether and started taking their tupapaku to churches. Basically the rituals of the past gave way to new rituals in order to conform with the new story as contained in the biblical versions of creation and heavenly power. ' 1 7 Te Wharehuia Milroy discussed the significance of Atua to kawa in broad terms but with a special focus on the purpose of kawa. 'Ahakoa na te atua na te tangata ranei te kawa, i whakatu te hanga, he aha te kaupapa i waihangatia mai te kawa? He aha te mahi a te kawa? He kaupapa hoki pea na nga Maori i whai atu ai tera ahuatanga. He aha te kaupapa i whakatakotongia ai tera huarahi hei whainga ma ratou? Ahakoa ko te kawa ko te tikanga ranei he aha i whakatakotongia ai te tikanga?' 1 8 Although kawa are derived from and constructed by either atua or people, why do kawa exist? What is the purpose of kawa? There must be a reason as to why Miiori followed these practices. For what purpose did Miiori seek to follow these practices? Whether kawa or tikanga, why were tikanga adopted? ' He aha kei te pupuri kia tU tonu ai te kawa kia tU tonu ai te tikanga? He aha ranei te whakaaro kei roto? I ahu mai i nga atua? I homai ranei e te tangata?' 1 9 1 2 1 What enables kawa to endure, what enables tikanga to exist? What is the fundamental purpose? Do they originate from a tu a? Or, do they originate from people? ' He aha te kaupapa? He ture pea enei. Ehara te kupu ture i te kupu tflturu Maori engari i tahae ke mai tera kupu i te kupu a nga HTparCi me te kupu ·'Torah". Ara atu nga tikanga o te ture engari kia waiho mai ki reira. Engari ka whakatakotoria etahi matapono. Ka taea te whakawhanui i aua matapono ra, ka taea te whakawhaiti i aua matapono ra. Ahakoa ko tehea, ko te whakawhanui te whakawhaiti ka taea e era matapono i whakatakotoria kia noho hei matapono hei oranga m6 te tangata. ' 20 What is their basis? Perhaps they are · ·ture · · . ' ' Ture " is not an authentic Mcwri term, it is instead taken from the Hebrew language and their term " Torah ". There are many aspects to "ture " but let us leave that there for now. But, principles or values are laid down, grounded. Those principles can be expanded upon, or compacted down fitrther. Whatever way, whether expanding or compacting, those values have been identified as fundamental to the wellbeing of the people. 1 22 Pou Temara added further to the influence of Atua on kawa. 'Mena tatou kei te titiro ki nga korero o te pakangatanga o nga atua, whakatika atu a Tumatauenga, katahi ka kau mai ia nga ika o te moana, he pana whakamua tena ki nga uri o Tangaroa, ka topea nga rakau o Tane, he aha ai na te mea kaore era i haere mai ki te pakanga i tona taha ki te awhina ki te pakanga nui ki a TawhirimiHea. No reira nana i whakanoa era heoi ano ko te korero nei ko tatou koira to tatou ritenga ko Tumatauenga to tatou rite koira te atua i rite ki te tangata. ' 2 1 If we were to analyse the accounts of the major atua conflicts, Tumatauenga arose, forcing fish to swim, pushing forth the offspring of Tangaroa, cutting the trees of Tane, vl'hy? Because they did not assist him in the great battle against Tmvhirimatea. So if was he (Tz/matauenga) who made those things noa, and thus it is said that this is our common characteristic ·with Ttlmatauenga, he is the atua who bears close similarity to people. 'Nga hua katoa o te whenua ka taea e te tangata te kai engari ka noho te tangata hei atua hei tuakana ranei mo aua mea, na, hei rangatira ranei mo aua mea. Koira ke pea te korero he tuakana hoki ki a ia te rakau, he tuakana ki a ia nga maunga engari nana ka topea ai e ia nga rakau ka topea ai e ia nga maunga. ' 22 All of the natural resources of the land can be eaten by mankind, but mankind exerts an atua-like control or tukana-like control over those things, control of a chiefly dominion. That then is the korero, the trees are a tuakana to mankind, 1 23 and the mountains are also a tuakana to mankind, however, mankind has the power to cut down those trees and to bring down those mountains. Pou Temara linked the Atua connection with the realms of tapu and noa. 'No reira he hononga katoa era ki nga atua. No reira koira te take i tapu ai era. Te whati o te whakapapa - he aha te whakapapa? He aha nei te whakapapa? He tatai tangata ki hea? Ki nga atua. Koira te hono i a koe ki o atua. To whakapapa. No reira he tapu . Ki te he i a koe te whakapapa me mate koe. No reira kei roto i tenei he hononga ki te atua. ' 23 So these examples all illustrate an interconnectedness to atua. There then is the reason that those things are tapu. If whakapapa is broken - what is whakapapa? What is whakapapa? It connects people to where? To the atua. That is the connection from you to your atua. Your genealogy. Therefore it is tapu. If you are at fault with your whakapapa you ought to pay with your life. Therefore, embedded within this is a connection to atua. 1 24 Whakahaere Kawa The ways in which the integrity of kawa are maintained, whakahaere, was approached from several perspectives. Charles Royal for example identified whakahaere as a function of leadership. 'Kawa tends to be a process in which groups of people are partic ipating. The kawa of a marae is a better known example. A whakahaere on the other hand describes the techniques, methodologies, and work of an individual expert. Ko te whakahaere o Uruteao Eparaima, he tohunga no Raukawa, ko te waimaori. So his individual whakahaere was waimaori . He may have learnt that from a teacher; and then he may have adopted the knowledge and moulded it unti l it evolved as his own personal experience. So when the time comes to teach someone else, he passes that whakahaere on to someone else. Having learnt from his teacher and having to explain to his successor, is the whakahaere that I impart to you. I n part it is from my own teacher, and i t also includes my own embel lishments, and innovations that I have made over the years . There are many of examples where kawa and whakahaere are integrated. A good example is when flax is being cut for weaving. There may be a master weaver and students. I imagine there was an initial kawa for proceeding to the plant - selecting the right tools, picking the right bush, finding the right space, the best time of year and other considerations. The kawa would be a way of getting the 1 25 group to the correct place. But the master tohunga actually had a particular whakahaere that was his or hers such as ''when I cut the flax I actually cut it like this, i t 's slightly different to the way Mary does, but this is the reason I do it this way". 'A lso Mary says that when there 's a little bit of red in the leaf we should do this, but when there ' s a little bit of yellow I like to do that' . So that allows for particular detail s to come into an activity in order to spread knowledge. It has very l ittle to do with who is right and who is wrong - instead i t is about the particular preferences that individuals have in order to undertake a particular task. ·Mary likes to use paua shells to scrape the flax but I prefer pipi shel ls because you are less likely to bruise the threads' . 24 In reference to kawa that have a long history, Pou Temara described some kawa as tapu - not to be changed. ' He tapu ena tikanga. Ehara na tatou i hanga, engari na o tatou matua, matua tTpuna hoki i hanga, no reira, kua tau - he iho atua he panga, he whakapapa atu to tera tikanga, na i hoatu ki nga atua no reira kaore e taea e tatou tangata noa nei te whakarereke engari te mau hu ki roto i te whare ka taea e tatou te whakarereke na te mea kaore i te kitea he hononga atua. ' 25 Those tikanga are tapu. They were not created by us but by our parents and forebears, therefore they are set in place, there is an iho atua, a connection, a whakapapa to it, running directly to the atua so mere rnortals cannot alter or change it however wearing shoes inside in the whare, that is something we can change or alter because there is no direct atua link. 1 26 A kawa that is not understood by participants is unlikely to have any significance or meaningful impact. According to Charles Royal, it might simply breed discontent. ' I think it is real ly essential to make clear why we go through various rituals, no matter whether they take place on a marae, or in an urupa, at the beach, or in some other situation. Because our current knowledge and experience is so diverse i t becomes even more important that those who are participating in various rituals understand what they are party to. All too often the whole process lacks comprehension to many of participants and as a result there is a half hearted commitment. That situation j ust builds resentment, and can undermine good intentions and a potential ly meaningful encounter. In my view, the efficacy of a ritual is directly related to the unity of the participants and their active involvement. It doesn't mean that everybody has to understand prec isely what is going on but i f there's a common sense of unity and appreciation among the participants, the ritual is more likely to be successful. I have frequently gone to powhiri where there is a small group of people in the middle and genuinely excited about the powhiri but many many more on the periphery wondering why they are there and what is going on. That does not make for a good ritual . Instead what it can actually do is create disunity, whereas the purpose of powhiri is the opposite - to create unity. 1 27 So it becomes vitally important today with rituals and tikanga and similar processes that as far as possible and when opportunities present themselves, the level of understanding is increased amongst people so that they can feel involved. Information that explains why we do this or that; they may not necessarily need a lecture about every detail, but sufficient to know fundamentally why we' re here, why we go through this process, and why it is important. I think that explanations are not only good manners but are absolutely necessary if a spirit of unity is to be present. Sometimes events such as powhiri are used by some individuals to upstage others, or to exercise power over others. That is a misuse and creates disunity, resentment, and disengagement. There is a lack of togetherness, an absence of whanaungatanga, manaakitanga and those other kaupapa that cement goodwi ll and trust. ' 26 Royal also identified three major elements of kawa - m ana, tapu and mauri. ' Good quality kaupapa, tikanga and aronga should also include mana, tapu and maun. Enabling mana in our experience of the world, preserving tapu, and fostering mauri . We get given a portion of mauri at the beginning of our l ives and we've got the choice about whether we do something good with it or not. In my view, hauora is about the presence of mana, mauri and mauri. Good tikanga and kawa are really about fostering mana, tapu and mauri and enabling them to spring forth. Health and wellbeing are defined by the presence of mana in a person and 1 28 if there is a prescence of mana there is also the presence of mauri and the presence of tapu. ' 27 Temara added other elements of quality and the distinctions between kawa for waiata and kawa for karakia, when he described the continuity of a kawa. 'Na ko etahi o nga mea nei e pa ana ki te mahi tika he tikanga. Penei i te whati o te waiata, ki te whati ko te waiata he tikanga tera. Engari ko te whati o te whakapapa kei te korero kawa koe i tera wa. Kaore he whakapatipati o te atua me mate koe. Engari ki te whati ko te waiata kei te ahua tonu o te waiata mena he karakia te waiata a ka mate koe engari mena he waiata noa ka hapa ai koe a tena ko to ihu ka taka to arero ranei ka taka. Heoi an6 he aha etahi tauira o nga tikanga e kore e taea te whakarereke he aha e kore e taea te tikanga te whakarereke?' 28 So, some of the things that relate to correct practices are known as tikanga. For example, breaking [the sequence} whilst performing a waiata, if a waiata is broken, there is a tikanga attached. However, breaking the recital of a line of whakapapa, well then you are talking about a kawa. The atua do not practice forgiveness, your life therefore is taken. But if a waiata is broken, well it depends on what type of waiata it is, if it is of the karakia genre, then your life is the outcome. If it is merely a common song that is performed incorrectly then your nose or tongue will literally feel the shame. 29 1 29 Kawa i Roto i Te Ao Hurihuri All informants discussed kawa as part of a change process. As Maori move into new environments and encounter new developments related to technology or societal change, the question arises as to whether kawa will have continuing importance. Amster Reedy considered that the importance of kawa is related to the future, more than the past. 'The point about karakia and kawa is not how far back you can go but how far forward you can take it. We should not put ourselves in the position of l iving in the past but should see that our culture is very relevant to the world that our children and grandchi ldren wi ll live in. ' 30 Pou Temara makes the point that while change is possible and even desirable, some kawa should not be subjected to modification. ' Mehemea he tikanga e taea ai te here atu ki tetahi iho matua, kati, ko era tikanga kaore e taea e tatou te whakarereke he uaua ranei ki te whakarereke i era tikanga, na te mea he iho atua to era tikanga. Engari, tera an6 tetahi korero e kl ana, i etahi wa, ko te tikanga ka whakatarewatia e koe, he aha i taea ai e koe te whakatarewa i te mea e whakakorehia ana e koe e takahia ana e koe te tikanga? Engari e waiho atu ana e koe te tikanga ra kia whakatarewa m6 tetahi wa, ka mutu ko te whakapono, ko te whakaaro kei muri i tera he wa tona ka tikina atu an6 e koe taua 1 30 tikanga ra katahi ka whakahokia mai taua tikanga kia pu ana taua tikanga ra ki roto i tau ahurea. ' 3 1 If it is a tikanga that has a connection to an iho matua, then those types of tikanga cannot be changed or altered, because there is an atua connection to those tikanga. There is another school of thought which says that sometimes, tikanga that are discarded ought to be questioned as to why a tikanga was discarded. Was it because someone wanted to do away with that tikanga? However, it would be a different matter if you were in fact retiring that tikanga for a particular period of time, safe in the belief and knowledge that in due course you would reclaim or resurrect the tikanga allowing it to flourish once more within the culture. Another example of an unsuccessful attempt to change kawa was highlighted by Temara. ' Kei te maumahara ahau ki nga karero a to matou matua he Papa ki ahau. Katahi ana ka hui i muri i te tangihanga ki te mate, i taua ra tonu i nehu ai ka mutu te hakari katahi ka tirohia e hia ra nga kaute nga moni nga whakapaunga, a, ka kitea nui tonu nga mea i tohu, nga rerenga ne. Katahi ka tu tetahi tamaiti tonu na te kaumatua o te marae katahi ka tU katahi ka mea, ae, heoi ana kei te hapu ko te tono kia whatia mai tetahi wahanga o nga toenga na hei haute nga kuki ne. Aue pai katoa ki etahi 0 matou, ka mea, ae, ae. 1 3 1 Katahi ka ti1 atu to matou kaumatua, to matou Papa katahi ka kl, e hoa ma, a, kaore au i te whakaae ki a koutou - aue, he aha ai? E kore au e whakaae ko nga roimata, ko nga aroha tenei no nga iwi i haere mai ai, ka riro hei whakahoahoa i a koutou, kia haurangi noa i a koutou, kaore. Ehara tena i te manaaki tika i nga roimata o te iwi . Ka pehea ka rongonga e te iwi na ratou i kawe mai i ena whakaaro kua huri ke hei mea haute hei mea whakap6rearea hoki i nga kiiki . . 32 I recall a story regarding our Papa, we 'djust gathered together ajter a particular tangihanga, on the same day that the deceased was buried, when the hakari finished the money and deposits were tallied up, and it was obvious that it was plent(fi!l. One of the children of a kaumiitua stood up and said, "my fellow hapfi members, the request is that we break off some of the remaining donations in order to shout the cooks ". Well, that was more than fine with some of us, yes, yes indeed was the response. And then our kaumiitua, our Papa stood and said, "My friends, I do not agree to your request, alas, why? I cannot allow the roimata and other expressions of aroha given over by the many people who have come to pay their respects in order that you might have an excuse to socialise amongst yourselves, so that you can all get drunk, no way. That is not the right way to look ajter the expressions of manaakitanga given over by the many people who have attended the tangihanga. What would happen if those people found out that their contributions were instead used to allow the cooks to entertain themselves? 1 32 However, Charles Royal considered that kawa has always been adaptable and has shown a level of flexibility to guide new situations. 'There are certain kinds of energies and qualities that exist in this world that we haven't been able to identify until now. For me it ' s not a theoretical discussion at all. I have a very practical and very simple example in my daughter who, when she was young three or four years of age, began to write. There was no teaching; it emerged quite spontaneously and she went through a whole period where she would write on absolutely everything. You could not leave papers lying around because in a second she would have covered the whole paper in writing - names, words, all sorts of things. The energy came directly out of her; it was not something that was taught to her nor was it a question of imitating others. In my view an Atua is operative in her and is exerting a significant influence upon her. We might call this Atua Tuhituhi. We are told that the usual reason for students entering into the Whare Wananga was not out of choice or by chance but through a process of selection. The elders would sit for a long period of time observing the children and seeing what energy or quality is spontaneously coming out of the child. One quality might be physical, a fast runner perhaps; another might be an abi lity to be a good l istener; yet another might have the quality of humility; while another might be the opposite - a bit whakahihl - but nonetheless fil led with confidence. So they observed these special qualities and debated among themselves how those qualities might be further developed and how a particular Atua was being 1 33 manifest within that child. Then that child would be dedicated to that Atua, through a tohi process. Because that child was dedicated to an Atua, there was a curriculum that went with that Atua. If for example there was a child who was a ' natural fisherman, ' a child so drawn to the ocean that there was clear link to Tangaroa, then the whakahaere would share all the korero about Tangaroa with that child and groom him to know all there was to know, in the hope that in time, he would also become a whakahaere and develop new knowledge about Tangaroa. Within the whare wananga, the child would be exposed to a curriculum stream that matched the natural energies and skil ls . That approach is very different from the one operating in the existing education system where what is taught depends on what teachers think should be taught. · This is what you should know' . I have a nephew who is a total 'grease monkey' . H e is 1 6 or 1 7 years o f age, and as soon as he arrives home from school he changes into his overalls and stays out in the barn working on four wheel drive trucks. Despite his young age, he cannot be persuaded to go to bed before 1 1 pm and that is only after his mother has repeatedly yelled at him to 'go to bed ' . He has very little to say when you try and talk to him but he is just a total natural around technical things. We often say ' that kid was born with a screwdriver in his back pocket' . Again it i s an example of a talent that was not taught but which has emerged spontaneously and he has gravitated towards that particular Atua. I am not quite sure of the name of that 1 34 Atua just yet, but without doubt there are high l evels of energy and very special qualities coming out of that child. And it would be an absolute sacrilege to force him to abandon his · natural' talent in favour of formal study in mathematics or some other academic discipl ine. It would also be such a breach of tapu to quell a force that is spontaneously working within him. So because that force within him is so strong, and focused, as it was for my daughter who spontaneously started writing, I am quite confident that there are many Atua that have yet to be identified and named. It is not a question of creating new Atua. All we are doing is identifying them and updating our data base so that with our extended knowledge we will be better able to help foster that particular kind of Atuatanga in a child. The great thing about those three Atua we most often talk about - Rangi, Tangaroa, Papatuanuku, and others is that they have a timeless relevance. It does not seem to matter what period of human history we happen to be in, we all share the privilege of living under the sky, we all have Tangaroa, we all live on the Earth. They' re all timeless unchangeable aspects of our existence. Another one of course is the Hineteahuone, the Mother. No one comes to this world except through the Mother. Those are really enduring and unchanging aspects of human existence and we would do well to remind ourselves about them. They should become part of our 'head culture ' otherwise if we become disconnected from them we will lose our humanity. They are refreshing and organic and can be empowenng. 1 3 5 Nor are they just for the past. Rongo-ma-tiine is about the cultivation of kumara, and the kumara i s also about nutrition, carbohydrates and human health, all of which are therefore he uri no Rongo-ma-tiine. The nutrients of the kumara are not necessarily the nutrients in fish. They are he uri no Tangaroa. Maybe we need to identify Atua that are more specifically tied to carbohydrates or protein, but then what would be the purpose of doing that?' 33 Pou Temara identified others areas where kawa has been adapted and explained the significance of change. ' He nui a tatou tikanga kua kore e whai wahi ki enei ra. Engari na te mea he iho atua tona, he iho matua ranei t6na, kei te mau tonu aua tikanga ra. Ko tenei t ikanga ra ko te karanga i te p6 kaore he tino hua o terii tikanga i roto i te horopaki o tenei ao inaianei . Na te mea ko nga kaupapa, ko ngii putake i kore ai e whakaaetia tera momo tikanga kua kore ke e whai hua ki o enei rii iihuatanga. Ka taea e tatou nga matauranga o enei ra te whakaawatea i te po ne rii? Ka taea e tatou te whakaawatea i te p6. Ko te tikanga hoki e kiia ana kaua e karangahia te mate no te mea kiiore koe i te mohio ko wai nii te pouri ne rii, engari na enei ka taea e tatou te whakaawatea i te po. Na tenei korero na. Ei, e no te taua te po no reira kaua e karanga i te po kei karanga koe i te taua. Na ko tenei whakaaro nei . Ki te taua ana maua, k i te mau to taua e haere ana i Aotearoa nei kei roto koe i te hinaki ne ra. Kaore e pai te taua ki roto i Aotearoa inaianei . ' 34 1 36 We have many instances of tikanga which no longer have relevance to modern times. But, because of the connection to atua, the iho atua or iho matua, those tikanga are still practiced. The tikanga pertaining to performing karanga to manuhiri at night, was important then, but there is no explicit benefit to that tikanga within the context of these modern times. Because the reasons and fundamental basis behind not allowing that practice [(performing karanga to manuhiri at night} are no longer as applicable in this day and age. With the A-rnowledge and understanding that we now have this day in age are we not able to light up the night time darkness? Yes we can now bring daylight to night time. The tikanga also implies that manuhiri shouldn 't be called on at night because one doesn 't know who might be there because of the darkness isn 't that right? However, because of this capability we are now able to bring daylight to night time. There is also this matter to consider. Night time is the domain of war parties, so to call on visitors at night is to call on war parties. This is the idea. If we were to reinstate waring parties and if your war party was caught traversing Aotearoa you were literally trapped and could not get out. 'Tera korero tera engari ka taka ki a tatou ko tatou nei te whakatinanatanga o te atua nei a Tumatauenga kaore tatou e hiahia kia noho te poaka hei rangatira mo tatou engari ka noho te poaka hei rangatira mo tatou no te mea i rota i taku tauira nei na te mea e ngana ana au kia ora taku mokopuna. He aroha tera ki te mokopuna ma rota i te manawa o te poaka ra ka ora taku mokopuna. Kua uru te whakapapa te ira hoki o te poaka ki rota i te mokopuna na koira tetahi o nga mea e whakamatakuhia ana Te Ao Maori . . 35 1 37 So that is that story, however it befalls to us to remember that we are the physical embodiment of Tilmatauenga, although we would not want a pig to be seen as an atua to us, as having a greater level of control over us because of my [earlier} example about finding a way to ensure the survival of my mokopuna. That is an example of compassion for the mokopuna where by implanting ti.� heart of a pig my mokopuna will live. The genealogy and genetic make-up of a pig have now entered my mokopuna, this is one of the major i.s.suesfacing Maori today. ' 'No reira koinei nga mea e kla ake nei ki te kore he iho atua o te tikanga kua tikanga poteretere noa iho. Kaore e taea e koe te here atu taua tikanga ra ki tetahi iho atua. No reira kaore noa iho he tino hua o tera tikanga he ahua rite pea anei ki te tikanga e korero ake nei tatou mo te mau hu ki te whare - kaore e taea e koe te here atu i taua tikanga ki tetahi iho atua no reira ka kla tera tikanga he tikanga poteretere - ka taea ai e koe te whakarereke. Engari ko enei tikanga e korero ake nei tatou, kaore e taea e koe te whakarereke . ' . 36 So those are some of the things that, if they do not have an iho atua - an atua connection, they are not permanent, they are able to be altered or changed. It is not possible for you to attach or connect that tikanga to an atua. So there is no discernable benefit to that tikanga, it can be compared to that of wearing shoes in the whare - you cannot attach that tikanga to an atua, so that is said to be a non­ permanent tikanga, you can alter or change it. However the other tikanga that we have discussed, those cannot be changed or altered. 1 38 ' Ko taku wero ki a t�ltou he nui nga tikanga kaore e taea te whakarereke engari he tikanga an6 ka taea. He pera an6 te kawa. He kawa e taea te whakarereke he kawa e kore e taea. Penei i te aha? Penei i Te Kawa Angiangi Ni. Penei i Te Kawa Tatai Karakia. E kore e taea tera te whakarereke he tapu tera kaore rawa e taea e koe. Ko te kawa hoki he karakia, ne ra. Ko te kawa hoki he karakia. Ki te he to tatai i te kawa ka mate koe. T6na tikanga me mate koe. Koira anake te utu i hiahia ai te a tu a. No reira ki te he koe i te aroaro o te atua me mate koe . ' 3 7 My challenge therefore is to consider tikanga which can and cannot be changed or altered. Likewise with kawa. There are kawa that can be changed and others which cannot. What are some examples? They include the Kawa Angiangi Pii, and the Kawa Tiitai Karakia. Those cannot be changed and are offlimits to most people. Kawa is also karakia. If you recite the kawa in the wrong way you pay the price. The outcome could be that you pay with your life. That is the only recompense sought by that atua. If you make a mistake in the presence of that atua you ought to pay for it with your life. 38 Amster Reedy described how kawa can be applied to the modern Olympics. 'When I went to Athens in 2004, I put together a strategy to implement tikanga Maori within the New Zeal