Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Hei Whenua Ora: Hapii and iwi approaches for reinstating valued ecosystems within cultural landscape Susan Margaret Smith 2007 Hei Whenua Ora: Hapii and iwi approaches for reinstating valued ecosystems within cultural landscape A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Maori Studies, at Massey University, Palmerston North, Aotearoa/New Zealand Susan Margaret Smith November 2007 Contents ABSTRACT Vl HE MIHI Vlll ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS IX LIST OF FIGURES x LIST OF TABLES XVll CHAPTER ONE 1 The situation at Kuku motivates... 13 Rationale for the thesis 17 Action over coastal subdivision 15 Just getting on with it 16 The methods applied 18 A kete or toolkit employed in research 20 Chapter Outline 24 Ways of knowing place and knowing your place within it 27 CHAPTER TWO 29 Method and Methodological Considerations 29 Ahi ka: Understanding activity 38 Addressing the methods 40 Co-created directions for taking action 41 Meetings of hearts and minds over environmental health 45 Awareness of significant cultural landscape destruction 47 Documentary and visual evidence 49 V isual Component as Research Method 51 The suites on canvas 51 Bringing people and research together 62 CHAPTER T HREE 65 Kaupapa Tuatahi Ko Iomatua 65 A Customary Maori Environmental Worldview 67 Layers of association to lands, still revered by the activities of ancestors 73 Kaitiaki and Kaitiakitanga 77 Settling in and staying 82 Natural heritage alterations 87 The activities of waterway modification 89 iv HEI WHENUA ORA Customary precepts and knowledge of place augment contemporary practices 95 CHAPTER FOUR 99 Walking through complex landscape 101 Taking action to determine bio-cultural futures 106 Braiding narratives to connect peoples 109 The Kidd Family Farm 1912-1998 111 The Stream confluence 118 Mahinga Mataitai 120 The Candy Family 1934-1975 122 Known Wahi Tapu and rules of protection 126 The Engineer and the Ohau River Scheme 128 Consequences for the natural integrity of streams as drains for waste 133 Transforming attitude and aptitude 137 CHAPTER FIVE 143 Historic and Cultural Heritage Management in New Zealand 1996 144 Historic Heritage Management Review 1998 145 An overarching and supportive Maori Heritage Agency 147 Taonga Maori Review 1999-2000 149 Heritage Think Tank 2003 154 Ahi ka roa archaeological assessment and protection 157 The pressure is on 159 CHAPTER SIX 169 Case Study One: Kuku-Ohau, the Situation and Opportunities for the Lower River and the dune areas to sea 171 The Reality of the Scheme for the Ohau River 172 In cutting rivers and transforming cultural landscape, relationships are compromised 183 Overcoming fragmentation by reconnecting 186 Making positive changes 187 Renewed Focus for the 'loop' 189 Draining experience that aids rehabilitation 190 Case Study Two: Hei Whenua Ora ki Te Hakari- He Kawenata, He Whenua Rahui 192 Making connections 197 Te Pa Harakeke: Our Future with Harakeke Wananga, 18-20 March 2005 206 CONTENTS Harakeke as healer and sustainable resource for environmental health Hydrology Research, Water L evels and Subsurface Waterways for Dune Wetland Health The Clean Stream Accord,June 2004 The 'Big Dig' Mechanical Excavation December 2005-February 2006 211 215 227 227 Recommendations for water quality and mechanical excavation 229 The 'Big Dig' 230 Te Ngahere a WehipeihanalWehipeihana Reforestation Project and T ikorangi Nursery Development 233 CHAPTER SEVEN 245 An Historical Overview of Public International L aw for Indigenous Peoples, Collective Rights and International Standard Formation for Indigenous Peoples 249 Attempts to ratifY Convention No. 169 254 The Declaration of Indigenous Peoples Rights 2007 256 RatifYing the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP) 261 The Roles of Special Rapporteurs 262 Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2000-2005 264 CHAPTER EIGHT 269 APPENDIX I: 277 Birdlife associated with Te Hakari Dune Wetland APPENDIX Il: 279 The activities of Tanema hut a and significant female entities APPENDIX Ill: 283 Vegetation and habitats in the Te Hakari Dune wetland region APPENDIX IV: 286 Cabinet Minutes Relating to Maori Culture and Heritage APPENDIX V: 290 New Zealand Indigenous Forest Policy BIBLIOGRAPHY 292 v VI ABSTRACT The thesis focussed on whanau and hapu and how as a Maori community, they came together to exercise kaitiakitanga (active guardianship) over their fragmented ecosystems within agricultural and cultural landscapes. The research centred on key areas within an ancestral coastline remaining predominately in tribal tenure, between the Waiwiri Stream and Waikawa River in the south-west coastal region of Horowhenua, North Island. The region was once an extensive coastal forest, a series of dune lakes, lagoons and dune wetlands within a larger tribal region under the guardianship of hapu Ngati Te Rangitawhia, Te M,ateawa, Ngati Manu and Ngati Kapumanawawhiti ki Kuku who affiliate to the iwi, Ngati Tukorehe. The research investigated intricate and complex environmental problems, assessed the extent of ecological decline in particular areas, and considered how well kaitiaki (as caretakers of the natural environment and their cultural landscapes) were dealing with the impact of fragmented systems with associated effects on their human condition. The methodological considerations aimed to achieve ecological and cultural restoration goals in a whole-of-person, whole-of-system context. What emerged from the action research process (grounded in a kaupapa and tikanga Maori epistemology of knowledge development supported by cross-indigenous perspective and international standards for ecological and human wellbeing) suggests that the restoration of fragmented ecological systems is interdependently related to the healing of a community, and reconnection with their natural and cultural landscape. Certain aspects of collaborative scientific endeavour documented water engineering activities that accelerated ecosystem decline. Such approaches to knowledge development also collated hydrological data on water quality and assessed remaining indigenous biodiversity for the extent of decline in the region. Narratives of place, within a braided cultural landscape concept underpinned a knowing of place and peoples' place within it as informed by both resident Maori and non-Maori recollections of encounter and change within lands and peoples. The visual and documentary component as complimentary research methods or catalysts for action, also detailed the projects. The combined expertise, knowledge and methods supported the commitment this thesis has, as a locally generated, iwi and hapu led research and practically orientated endeavour. It drew heavily on Maori concepts, local experiences and aspirations for environmental rehabilitation, with key case studies for rivers, coastlines, wetlands, with strategies for interrelated archaeological areas vii of significance. The approaches articulated new way s of doing things for remaining natural areas within a revered Maori cultural landscape. The thesis determined that iwi and hapu with long standing relationships with their natural environment are able to determine and effect significant ecological improvements, where sustainability of both the environment and people, can be enhanced. This is achieved through planned actions, shared vision, co-intelligence and co-management strategies. Active kaitiakitanga can therefore compliment developments while recognising economic and cultural imperatives - all for the sake of future tribal generations and the wider community. viii HE MIHI . Te ngakau puaroha ki nga ohaki 'E kore koe e ngaro- te kakano i ruia mai i Rangiatea Puritia! Puritia! Puritia! E nga atua Maori, mo ou whakaaro whanui ma a tatou, tena koutou. E nga mana, e nga reo, e nga iwi 0 te motu, tena koutou. E nga matawaka, whItiki! Whltiki! WhItiki! Te hunga ora ki te hunga ora, te hunga mate ki te hunga mate. E kui ma, e koro ma a Tukorehe ki a koutou kua u mai nei ki tenei mahi nui, ki te atawhai, ki te manaaki i nga taonga i tukua mai e nga tUpuna 0 te takiwa nei a Kuku, tena koutou. E whaea ma, e matua ma, e nga whanaunga katoa, e hoa ma, e kohikohi ana, e mahi tonu ana me te kaupapa nui mo Te Taiao. E taku hoa rangatira a Richard . . . Kei whea i nga kupu ma tou manaakitanga? Ka nui te aroha ki a koe, taku hoa rangatira. Ko te tUmanako kia whakawhanuitia i OU matou tirohanga i roto i te whakatakotoranga kaupapa nei. No reira, tena koutou, ten a koutou, tena koutou katoa. ix ACKNOWLEDGE MENTS To Professor Mason Durie and Dr Charles Te Ahukaramu Royal, I thank you both for your exceptional steer in this research process and for your infinite patience. I acknowledge the kind assistance of key informants who helped support me during the research process, the writing, shaping, and editing of this thesis. To those relations who knew Kuku well and who are no longer with us (Mr Matehaere Patuaka, Mr Hare Hemi Wehipeihana; Mr Harold Rowland, Mrs Rita Tawhai (White) and Mr Gary Wehipeihana Senior), I am indebted to your insight, perspective, expertise and your love of the Kuku coastline - you all inspired me to take this research pathway. There are many I can thank. In particular I express my gratitude to Mrs Maire Rahapa Rehia Johns for your knowledge and constant wise counsel; Mrs Ruhia Martin for your experiences of growing up in Kuku and your never ending support; Mr Martin Wehipeihana for your unwavering commitment to the environmental work of Ngati Tukorehe; Ms Jodie Cook for your administration and organisational support and to officials from Nga Whenua Rahui and Matauranga Kura Taiao for getting our Tukorehe projects started. To my parents Mr Adrian and Mrs Netta Smith, thank you for your love and encouragement from a distance. During the course of the research exercise many thanks goes out to all kaumatua and active kaitiaki ofKuku. Particular thanks also to Mr Henry and Rex Perenara; Te Rau Kawakawa 0 Te Ora; Lucas Associates; Mr and Mrs Neil and Margaret Candy; Mr Edward O'Conner; Hon Douglas Kidd; Mr John Wehipeihana; all members of Te Hakari Management Committee 2002-2006; all Trustees ofTe Iwi 0 Ngati Tukorehe Trust (2005-); Mr Tana Carkeek; Mr Ron Halford; the Board of Ta hamata; Ms Paula Loader; Mr Phillip and Mrs Pamela Putu; Mrs Myra Reid; Mr Sean Ogden; Mr Witana and Mrs Fiona Kamariera; Ms Moira Poutama; Dr Anthony Cole; Dr Tanira Kingi and his students; Dr Murray Williams, Victoria University and his students; Mr Caleb Royal; Mr Pataka Moore; Mr Te Waari Carkeek and Ms Ariana Te Ao Marere; Ms Susan Forbes; Mrs Lorraine Nikera; Mrs Nolene Wevell of Horizons Regional Council Archives; Horizons Regional Council and representatives; Dr Olivier Ausseil; Dr Mark Gyopari; Historic Places Trust Pouhere Taonga; Mr Brent Packer, and all the kaitiaki students since 2002. Finally, I wish to thank my partner Mr Richard Anderson. There have been times of elation and challenge for us during the course of project implementation. Despite some difficulties, the active re-instatement of health to waterways, lands and affiliated peoples took precedence. All pro active and dedicated kaitiaki ofKuku know that there is a lifetime of work before us. x Figure 1.1 Figure 1.2 Figure 1.3 Figure 1.4 Figure 1.6 Figure 1.8 Figure 1.5 Figure 1.7 Figure 1.9 Figure 1.10 Figure 1.12 Figure 1.14 Figure 1.11 Figure 1.13 Figure 1.15 Figures 1.16 Figure 1.17 Figure 1.18 Figure 1.19 Figure 1.20 Figure 2.1 Figure 2.2 Figure 2.3 Figure 2.4 Figure 2.5 Figure 2.6 Figure 2.7 Figure 2.8 Figure 2.9 Figure 2.10 Figure 2.11 Figure 2.12 Figure 2.13 Figure 2.15 Figure 2.14 Figure 2.16 Figure 2.17 Figure 2.19 Figure 2.20 Figure 2.21 List of Figures Ohau River Catchment Aerial views of tribal region, 15 December 2003. A Four Wheel Drive Club using the sensitive dune environs for inappropriate recreation. 2 5 8 Baby banded kokopu. 9 Inanga. 9 Short fin eel. 9 Banded kokopu. 9 ��. 9 Short fin eel. 9 Variable oystercatchers, Pied stilts and Godwits. 10 Black backed gull and Royal spoonbills. 10 Australasian bittern. 10 Kingfisher and Royal spoonbills. 10 Royal spoonbills at Te Hakari wetland. 10 Spodess crake. 11 Ohau River beach environs, 2 June 2006. 11 Waikawa Beach township with some adjacent areas demarcated for subdivision. 15 Kaumatua of Ngati Tukorehe in front ofTukorehe meeting house, November 2006 22 Ma Runga Tereina / By Train, 2003. 2 7 Ma Runga Tereina / By Train, 2003. 2 7 An overview of the Kuku region looking towards the mountains. 30 An overview of dune systems. 30 Kuku urupa adjacent to Kidd family farmhouse, October 2005. 35 Section of waterways map taken from the Ohau Manakau River Scheme Catchment area. 36 Meeting held at Tukorehe pa. 37 Meeting held at Tukorehe pa. 37 Peraro, or freshwater oyster. 40 Lower reaches of Ohau River to Sea 42 Kuku-Ohau Ecological Situation and Opportunities in the Lower River- Land Use. 44 Ohau River, loop region and Te Hakari dune wetland, December 2003. He whenua tuku iho - Land passed on 2001. From Tirotirowhetu, across Tahamata farm to sea, 2005. Tirotirowhetu - Looking to the Stars 2000-2001. Kore rawa matou e wareware - we can never forget 2001. Kati ana e mahue ana . . . All that remains 2001. The torn page was kept within the pages of a paipera tapu or bible. Te Hakari He Whenua Rahui [The Feast Land set aside] 2001, He Whakakotahitanga A coming together at whanau planting days. He Whakakotahitanga A coming together at whanau planting days. He Whakakotahitanga A coming together at whanau planting days. 50 52 55 56 56 56 58 61 63 63 63 Figure 2.22 Figure 3.1 Figure 3.2 Figure 3.3 Figure 3.4 Figure 3.5 Figure 3.6 Figure 3.7 Figure 3.7 Figure 3.8 Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6 Figure 4. 7 Figure 4.8 Figure 4.9 Figure 4.10 Figure 4.11 Figure 4. 12 Figure 4.13 Figure 4.14 Figure 4.15 Figure 4.16 Figure 4.17 Figure 4.18 Figure 4.19 Figure 4.20 Figure 4.22 Figure 4.21 Figure 4.23 Figure 4.24 Figure 4.25 Figure 4.26 Figure 4.27 Figure 4.28 Figure 4.29 Figure 4.30 Figure 4.31 LI ST OF F IGURES xi He Whakakotahitanga A coming together at whanau planting days. 63 From the Ohau River, looking across Tahamata Incorporation 77 Waitohu Survey District, 1925 78 Waitohu Survey District, 1925, detail of map opposite. 79 In the vicinity of original occupation areas, looking across the Ohau River. 82 Kuku papa kainga from a distance. 83 Crossing Kuku. 86 Lower reaches of Ohau River 91 Flooding at lower reaches of Ohau River 93 In readiness for the Whanau Planting day, 13 August 2006. 97 Pingao stands, 4 April 2005. 103 Pingao stand about to fall into Ohau River, 13 July 2007. 103 Marram grass in dynamic Ohau River dune region, 16 April 2005. 103 Te Hakari Stream, October 2005. 104 Te Hakari Stream, October 2005. 104 Te Hakari Stream, December 2003. 104 Shore pimpernel and glasswort with Kotuku ngutu papa in Ohau River estuary 22 September 2005. 105 Detail of shore pimpernel carpet with ureure or glasswort present, 16 April 2005. 105 Kuku Drainage District showing different farms settled from 1913-1920 109 Area of significance at Kuku papa kainga site, September 2005. 112 Area of significance at Kuku papa kainga site, September 2005. 112 An aerial photo of the Kidd family farm taken in later summer, between 1947 and 1954. 113 Section of Map IV 115 Remaining kahikatea or white pine forest, February 2007. 116 View across Tahamata farm to puna wai or Maori Spring area, February 2007. 117 Another aerial photo of the Kidd family farm taken in late summer, sometime between 1947 and 1954. 118 Ohau River Meander, taken between 1942-1948. 121 Gorse stands and cows on Candy leased blocks, early 1960s 121 Part of the original Candy farm. 122 Looking over urupa block to sea, with Tirotirowhetu dunes in the far background. 123 Looking over the urupa reserve towards dune lakes. 124 Line map ofUrupa and Ohau pa Reserve 124 Article about the drowning of Pi no Moses in local newspaper, placed for safe keeping inside the whanau Paipera Tapu, or family bible. 125 Different blocks on Candy farm. 126 Different blocks on Candy farm. 126 Different blocks on Candy farm. 126 Different blocks on Candy farm. 126 Flood damage during the time of the cut 129 Before the Ohau River 'cut', taken between 1942-1948 131 Ohau River 'cut' 132 Ohau River 'cut' 132 xii Figure 4.32 Figure 4.32 Figure 4.34 Figure 4.35 Figure 4.36 Figure 4.37 Figure 4 .38 Figure 4.39 Figure 5.1 Figure 5.2 Figure 5.3 Figure 5.4 Figure 5.5 Figure 5.6 Figure 5.7 Figure 5.8 Figure 5.9 Figure 5.10 Figure 5 .11 Figure 6.1 Figure 6.2 Figure 6.3 Figure 6.4 Figure 6.5 Figure 6.6 Figure 6.7 Figure 6.8 Figure 6.9 Figure 6.10 Figure 6.11 Figure 6.12 Figure 6.13 Figure 6.14 Figure 6.15 Figure 6.16 Figure 6.17 Figure 6.18 Figure 6.19 Figure 6.20 Figure 6.21 Figure 6.22 HE I WHENUA ORA Kuku Stream in proximity to former dairy factory, 1 September 2007. Kuku Stream with Tukorehe marae in background, 1 September 2007. Planting the 'loop' led by Tahamata Incorporation, 30 July 2006 Planting the 'loop', 30 July 2006. 'Loop' planting, 30 July 2006. Overview of 'loop' planting, 4 November 2006. The planted area after three months, 4 November 2006. Planting around farm, 4 November 2006. Area of shells in eastern paddock, 15 April 2006. Shell distribution, 15 April 2006. Shells and stones revealed near Te Hakari wetland lake area, 28 July 2007. Shells and stones near Te Hakari wetland lake area, 28 July 2007. Shells and stones near Te Hakari wetland lake area, 28 July 2007. Shells and stones near Te Hakari wetland lake area, 28 July 2007. Shells and stones near Te Hakari wetland lake area, 28 July 2007. Waikawa Growth Development, 2007. Hokio Beach Growth Development, August 2007. Ti Tu Tonu, 2003. Walking along beach to Tirotirowhetu, August 2005. Hand-drawn images by Mr Edward O'Conner. The images indicate proposals for the Ohau River diversion plans from the 1940s to 1971. Selected images of flood damage, May 1972. Site location map, 1997-1998. Kuku Stream diversion aerial images, 1997-1998. Riparian ideas, before and after, 1997-1998. Logs have often been positioned and repositioned to block trail bikes and four-wheel drive vehicular access. Blocking vehicular access encourages more environmentally responsible and respectful use of the beach environs, 4 November 2006. Remnant pingao in sensitive dune sy stems, 9 August 2005. Images of Beach Sign,January 2001. The sign was moved to the site near the entrance to river beach area, April 2001. Ohau River 'cut' area with eroding dunes, 23 October 2005. Blind Creek and Ohau loop long before the 'cut'. Blind Creek area, December 2003. Site in dunes with low-level vegetation. Student Groups from Massey University, 18 October 2006. Student Groups from Massey University, 18 October 2006. The dynamic riverine area opposite Tirotirowhetu site, 18 February 2005. The dynamic Ohau River and estuary, 12 July 2006. The Ohau River and its changed mouth to sea, 17 November 2006. Dynamic dunes towards Waikawa, 18 February 2007. Fence around wetland, 2002. Te Hakari wetland towards Waikawa, 2003. 135 135 140 140 141 141 142 142 160 160 161 161 161 161 161 162 162 165 167 173 175 176 177 178 180 181 181 182 183 184 185 185 187 189 189 191 195 195 195 197 198 LI ST OF FIGURE S xiii Figure 6.23 Hei Whenua Ora ki Te Hakari / Te Hakari Dune Wetland Restoration Project, November 2002. 200 Figure 6.24 First planting area in western paddock, 21 December 2002. 200 Figure 6.25 First planting area in western paddock, 2 July 2005. 200 Figure 6.26 First planting area in western paddock, October 2005. 200 Figure 6.27 First planting area in western paddock, 15 November 2006. 200 Figure 6.28 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 202 Figure 6.29 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 202 Figure 6.30 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 202 Figure 6.3 1 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003. 202 Figure 6.32 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003. 202 Figure 6.33 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 202 Figure 6.34 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 202 Figure 6.3 5 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 202 Figure 6.3 6 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003. 203 Figure 6.37 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 203 Figure 6.3 8 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003. 203 Figure 6.39 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003. 203 Figure 6.40 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 203 Figure 6.41 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003. 203 Figure 6.42 Whanau Planting day, 19 August 2003 . 203 Figure 6.43 Te Hakari Stream outlet, August 2005. 204 Figure 6.44 Te Hakari Stream flowing towards the Ohau River beach, 9 January 2005. 204 Figure 6.45 Te Hakari Stream to Ohau River, 2 June 2006. 204 Figure 6.46 Children of Ngati Tukorehe planting trees in eastern riparian area,2004. 206 Figure 6.47 Te Huaki 0 Te Rangi Kamariera, Mr Richard Anderson and Mr Major Meta, 11 September 2005. 206 Figure 6.48 Some kaumatua ofTukorehe pa at Wananga Harakeke 18 March 2005. 207 Figure 6.49 Kaumatua at wananga, Tukorehe Marae, 18 March 2005. 207 Figure 6.50 Kaumatua at wananga, Tukorehe Marae, 18 March 2005. 207 Figure 6.51 Caleb Royal, his children and kaumatua Mr Gary Wehipeihana Senior moving towards south western end of wetland to retrieve a hinaki set on evening of 9 March 2005. 208 Figure 6.52 Caleb Royal, his children and kaumatua Mr Gary Wehipeihana Senior moving towards south western end of wetland to retrieve a hinaki set on evening of 9 March 2005. 208 Figure 6.53 Caleb Royal, his children and kaumatua Mr Gary Wehipeihana Senior moving towards south western end of wetland to retrieve a hinaki set on evening of 9 March 2005. 208 Figure 6.54 Hornwort,lO March 2005. 209 Figure 6.56 Asphyxiated eel with facial lesions, 10 March 2005 209 Figure 6.55 Hornwort and dead eel in hinaki, 10 March 2005 209 Figure 6.57 Retrieving hinaki from Te Hakari Stream, 11 March 2005. 2 11 Figure 6.58 Retrieving hinaki from Te Hakari Stream, 11 March 2005. 211 Figure 6.59 Retrieving hinaki from Te Hakari Stream, 11 March 2005. 2 11 Figure 6.60 Retrieving hinaki from Te Hakari Stream, 11 March 2005. 211 xiv Figure 6.61 Figure 6.62 Figure 6.63 Figure 6.64 Figure 6.65 Figure 6.66 Figure 6.67 Figure 6.68 Figure 6.69 Figure 6.70 Figure 6.71 Figure 6.72 Figure 6.73 Figure 6.74 Figure 6.75 Figure 6.76 Figure 6.77 Figure 6.78 Figure 6.79 Figure 6.80 Figure 6.81 Figure 6.82 Figure 6.83 Figure 6.85 Figure 6.84 Figure 6.86 Figure 6.87 Figure 6.88 Figure 6.89 Figure 6.90 Figure 6.91 Figure 6.92 Figure 6.93 Figure 6.94 H EI WHENUA ORA Wananga participants, 19 March 2005. Te Hakari visit for participants, 19 March 2005. Wananga participants planting first trees in area that fronts Kuku Beach Road, 19 March 2005. Wananga participants standing on high dune, 19 March 2005 . 212 212 212 212 Seminar Series conducted through Te Wananga 0 Raukawa, Gtaki, 19 March 2005. 213 Seminar Serie, 19 March 2005. 213 Wananga participants planting more trees in area that fronts Kuku Beach Road. 213 View ofTe Hakari Dune Wetland, November 2005. 216 View ofTe Hakari Dune Wetland, 21 September 2007. 216 Water level gauge at the northern drain, 3 January 2005. 218 Water level gauge at Te Hakari Stream after draining over summer in preparation for mechanical excavation, 26 January 2006. 218 Cows in wet delta before fencing, 9 January 2005. 219 Te Hakari Stream weir with temporary fish pass, 14 September 2005. 219 Nga Whenua Rahui funders- Mike Mohi and Trevor Lambert meeting over wet delta region at Te Hakari Stream with Richard Anderson and Witana Kamariera (filming), 19 September 2005. 219 Sand bagged weir at Te Hakari Stream with temporary fish moved aside during drainage of wetland, October 2005. 219 Replacing temporary weir on Te Hakari Stream, 15 February 2006. 219 Repositioned temporary weir on Te Hakari Stream, 20 June 2006. 219 Drilling Piezometer 3 into place, May 2003. 221 Project Manager (2003-2006) Richard Anderson measuring water depth and quality at piezometers 1 and 3 at locales around the wetland, 3 January 2005. 221 Project Manager (2003-2006) Richard Anderson measuring water depth and quality at piezometers 1 and 3 at locales around the wetland, 3 January 2005. 221 Project Manager (2003-2006) Richard Anderson measuring water depth and quality at piezometers 1 and 3 at locales around the wetland, 3 January 2005. 221 Project Manager (2003-2006) Richard Anderson measuring water depth and quality at piezometers 1 and 3 at locales around the wetland, 3 January 2005. 221 Te Hakari Stream before rehabilitation, July 2003. 223 Te Hakari Stream and wet delta electric fence, 17 July 2005. 223 Te Hakari Stream with raised water levels to create wet delta, 3 January 2005. 223 Te Hakari Stream and wet delta, 20 October 2005: 223 Project Manager Mr Richard Anderson (2003-2006), Te Hakari Stream with weir removed, 22 October 2005. 223 Re-vegetated riparian alongside Te Hakari Stream,January 2007. 224 Profuse reed, grass and sedge re-vegetation on left of Te Hakari Stream, 26 November 2006. 224 White faced heron on fence post overlooking wet delta region, 22 October 2005. 225 Kotuku ngutu papa or Royal spoonbills in the wetland lake region, 20 August 2006. 225 Kotuku ngutu papa or Royal spoonbills in the wetland lake region, 26 November 2006. The excavation begins with blessing, 12 December 2005. The excavation begins with blessing, 12 December 2005. 225 231 231 Figure 6.95 Figure 6.96 Figure 6.97 Figure 6.98 Figure 6.99 Figure 6.100 Figure 6.101 Figure 6.102 Figure 6.103 Figure 6.104 Figure 6.105 Figure 6.106 Figure 6.107 Figure 6.108 Figure 6.109 Figure 6.110 Figure 6.111 Figure 6.112 Figure 6.113 Figure 6.114 Figure 6.115 Figure 6.116 Figure 6.117 Figure 6.118 Figure 6.119 Figure 6.120 Figure 6.121 Figure 6.122 Figure 6.123 Figure 6.124 Figure 6.125 Figure 6.126 Figure 6.127 Figure 6.128 Figure 6.19 Figure 6.130 Figure 6.131 Figure 6.132 LI ST OF F IGURES xv The excavation begins with blessing, 12 December 2005. 231 The excavation begins with blessing, 12 December 2005. 231 The excavation begins with blessing, 12 December 2005. 231 The excavation begins with blessing, 12 December 2005. 231 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 232 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 233 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 233 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 233 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 233 The excavations that took place on 13 February 2006. 233 Cow pugged delta region before water level rise, 9 August 2003. 234 Wet delta before fencing looking across Te Hakari Stream with Harold Rowland's bach in background, 3 March 2005. 234 Before and after images from cow-pugged edges of wetland, to dune wetland and lakes opened for bird, fish and invertebrate biodiversity. 234 Before and after images from cow-pugged edges of wetland, to dune wetland and lakes opened for bird, fish and invertebrate biodiversity. 234 Te Hakari Dune Wetland with raised water level and winter flows,]uly 2005. 235 Te Hakari Dune Wetland towards Pekapeka, 21 September 2007. 235 Te Ngahere a WehipeihanalWehipeihana Bush from Kuku Beach Road, October 2005. 237 First survey of Te Ngahere a Wehipeihana with Kaitiaki Students, 12 October 2005. 237 First survey of Te Ngahere a Wehipeihana with Kaitiaki Students, 12 October 2005. 237 First survey of Te Ngahere a Wehipeihana with Kaitiaki Students, 12 October 2005. 237 First survey of Te Ngahere a Wehipeihana with Kaitiaki Students, 12 October 2005. 237 Te Ngahcre a WehipeihanalWehipeihana Bush blessing with Mr Martin Wehipeihana and kaitiaki students before weed clearing work begins, 26 October 2005. 238 Wehipeihana Bush with students surveying and collating data, 26-27 October 2005. 238 Wehipeihana Bush with students surveying and collating data, 26-27 October 2005. 238 Wehipeihana Bush with students surveying and collating data, 26-27 October 2005. 238 Wehipeihana Bush with students surveying and collating data, 26-27 October 2005. 238 Some revegetation of karaka, mahoe with 200-300 year old tawa, and kereru watching the work below, 12 October 2005. 239 Some revegetation of karaka, mahoe with 200-300 year old tawa, 12 October 2005. 239 Some revegetation of karaka, mahoe with 200-300 year old tawa,12 October 2005. 239 Some revegetation of karaka, mahoe with 200-300 year old tawa, 12 October 2005. 239 Rest time for kaumatua, kaitiaki students and kaiako in Wehipeihana Forest, 27 October 2005. 240 xvi Figure 6 .133 Figure 6.135 Figure 6.137 Figure 6.134 Figure 6.136 Figure 6.138 Figure 6.139 Figure 6.140 Figure 6.142 Figure 6.141 Figure 7.1 Figure 7.2 H EI WHENUA O RA Cleaning up gardens and driveway to Tikorangi Nursery, 28 October 2005 . Local kaitiaki Mr Tipene Perawiti and Mr Peter Daly helping at Tikorangi working bee, 28 October 2005 . Mulching gardens, 28 October 2005. Key kaumatua and supporter helping with tidy up, 28 October 2005 . Utilising tree chipper and placing chipped mulch around cleared gardens, 28 October 2005. Kaumatua Mr Eric Gregory and Mr Martin Wehipeihana clearing around harakeke, 28 October 2005. Tikorangi plants in holding areas, 31 January 2006. Tikorangi plants in holding areas, 31 January 2006. Tree stock at Tikorangi Nursery, 30 March 2007. Tikorangi Nursery promotion at Maori Business Expo, 11 November 2006. The Manawatu Estuary received important Ramsar status, 14 August 2006. A blessing took place over the commemorative stone. The Manawatu Estuary received important Ramsar status, 14 August 2006. A blessing took place over the commemorative stone. 241 241 241 241 241 241 243 243 243 243 248 248 Table 1.1 Table 3 . 1 List of Tables A summary of, aims, theory, methods and resources associated with the kete employed in this research project. This table indicates the alterations to natural cover with subsequent forest-cover removal and swamp drainage in Kuku from 1840-1963 . xvii 20 88 CHAPTER ONE ' ... the job of the kaitiaki is to keep the things of Creation safe. The return from this is the relationship you get with the thing you are protecting and the knowledge and learning that comes from that. W hen the world was created, everything was given full wairua and mana, like the trees for example, so that everything is its own master. So if people want to exercise kaitiaki, they will first need to understand the value of all things, and the wairua of all things ... they will know the effects and consequences of doing things to trees, or whatever. For us this does not mean being in charge ... you don't go and tell the pipi how to live, you allow it to have the opportunity to live the way it knows best, and that is what kaitiaki is ... it is about knowing the place of the things in this world, including your place in this world. When you get to that point, you realise that the thinking of all things is the same.'! This statement, articulated from a cultural world-view for a contemporary Maori and wider society, states quite simply the necessity for human kind to relinquish control or 'being in charge' of the natural world. It is important to understand the importance of 'wairua and mana'2 within everything, and to acknowledge the relationships that exist between humanity and the environment for health and wellbeing. This statement signals to local kaitiaki or ecological guardians in tribal regions to know their locale, their place, their place within it and the unique environmental and spiritual values that support it for the future generations' physical, economic and cultural welfare. The main proposition for this thesis is that the restoration of fragmented ecological systems is interdependently related to the healing of a community and especially iwi and hapii relationships with the natural and cultural landscape. The research question, derived from the proposition, focused on whanau and hapu and asked how a Maori community might reunite with its natural environment in order to exercise kaitiakitanga in modern times, promote sustainability, and strengthen tribal identity through a grounded relationship with Papatllanuku. The research and activity centres on an ancestral area within a southwest coastal plain in the Horowhenua region that was once an extensive coastal forest, a series of lakes, lagoons and dune wetlands.The area of research interest falls within a larger tribal region under the guardianship of hapll Ngati Te Rangitawhia, Te Mateawa, Ngati Manu and Paul Moon, 2003, Tohunga Hohepa Kereopa, David Ling Publishing Ltd: Auckland, '31. 2 In this context, wairua and mana may refer to the essential essence or spirit, and integrity. 2 H EI WHENUA ORA Figure r.r: Ohau River Catchment Taken from Horizons Regional Council, 2002, The Ohau River and its Natural Resources, Horizons Regional Council, Palmerston North Ngati Kapumanawawhiti ki Kuku who affiliate to the iwi, Ngati Tukorehe.The region of cultural landscape is bounded by the Tasman Sea, with the dynamic Ohau River, estuary and prevailing winds blowing across the adjacent sandy fore dunes populated with marram grass and remnant sand binders. The coastal plain then stretches inland to the Mangananao, T ikorangi and Kuku stream confluence that flows into the Ohau River. The coastal land extends between the Ohau and Waikawa Rivers, incorporating the Ohau River meander known locally as the 'loop' and southwards to Te Hakari dune wetland system within the Tahamata3 farming area. The contiguous dune wetland extends south 3 Tahamata Incorporation is a tribal farm established in 1974.lt is led by a chairperson, a board of directors, and supported by a farm manager and sharemilker, while providing Maori shareholder dividends. There are a range of names that highlight hapu and iwi occupation since 1823. Certain papa kainga, areas of resource use, different events and periods of occupation were commemorated by specific names. CHAPTER ONE 3 across the Tahamata boundary fence to the Waikawa River. This area is interrelated to the neighbouring tribal area of Ngati Wehiwehi.4 This coastal, riverine and palustrine region has witnessed a complex Maori history of warfare and conquest due to consequences over land that arose from the migrations from Kawhia Harbour by Ngati Toarangatira that began in 1819 .5 A later series of induced migrations south for Ngati Raukawa affiliates also translocated iwi and hapu from their original homelands around Maungatautari, Waikato.6 Around 1823, hapu and iwi were allocated lands in the Horowhenua region at the behest of other related and significant leaders.7 To this day, Maori shareholders have retained ancestral lands in tribal tenure where persistent, embedded cultural markers still exist (albeit tenuously) within agriculturally modified landscape. When hapu Ngati Te Rangitawhia, Te Mateawa, Ngati Manu and Ngati Kapumanawawhiti ki Kuku affiliates ofNgati Tukorehe, established their customary mana whenua obligations over the coastal land and its resources from 1823, they enjoyed decades of relatively natural pristine fullness within the coastal plain to the sea. The early occupants would have witnessed quite different ecological systems between the coastal plain and river systems to sea. 8 They would have seen an area of dune land streams, dune wetlands and water courses where pukio, upoko tangata, wlWl or sea rush, oioi or jointed wire rush, raupo and kapungawha or lake club rush softened the wet edges of deep, 4 Beyond the southern boundary of Ta hamata the wider area of Kuku is some 7,557 acres within an area bounded by the Tasman Sea in the west, to the Waiwiri Stream to Lake Waiwiri in the north, to the east by the Makorokio Stream.lhe name of the stream signifies the long hard-fern [Blenchllum procerum] as referenced in G. Leslie Adkin's reprinted publication, Horowhenua: its Maori place-names & their topographic & historical background, page 208. The Makorokio Stream lies beyond the ridge-line of Gtararere and Pukeatua, and then traverses across the ridgeline to Poroporo [hat lies before the foothills of the Tararua ranges. The Tararura ranges are encompassed by Mt Dundas to Mt Waiopehu. The southern tribal boundary is deemed artificial as it appeared on the Climie surveyed map in 1879. In 1878-1879 the Public Works Department surveyed various routes for a railway from Wellington north to Waikanae. lt was surveyed by James Daniel Clirnie and Henry Westcott Climie. According to researcher John Wehipeihana, the Climie Line was taken as a mesh block boundary by the Department of Statistics in '91J, where it was retained despite all other mesh block changes.1l1e Climie line marked the southern boundary of the Whirokino Riding, Horowhenua in which the region of Kuku district is located. The iwi designated southern boundary is the Waikawa River. Beyond the river, the closely affiliated Ngati Wehiwehi hold mana whenua of the Manakau to Waikawa coastal area. Derived from John Rodford Wehipeihana, 1964, Sequent Economies in Kuku: A Study of a Rural Landscape ill New ZealalltJ, Master of Arts in Geography, Victoria University: Wellington, lb. Aspects about boundaries also derived from Draft Ngati Tukorehe Claim to Waitangi Tribunal, 2007. Charles Te Ahukaramu Royal, 1994, Ktiti au i kOllei: A Collectioll ofSollgs from Ngtiti Toarallgatira alld Ngtiti Raukawa, Huia Publishers: Wellington, 17. Ngati Toarangatira began a long and arduous journey sourh, via Taranaki, Whanganui and Rangitikei, known in Maniapoto country as 'Te Heke Tahutahunui', and after Taranaki 'Te Heke Thtaramoa', a name coined after the bramble bush that commemorated the difficulty of the journey experienced. 6 Particular migrations of relevance to Ngati Raukawa affiliates included 'Te Heke Whirinui', 'Te Heke Karitahi' and 'Te Heke Mairaro'.1l1e names for each migration respectively refer to the unusually large weaving on the edges of woven mats; the people on the next migration carrying single cartridge rifles, (as kariri means cartridge) and the third migration literally meaning the migration from below. Ibid, 19-20. 7 Waitohi (Ngati Raukawa and Ngati Toarangatira) was the sister ofTe R auparaha and Nohorua. She was a leader in her own right. She was influential in allocating lands for people. Her views were heeded by Te Rauparaha during the troubled times of the southward migration and the resettlement that followed it. Oliver, W. H . & Teremoana Sparks. 'Waitohi ? - 1839'. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, updated 7 April 2006 URL: http://www.dnzb.govt.nziThe migrations are explained further in Chapter 2. 8 These tribal groups range from Kati Mamoe, Rangitane to Muaupoko encounters and existence within the region. 4 H EI WH ENUA ORA meandering waterways.9 As the dunes increased with age further inland, the soils matured accordingly. Ancestors would have walked back and forth along walking tracks between damp raised grounds of wind resistant trees growing on older dunes with developed soils, across moist flats with frost resistant species, through to a dune land cover ofkowhai, ngaio, koromiko, maukoro or scented broom, tree tutu and toetoe10. In passing through this low level forest on the way to sea, they would have passed through shrub land on dunes, over grasslands to the fore dunes, and onto the sea. Between the dunes there were often flat sand plains and hollows created by wind scouring where the soil was damp.ll These damp raised grounds would have been cloaked in lush cloaks of manuka, koromiko, karamu, hukihuki or swamp coprosma, toetoe, tI kouka and harakeke. Inland, resplendent lowland terraced forests comprised large totara, titoki, with groves of kohekohe and matai. They too were interspersed with smaller trees like manuka, poataniwha, makomako, kaikomako, mapou, kowhai, kawakawa, mahoe or whitey wood, wharangi and kohuhu. 12 Each forested area teemed with a diversity of birds including kereru, kaka, tui, and parakeets. 13 Walking tracks linked younger dunes and the dry sand plains. Tracks led to papa kainga with extensive gardens that were cultivated in clearings in the dune land to lowland terrace forests. The papa kainga were organised in close proximity to abundant resources from sea, rivers, streams and forests. In occupying these areas, hapu generated an intimate closeness with the environment and shaped the landscape through their human actions and influences over time. They lived, procreated, died and sustained themselves by their seafaring, fishing, gardening and housing skills using natural resources, consistent with Pacific island living adapted over generations to suit the temperate climates of Aotearoa New Zealand. They entreated spiritual entities and their associated environmental properties. They supported themselves with knowledge systems based on generations of understanding brought about from talking about place, observing place and developing place in a detailed way.14 These ways of knowing were prerequisites for maintaining a healthy environment and its customary knowledge rights. 9 Pukio [Carex secta], Upoko-tangata or umbrella sedge [Cyperus ustulatus], wjwj or sea rush Uuncusgregifiorus], oioi or jointed wire rush [Leptocarpus similis], raupo as bull rush [Typha orientalis] and kapungawha or lake club rush [Schoenoplectus validus]' 10 Kowhai [Sophora microphyl/a], ngaio [Myoporum laetum], koromiko [Hebe stricta], maukoro or scented broom [Carmichaelia odorata], tree tutu [Coriaria ruscifolia]. II Kapiti Coast District Council, 1999,.,1 Guide to Growing Native Plants in Kapiti, anual Texrures Information Graphics: Paraparaumu,5· 12 Manuka [Leptospermum scoparium], koromiko [Hebe stricta], karamii [Coprosma robusta], hukihuki or swamp coprosma [ Coprosma tenuicaulis], toe toe [Sortaderia toetoe], cabbage tree [Cordyline australis], harakeke [Phormium tenax] , totara r Podocarpus totara], titoki [.,1lectryon exce/sus], kohekohe [Dysoxlum spectabile], matai [Prumnopitys taifolia], poataniwha [Melicope Simplex], makomako/wineberry [.,1ristotelia serrata], kaikomako [Penna1zatia corymbosel, mapou [Myrsi"e australis], kowhai [Sophora micropbylla], kawakawa [Macro piper excelsumJ, mahoe/whitey wood [Melicy/us remifiorus], wharangi [Meleicope temata], kohuhu [Pittosporum tenuifoliuml '3 Bruce McFadgen, 1997, .,1rcbaeology of the Wellington C011Servancy: Kapiti-Horowhenua A prehistoric and palaeoel/vir07zmmtal study, Department of Conservation: Wellington, 16. 14 Tove Skucnall-Kangas, 2000, Linguistic Genocide in Education- or Worldwide Diversity and Human Rigbts? Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc: Mahwah, New Jersey, 94. CHAPTER ONE I" I r :J - c. Figure 1 .2 : Aerial views of tribal region, showing the coastline, Te Hakari dune wetland and waterways, IS December 2003. Aerial Photography by Lawrie Cairns, Palmerston North 5 Their interactions with resources through shell fish gathering, freshwater fishing for eels and fresh water fish, fishing activities at sea, and for gardening were essential activities that made sense of their local world. They used the Maori moon calendar or maramataka and star lore as an illuminating ecological knowledge guide for symbiotic environmental care and sustainable resource use. They seasonally harvested to the lunar cycle, then dried and stored abundant resources from the sea, the coastal dunes, the rivers, streams and wetlands for sustenance over the non-seasonal months. They snared birds within the coastal forests, and also from the foothills and mountain forest regions. Their activities for human wellbeing were integral within an epistemology of knowledge development that provided the means to nurture, sustain and protect hapll in their region.15 15 Maui Solomon, 1998, Understanding Indigmous Cultllral and Intellectual Property Rights: implications/or Environment Risk Managemf17t, Conference presentation at ERMA New Zealand 1998 Conference, lhursday 18 June 1998, Waipuna International Hotel, Auckland, 5. 6 H EI WHENUA ORA It has been well noted in scholarly text, that Maori tribal identity and the wellbeing of iwi, hapu and whanau was inextricably intertwined with the natural environment, through cultural places and landforms, natural resources and taonga species.16 These land, sea and water based taonga signified both value and relationships, where natural or cultural taonga in landscape were treasured because of the associations they accumulated. In this way, 'any ecosystem with particular species that were significant for food or other purposes, and which were known to have qualities considered to be vital to those species' life-sustaining processes, were likely to have had taonga status in the customary Maori landscape. A swamp or coastal foreshore ecosystem that possessed such qualities, or a river ecosystem, or a forest, could be considered, with the people it sustained, to be a living being and be termed a taonga.'17 In relation to this, hapu inherited their mana for lands through their close associations with the intrinsic power that the land produced. This sustained their lives and contributed to their well being and security.18 During the course of this research, kaumatua ofTukorehe confirmed that there had long been both cultural and common sense protection measures for sensitive sacred and natural areas, for related biodiversity, resources at the beach and within the coastal waterways. Narratives of occupation and settlement recounted how inter-tribal contest secured customary land tenure from the beach, the adjacent flood plain and dune systems. For this reason, these areas were regarded as restricted to human access and resource use within the vicinity. As people who knew the coastal environs well when seeking sustenance or at seasonal harvest, kaumatua accounts also recalled long observed and consistent protocols. "You only go out there . . . if you're going out there to get pipis or toheroas, the old people used to say now you only go out there and get what you need."19 Any catches, gathered shellfish or 'hauling' for fish at sea or the estuary were taken well into the dry sands or better still, taken home to prepare and cook. By not cleaning catches or cooking gathered food on the beach, this was a cultural precaution, a sign of respect to those subjugated by earlier battles to maintain the region. In other ways it also made good sense not to foul areas of resource collection. Other anecdotal information offered 16 Ronda Cooper & Rachael Brooking, 2002, "Ways Through Complexities" in Kawharu, M. (ed.) Whenua Mallagillg Our Resources, Reed Publishing Ltd Books: Auckland, 195. 17 Geoff Park, 2002, Effective Exclusi072? All exploratory overview 0/ Crowll actiolls alld Mtiori respomes collcemillg the illdigmol/S flora alld fauna, 1912-1983. Waitangi Tribunal Report: Wellington, 18!. 18 Wharehuia HemaIa, 2000, Mtiori Pedagogies: A View from the Literature, New Zealand Council for Educational Research: Wellington, 78. 19 Personal communication with Mrs Maire Rapaha Rehia (Hummer] Johns (nee Seymour) and Mrs Ruhia (Buddy] Martin (nee Holder), on 7 May 2000 (conversation recorded by Clinton Putu, interviewed by Mr Gary Wehipeihana, Mrs Yvonne Wilson Weh ipeihana and Huhana Smith). Further conversations were conducted on 21 September 2005 at "Te Rangitawhia" cottage, Kuku. CHAPTER ONE 7 included certain tI kouka [ Cordyline australis] marked sites where warriors fell. T I kouka were thought to contain the bones of revered ancestors. Similarly, it was alleged that more plantings adjacent to dune sy stems on both sides of the Ohau River marked other burial areas for those overwhelmed in battle. Resource use precaution at Kuku beach included a rahui or ban on cooking any catches of shellfish such as tuatua or kahitua [Amphidesma subtriangulatum] on the foreshore of the beach. 'These protocols issued from an ecological worldview where humans were just one aspect of a larger family that extended to animals and plants in an all-encompassing genealogy. In this way ancestors were not only human ancestors but also the antecedents of the entire natural world.20 Codes of behaviour for resource use at the beach noted how inappropriate or disrespectful it was to cook the related catch near the inter-tidal zone where other shellfish remained in the sand. 'This caused the residual shellfish to sense the situation, to move away and not return.2! One elderly informant ran into trouble with her father when as a y oung girl she and her sisters cooked their whitebait catch, on the Ohau River beach area. With the anger and distress levelled at them for their transgression, they vowed never to do so again. Such encounters were regarded as an external knowing or being present in the moment of experience,22 which informed their understandings and respect for the beach and environs forever. From the notion of restricted sites, to a protection of indigenous biodiversity perspective, Kuku Beach remains sensitive with nesting grounds for a diverse range of sea and estuarine birds, particularly poaka or Pied stilts [Himantopus himantopus] , torea or Pied oystercatchers [Haematopus ostralegus] , karoro or Black-backed gulls [Larus dominicanus] and Red-billed gulls [Larus novaehollandiae scopulinus] ' Kuku Beach and Ohau River estuary are important resting grounds for taranui or Caspian tern [Sterna caspia] and kuaka, Siberian godwit [Limosa lapponicaJ after their major flight migrations arriving in late winter to mid spring. 'The beach area is a place where kotuku or white heron [Egretta alba] feed, as do kotuku ngutu papa or Royal spoonbill [Platalea regia] during the summer months. KOtuku ngutu papa, remain at the estuary and the wetland into early winter, then return to the Wairau region ofTe Wai Pounamu or the South Island to breed. 'They return to the Kuku coast again in summer. 'Those present in late winter, or those who 20 Charles le Ahukaramu Royal, 2004, Mtitaumnga Maori and Museum Practice, Discussion paper prepared for National Services Te Paerangi, at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, 21. 21 Like many others referred to as 'the old people', Rameka lTumeke] Wehipeihana (1879-1968) also relayed to his grand daughters Ruhia Martin (nee Holder) and Netta Smith (nee Holder) the need to respect resources during their summer bach stays. They stayed in a whanau bach south ofTe Hakari stream outlet during the seasonal shellfish harvest excursions they took as young children to young adults with their parents and grandparents, during the 1930S into the early 1940S. 22 Manulani Aluli Meyer, 2003, HODu!u Our Timr of Becoming: Hawaiian Epistemology and Early Writings, 'Ai Pohaku Press Native Books: Hawai', 63. During the course of the research endeavour, these forms of encounter were deemed valid ways of knowing place. By speaking about such relationships again and recording them, their capture helped rebuild relationships with natural and cultural resources and renewed awareness to environmental concerns facing the region. 8 H EI WHENUA ORA Figure I.J: A Four Wheel Drive Club using the sensitive dune environs for inappropriate recreation. Photograph by Huhana Smith, IO August 2005 feed over spring into summer are the younger non-breeders. Added concerns for cultural and natural landscape, and associated biodiversity at Kuku beach grew when increased access to the beach environs and Ohau River estuary led to greater numbers of larger, reGreational 4 x 4 vehicles or trail bikes. These vehicles mounted risks to oystercatcher and black-backed gulls' nests in the foreshore sand dune systems. Such increased vehicular access compressed the wet inter-tidal sands, which put toheroa [Amphidesma ventricosum] , tuatua or kahitua [Amphidesma subtriangulatum] beds in the foreshore region and kokota [Amphidesma australe or Paphies novaezealandiae] beds alongside the Ohau River, under pressure.23 Similarly heavy 4 x 4 vehicles contributed to an over-extraction of shellfish and the lighting of fires for domestic or inorganic rubbish disposal. The coastal area supports unique estuarine bird life, fresh water-based and marine resources. Increased numbers of vehicles, however, have impacted upon their nests within the dunes. Such ecological sensitivity extended into the neighbouring Te Hakari dune wetland, home to several endangered, indigenous bird species including matuku, the Australasian bittern 23 The New Zealand Water Care Code notes that driving on wet sand damages shellfish beds. It recommends that people do not drive on beaches unless it is permitted and only if necessary. URL http://www.doc.govt.nzlExploreINZ-Water-Care-Code.asp Kapiti Coast District Council suggests that vehicles should not be repeatedly driven back and forth over the same stretch of wet sand to avoid potential damage to shellfish beds or be driven onto the dune area as these areas are fragile and contain breeding birds and erosion con trol plants. CHAPT E R O N E 9 Figure 1.4: Baby banded kokopu. Doe Figure IS Banded kokopu . Doe Figure 1 .6: Inanga. Doe Figure 1 .7: Kokopu. Doe Figure 1.8: Short fin eel. Doe Figure 1.9: Short fin eel. 1 0 H El WHENUA O RA Figure 1.10: Variable oystercatchers, Pied stilts and Figure I.II : Kingfisher and Royal spoonbills. Godwits. Figure 1.12: Black backed gull and Royal spoonbills. Figure 1.13: Royal spoonbills at Te Hakari wetland. Figure 1 .14: Australasian bittern. Doe CHAPTER ONE Figure !.Is: Spotless crake. Doe Figures I .I6: Ohau River beach environs, with Kapiti Island in the distance, 2 June 2006. Photograph by Huhana Smith 1 1 12 H EI WH ENUA ORA [Botaurus stellaris poiciloptilus] and puweto or spotless crake [Porzana tabuen is plumbea] .The wetland was once a superb breeding ground and habitat for inanga [ Galaxias maculatus] in both adult and juvenile, or whitebait forms [ Galaxias fasciatus] , and for tuna or eel [Anguilla dieffenbachii] ' The wetland was a likely suitable area for endangered native fish species such as banded kokopu [Galaxiasfasciatus] and giant kokopu [ Galaxias argentus) .24 These species were all still valued as varieties in need of protection and care, as was the associated knowledge about them within their surrounding environment.25 Important Maori expressions of belonging or rurangawaewae26 continue to emphasise ancestral connections and intergenerational responsibilities for lands, rivers, streams, wetlands, healing springs and fresh water springs within Kuku. This is evident in the encompassing pepeha that identifies natural markers as tribal boundaries: Taku turanga ake ki runga ki nga maunga titohea 0 te takiwa nei, ko Tararua, Otararere, ko Poroporo, ko Pukeatua, ki nga wai ora, ki nga wai puna, ki nga wai tuku kiri 0 te iwi, ko Ohau, Ko Waikokopu, ko Kuku, ko Tikorangi, ko Mangananao, ko Te Mateawa, ko Te Rangitawhia, ko Ngati Manu, ko Patumakuku, ko Ngati Kapumanawhiti 0 te rohe ki te iwi nei 0 Ngati TukoreheY During the development of this study certain intricate problems and questions arose over contemporary iwi and hapu interrelationships with the natural environment. Initial research concerns wondered how well kaitiaki were dealing with fragmented ecosystems and what impact this was having on their human condition. As dramatic changes to lands and waterways had systematically fragmented genealogically related peoples over time, further successive divisions and land title transfers eroded more in­ depth knowledge about the wider tribal region. As key informants in generations passed away, knowledge, observations and experience of place declined, resulting in generations becoming increasingly separated from intricate relationships to ancestral place. When only small, impacted upon natural remnants remained in an agriculturally adapted and modified southwest coastal plain, what became clear was how far the changes rendered significance in cultural landscape, as almost invisible. The worst effect of this loss was 24 See Appendix 1. 25 With help these rare species are expected to thrive again when the wetland area and adjacent forest are returned to better health. Ongoing and well-regulated pest management and monitoring regimes need to control introduced predators. 26 Literally meaning place to stand. The term is used to acknowledge relationships to a collective tribal base. 27 Composed by Sean Ogden and derived from second round funding application for Te Hiikari Wetlands Restoration, Poutu-te­ rangi 2005. 111js expression of belonging to place covers a wider region of responsibiHty than what is highlighted within this thesis. Te Iwi of Ngiiti Tiikorehe Trust embraces another expression of belonging, of kaitiakjtanga and governance over tribal grounds or turangawaewae. 'Mai i te take 0 te maunga kj te hukahuka 0 te tai, kj te rohe e mohiotia ana no Tukorehe, mo ana uri, me ana moetanga katoa.' Loosely translated as 'From the mountains to the froth of the tides, for the area known, named and claimed from Tukorehe, for his descendants and all their associated dependants'. CHAPTER ONE 1 3 seemingly manifest in contested genealogies, and variances or contradictions i n peoples' narratives or understandings of their relationships to lands. There were very real difficulties and tensions witnessed between closely related peoples. Long-standing land ownership conflicts over coastal parcels of land led whanau within hapu to pit themselves against each other and to challenge other whanau in the Maori Land Court. The situation at Kuku motivates . . . The motivation for this thesis originated from many concerns for the region. Broadly speaking, the thesis was inspired by the anxieties of particular kaumatua and local tribal members about the situation they could observe, sense, feel and experience in respect of declining environmental integrity of the ancestral landscape at the coast at Kuku. The coastal area had not only been ecologically important and resource rich to them, but also well regarded as a cluster of inter-woven narratives around ancestral conquests, occupation, special burial areas and related spiritual entities in natural areas. They recalled inter-generational protocols that were observed to protect these special areas. Within forty years, intensified agricultural activities, and local and regional authorities' modifications to natural water way systems in the coastal region had combined to create a tenuous balance between the cultural and spiritual needs of hapu and iwi as shareholders of Maori lands and waterways, and the economic operations of a tribally based, large­ scale, dairying operation with a sharemilker and farmhands.The farm functioned within a heavily modified, agricultural landscape, with restrictive flood protection mechanisms for the lower reaches of the Ohau River or the ' loop', as it was locally known. Particular informants voiced their concerns that cultural signifiers or entities within lands and waterways were under threat between the Ohau and Waikawa Rivers at the coast. Indigenous resources or local delicacies had disappeared from coastal waterways and dune wetlands once considered vital to the tribe. By the 1990'S, last vestiges of other natural food resources had deteriorated so rapidly from ongoing inappropriate or unsustainable actions, that they were virtually non-existent. The disquiet from kaumatua and kaitiaki also focussed on the changed state of coastal and inland sites of original occupation, regarded as wahi tapu. Particular and known significant areas had been overwhelmed by economic objectives that belied any inherent sacredness and failed to appreciate the relationship between economic growth and cultural integrity. This included inappropriate forestry28 upon known burial grounds adjacent to original pa sites or the use as rubbish tips29 of previous watercourses renowned for their delicacies. 28 A pine forest was planted around April 1994. Concerns were raised with the then farming consultant and board members. Despite the airing of concern for a known burial ground, the forest remained. 29 The tip in the former water course was closed to the dumping of inorganic refuse in 1999. 1 4 H EI WHENUA ORA Another key area of inter-tribal importance was littered with the refuse of dilapidated camps from successive fishing or white-baiting seasons. Some kaumatua were uneasy that the people who violated the land and its coastline were not intimately or genealogically linked to the area. They felt that such misusers did not know how to treat the area with appropriate respect, as taught to them by their kaumatua, 'the old people.' Those elders who passed away in the I960s or mid 1970S and even before these times were often referred to as the 'old people'. They were regarded in this way because they seemingly existed between the worlds of modernity and change, and those worlds still governed by Maori ways of knowing and belief Most importantly they were first language users, acutely aware of changes and impacts on their world around them. In the 1970S, as spouses died those left behind lamented that they had no one to really speak to anymore in their first language, te reo Maori. 30 There were aired worries about white baiting in unsuitable areas or non-compliant areas, and before season,31 which impacted on breeding stocks of inanga for others. The concerns extended to avoiding fees at public refuse tips, and using the Ohau River beach environs as private dumping grounds for inorganic or domestic refuse. Such activities suggested a shift away from the kawa or sustainable resource use protocols once strictly observed and unchanged. Before intensive waterway modifications in the region, great supplies of fish and shellfish seasonally fed peoples of the region, especially those who could no longer manage to get to the river and beach. The harvest afforded opportunities for a range of dried foodstuffs, prepared, stored and used over the non-seasonal months. Despite the land tenure changes in the area across the Ohau River, specific iwi informants were convinced that locals and current landholders must know more about culturally valuable areas in order to protect the knowledge, spiritual and physical environment. To this end, the current landholders like Mr Hugh and Ms Frederica Acland were treated to a more in-depth view of cultural place and were made more aware of the significance of the area like T irotirowhetu Pa. They sensed the importance of the wider area, especially the need to protect the rniddens in the dunes. The Aclands had already planted wide areas of harakeke at the river, to protect the riparian zone. 30 Personal communication with Mrs Maire Rahapa Rehia Johns and Mrs Ruhia [Buddy] Martin in 2002 and 2005. 31 According to Mrs Maire Rahapa RehiaJohns the Miiori season for white-baiting in the Ohau River began with either the new moon or full moon in August. The start of the Maori season depended on which moon came first in the month each year. Coincidentally if the coastal lupin or gorse were flowering then the white bait were running. Before intensive changes to what now is predominately an agricultural scape, the flowering of raupo or harakeke in the wetland would have been another natural indicator. Furthermore, fish would be readily available at this time but still dependant on the right fishing moon. The Ministry of Fisheries Or the Department of Conservation white baiting season is demarcated by one date, 15 August 2006. Their season in all areas of New Zealand except the West Coast of the South Island and the Chatham Islands, the season is open between 15 August and 30 November (inclusive). The Chatham Island's season runs from I December to the last day of February (inclusive). The taking of whitebait at other times is prohibited. Fishing is only permitted between sam and 8pm OR between 6am and 9pm when New Zealand Daylight Saving is being observed. CHAPTER ONE 1 5 Action over coastal subdivision Further fears for the coastal and wider Ohau region arose secondary to the pressure of encroaching change that accompanied increased demand for coastal lifestyle property at Waikawa, a beachside community clustered at the mouth of the Waikawa River, south of Kuku, and other large-scale housing developments just north at Ohau. Selling tracts of neighbouring iwi coastal land or individual's support of such developments had enabled and exacerbated change for the region. Local district authorities then sanctioned large-scale coastal and adjacent inland areas for housing subdivision. It would appear that financial pressures on local governments (who often had limited ratings bases from which to fund a wide range of functions and responsibilities) led them to minimise their processes and costs . In this way new economic energies enabled resource consents for subdivision to be more Figure 1.17: Waikawa Beach township with some adjacent areas demarcated for subdivision. Dune system coastal developments extend to the extreme right of the photograph. Aerial Photograph by Lawrie Cairns, Palmerston North. Image produced for Horizons Regional Council, 2005 1 6 H EI WHENUA ORA readily passed by the local councip2 There was an increase in resource consent applications that were processed without public notification. This exacerbated pressures on iwi and hapu to reach consensus and submit detailed oppositions to subdivision developments, in time. Some representatives within local authorities considered legitimate hapu and iwi concerns for natural and cultural integrity in landscape as tactics that deliberately frustrated or inhibited council or other local operations. At times working relationships between iwi, hapu, local councils and developers were difficult to maintain.33 Potential coastal development proposals therefore escalated in both northern and southern neighbouring areas of the Horowhenua coast. According to the Horowhenua Development Plan 2007-2027, increased coastal development is proposed for Waikawa Beach, Hokio Beach, Waitarere and Foxton beach settlements adjacent to distinct dune landscapes. The Kuku! Ohau coastline is a coastal buffer between Waikawa and Hokio. Just getting on with it When first grappling with the complexity of localised natural and cultural resource restoration in I997, from late February to April 1998, the New Zealand Historic Places Trust He Pouhere Taonga and the Department of Conservation Te Papa Atawhai convened a series of meetings and hui on marae to review historic heritage management.34 Considerable concern for cultural and natural landscape issued from the lack of better protection models with greater Crown support for Maori over their land and water-based cultural heritage in Aotearoa New Zealand. The initial promotional fiyer for the Historic Heritage Management Review stated that the New Zealand heritage system was not working because the activities in the system were carried out by different organisations, under different laws. The legislation was unclear with insufficient statutory mandate for local government and inadequate central funding government. There needed to be greater clarity on the roles of all organisations involved in the system.35 For Maori cultural landscape as land and water-based heritage, the situation was more alarming. Despite government obligations, conservation of Maori heritage had not received adequate attention. There had been a lack of both national direction and local control in the conservation or care of Maori cultural landscape. Protection of wahi tapu as sacred places such as cemeteries and battle sites had become the crucial test for the effectiveness of New Zealand's heritage system. The system had not met the expectations 32 Ronda Cooper, 2002, The Importance of Monsters: A Decade 01 RMA Debate, Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment Te Kaitiaki Taiao a Te Whare Paremata: Wellington, 17. 33 ibid, '7. This statement refers specifically to non notified consents for major subdivisions in the district. 34 This review eventuated from the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment's 1996 report (the PCE Report), which found that there was a particularly poor commitment to Maori cultural heritage. 35 New Zealand Historic Places Trust, February 1998, Historic Management Review Flyer. CHAPTER ONE 1 7 of Maori.36 When apprehensions were voiced at the series of heritage hui around the country and from the national hui at Turangi in June 1998, it was clear that iwi and hapu were more than willing to initiate the active care and protection required for their cultural and ancestral landscapes. The thesis therefore emanated from ongoing lack of national direction and calls for local control of Maori cultural and natural landscape protection in tribal districts. Short of providing resources, legislative and policy support, central government had no role to play in local heritage management. It became clear, however, that the papatipu, the people on the ground should define their heritage sites and manage them accordinglyY Whether the system devised for active protection and management of sites was to be a partnership or co-management project with other entities, the final modelling decisions resided with iwi, hapu or whanau to articulate the best ways forward for their rurangawaewae. Maori had the right to assert and determine the best management strategies for their affairs encompassing multiple expressions of tino rangatiratanga, kaitiakitanga and the maintenance of ahi ka. 38 Rationale for the thesis If local Maori cultural identity was bound by vital relationships with lands and healthy ecosystems, could the goals of Maori cultural affirmation, social wellbeing, balanced economic growth, co-management projects for mutually beneficial partnerships, and programmes of Maori self-determination39 be possible, without achieving the goals of effective ecosystem restoration and environmental sustainability on tribal lands? The restoration problem was complex. What could be done to address this complexity? This thesis sought better ways forward in very practical terms, in order to arrest cultural disintegration and ecosystem degradation within a special coastal area. The thesis assumed that a locally based hapu and iwi environmental worldview provided the most valid basis on which to address the problems of ecological degradation and to heal dysfunctional relationships experienced between related peoples. For these reasons, the research project was grounded in a kaupapa-based epistemology that recognised and 36 ibid. 37 Historic Heritage Management Review Mc/Ori Consultation Round Key Points: Preliminary Report, Historic Places Trust Pouhere Taonga: Wellington. 38 Tiirangawaewae - literally 'place to stand' or tsibal land area Tino rangatiratanga - lwi and Hapii led ability to self determine tribal futures in tribal regions Katiakitanga - the care, guardianship oflocal resources and the interactions with for sustainable futures Ahi Ka - metaphoric homes fires to be kept alight as symbol oflong term occupation and resource use rights. 39 Based on notes taken during discussion for Masters class, 50.701 Tillorangatiralalzga: Politics of Maori Self-Determination on Monday 12th October 1998, Massey University, Palmerston North. 1 8 H EI WHENUA ORA reflected localised systems of understanding ofhapu and iwi ofNgati Tukorehe augmented by environmental ethics and other experiences of place. The thesis drew upon Western scientific expertise and knowledge to document the water engineering activities that accelerated ecosystem decline, to collate hydrological data on water quality in dune wetlands and to assess remaining indigenous biodiversity for the extent of decline. The thesis also drew on other narratives within a braided cultural landscape concept, which referred to a knowing of place and peoples' place within it as informed by both Maori and non-Maori recollections of encounter and change within lands and peoples. In this way, some local non-Maori residents' testaments indicated the respect they gave to Maori cultural understanding of place at Kuku.The combined expertise and knowledge has been used only to the extent that it complements the commitment this thesis has to a locally generated, iwi and hapu led research and practically orientated endeavour. The thesis drew heavily on Maori concepts, experiences and aspirations for environmental rehabilitation, and comes to rest on case studies and other strategies that re articulate new programmes for remaining natural areas within the Maori cultural landscape. As outlined, there are multiple pressures facing the Kuku area and even though kaitiaki have activated ecological projects, they have probably never faced problems of such complexity that threaten the health and wellbeing of hapu and iwi, upon lands held in Maori tenure, or within areas where their rights as kaitiaki continues . In recognising this complexity and acknowledging that there is little in way of theory that provides solutions to these actual problems, a conscious decision was made to shape a localised model based on resident iwi, hapu and whanau approaches. Therefore the research attempts to understand aspects of customary and remaining local knowledge, and then to reapply it in a different context to what ancestors may have faced in the past. For this reason, this project involves research for which the current state of knowledge is minimal. The project builds upon well­ established oral narratives, whakapapa, dialogue analysis that finds meaning in language, synthesis of research and other relevant information, to prepare a local model that also responds to global environmental aspirations. The process of combining these different ideas, influences, or objects into a new whole is based on the experience of hapu and iwi participants undertaking active revitalisation of fragmented ecosystems within cultural landscape . The methods applied The following methods addressed the challenges of this research project. • • CHAPTER ONE 19 The co-created solutions and action came about through extensive dialogue, consultation with kaumatua, and co-intelligence strategies developed with participating external specialists, local entities, other ecologists, environmentalists, post-graduate students and indigenous scholars. The current state of the ecological and cultural landscape was assessed by a series of meetings with a variety of stakeholders, principally iwi and hapu, but also local and regional authorities, farmers and government agencies. The oral interviews conducted with kaumatua and other key informants drew on their cultural memory about remaining indigenous biodiversity, natural integrity, the use of local resources within the coastal environment, and the spiritual entities they knew about within areas of significance. In compiling these oral narratives, the remaining customary knowledge was re articulated for contemporary realities. The ecological and cultural survival context was assessed through objective documentary and visual evidence provided by aerial photos and historical photos, from which subjective contextual interpretation was derived. The educational environmental and cultural heritage meetings with external entities helped rebuild collective understandings over complex ecological rehabilitation tasks facing hapu and iwi participants of Ngati Tukorehe. The specific wananga called for taonga species such as harakeke, investigated new sustainable directions for the versatile natural resource with potential to develop renewed, sustainable and beneficial industries. The solutions that emerged from the pilot projects for the lower reaches of the Ohau River, for Hei Whenua Ora ki te HakarilTe Hakari Dune Wetland Restoration Project, included a remnant forest restoration project for eco-sourcing and propagation needs known as Wehipeihana Bush and the development and establishment of the 'native by nature'40 Tikorangi nursery project. The collective understanding of options for ecological restoration was rebuilt by collaborative research projects for wetlands, coastal hydrology and indigenous biodiversi ty. The further co-created solutions to environmental problems were discussed and debated amongst participants of Te Hakari Management Committee meetings 40 'Native by Nature' marketing idea for Tikorangi Nursery was coined by Mr Witana Kamariera, project manager for Te Hakari Dune Wetland Project 2006-. 20 H EI WHENUA ORA (2003-2006)41 and Te Iwi 0 Ngati Tiikorehe Trust, with structural arrangements finalised for tribal entities in 2006. A kete or toolkit employed in research The following table contains a kete or 'woven basket' of research activities that lists and briefly describes the different types of aims, theory, methods and resources employed when executing this research initiative. Table I.I: A summary of, aims, theory, methods and resources associated with the kete employed in this research project Aims Theory Method Resources Focus on Augmented by Oral narratives Visual artworks interdependencies environmental ethics Focus of Recognised localised Whakapapa Digital documentary interrelationships systems of knowledge imaKes Place-based Dialogue Conceptual aids education (metaphor, allegory) Assessments Local knowledge archive Active revitalisation Reports of fragmented ecosystems Co-created Objective solutions documentary and visual evidence Co-intelligence Creation of support strategies of related projects (i.e. people propagation nursery) Encouragement Kaupapa of constructive working relationships Restoration Tikanga of symbiotic relationships Tangible hand's-on activities Re-creating healthy ecosystems Collective planning. Collective decision makinK Knowing of place 41 An Environmental Committee as a branch ofTe Iwi of Ngati TOkorehe Trust was re-established in 2007- CHAPTER ONE 2 1 Articulation and capture of cognitive maps Reasoning Intuition Sharing of perceptions Narrative Consultation Participation Cultural memory Hui Oral interviews Subjective contextual interpretation of visual resources Environmental education Cultural heritage meetings Wananga Collaborative research Contemporary paintings Oral interpretation of visual media Synthesis Complex activities Action research context The tools listed within the kete have primarily emerged from a Maori epistemology of knowledge development. Many of these tools are similar to methods, resources and aims used by western trans-disciplinary researchers. Indeed, trans-disciplinary researchers involved in what they refer to as joint-problem-solving research, also recognise the highly context dependent and dynamic manner in which research methods of this kind are applied.42 As developed throughout the thesis there have been attempts to highlight how the research process has not been linear in nature with a clearly defined starting and end point. This not only reflects a philosophical perspective related to a Maori conception of continuous time, but a deeper respect for the highly dynamic nature of the complex socio-bio-cultural-ecological system that forms the focus of this study. Another important distinction in this research approach follows that a matauranga Maori approach to 42 Barasab Nicolescu, 2005, Transdisciplinarity- Past, Present and Future', Presentation at Second World Congress on Transdisciplinarity, 6th-12th September in Brazil. Soureed from reading material provided for FRST funded research project Ecosystem Services Benefits in Terrestrial Ecosystems Jor Iwi led by Dr Anthony Cole, currently ofTe Wananga 6 Raukawa, Otaki. 22 H EI WH ENUA ORA Figure I.I8: Kaumatua of Ngati Tukorehe in front ofTukorehe meeting house, November 2006 From left to right Standing: Mr Gary Wehipeihana (1943-2006), Mr Eric Gregory, Mr Philip Putu. Back row: Mr Robert Wehipeihana, Mrs Wikitoria Chambers, Mrs Mere Wehipeihana, Mr Martin Wehipeihana, Ms Pirihira Lewis (slighdy obscured) Front row: Mrs Ruhia Martin, Mr Mannix Ruihi, Mrs Carol McDonald, Mrs Sally Meta, Ms Te Rau 0 Te Rangi (Sis) Lewis, Mrs Mary Wehipeihana, Mrs Maire Johns, Mrs Bella Price (1915-2007). Photograph by Richard Anderson science, is not based on the dualistic assumptions of a western scientific epistemology. The distinctions or separation between professional scientist and non-scientific stakeholder, theory and practice, subject and object, start and finish, subjective and objective, past and present are subsumed by an holistic approach that considers a whole-of-person, and a whole-of-system theory of knowing. There is a need to re-engender the role of human interdependencies and inter-relationships43 to each other, to the natural, spiritual and cultural in landscape, and to allow dynamic movement between them. Such thinking is central to a Maori environmental worldview. The potential of local contributors' knowledge about place also gives nse to positive activities that enhance the environmental changes underway at the coast. When kaumatua retold stories of their or their elders' encounters with local taniwha or spiritual guardians, 43 Huhana Smith, 2007, 'Hei Whenua Ora ki Te Hakari Reinstating the Mauri of Valued ecosystems - h istory, lessons and experiences from the Te Hakari Dune Wedand Restoration project', Research report number: HSCI007/0I, for FRST funded research project Ecosystem Services Benefits ill Terrestrial Ecosystems for /wi, through Te Wananga 6 Raukawa and Massey University, Palmerston North. C HAPTER ONE 23 they highlighted a value system based on sustainable resource use and protection of place, in the belief that spiritual entities within specific areas and dialogue around them, guided their practice. Kaumatua were taught to respect resources within the natural environment. Such reciprocated respect for what sustained them as part of the collective are Maori values that have been fundamental in forming principles and guiding philosophies for culturally based sustainable management strategies. Even though research around two complex, concurrent action projects (with a proposed archaeological strategy) underway may be described as pre-mediated, the overall research project results from a series of sequential events and accumulated concerns. In complex reality it is never possible to exhaustively trace out cause and effect relationships. In this way responses to environmental decline were made with the needs of the present within a highly dynamic unfolding Maori worldview, foremost in mind. Due to the complexity of this research, another more personal method was employed based on the creative and artistic intelligence ofNgati Tllkorehe. A series of contemporary paintings provided a metaphorical approach that articulated and communicated the problems of environmental and cultural landscape decline, visually. Many of the site­ specific oil paintings on canvas were supported by the cultural memory of kaumatua, informants and their oral interpretations. Synthesis played an essential role in combining the developments present within the knowledge generated. It is appropriate before the chapter outline, to state what this thesis does not cover. While considerable effort has been dedicated to knowing the extent of ecosystem decline for a revered ancestral landscape, this investigation does not aim to devalue the development and financial accomplishments of Tahamata Incorporation, a successful Maori farming enterprise acting on behalf of its tribal shareholders. The coastal farm has functioned on behalf of shareholders and Tllkorehe marae since 1974. Tahamata was one of the areas named within the coastal landscape of research interest, and when operating under its inherited name, the farm existed upon the former entrepreneurial trading and horticultural activities of ancestors. From 1823 historic cultivations in the region produced kumara and taro, such as the Tutangata-kino44 cultivation, which was situated within a sharp bend in the lower reaches of the Ohau River. Later the extensive gardens produced potatoes introduced by whalers in 1830. From 1839, ancestors dealt in harakeke, pigs and potatoes for the markets appearing in a burgeoning Wellington. By the mid 1840S wheat fields were evident at bush-screened bends in the river, away from the normal fords,45 which was the 44 Recorded by G. Leslie Adkin from Arapata Te Hiwi (1860-1942). Tutangata-kino was a native cropping ground on the lower course of the Ohau River, within a sharp meander or loop. G. Leslie Adkin, 1986, Horowhenua: its Maori place-names & their topographic & historical background, Capper Press: Christchurch, 375· 45 John Rodford Wehipeihana, 1964, Sequent ECOlwlllies in Kuku: A Study 0/ a Rural Landscape in New Zealand, Master of Arts in Geography, Victoria UniverSity: Wellington, 17. 24 H EI WHENUA ORA coach road access way across the Ohau River. In 1974, Tahamata was celebrated as the first Maori farming incorporation in the Horowhenua region that brought shareholders or tribal descendants, and the Tukorehe marae together.46 In continuing the theme of where this thesis does not venture, whakapapa or genealogical information is only provided as context or as essential expressions of whanaungatanga between a wider cosmology, peoples, environmental properties and land. As a vital and respected knowledge and reference system, this thesis does not assume an authoritative voice on behalf of the tribe. Whakapapa systems of understanding complement the more extensive knowledge and research work of recognised tribal and inter-tribal adept. Those particular kaumatua and knowledge holders are mandated to retain a high level of whakapapa understanding, and disseminate it accurately and accordingly from the paepae at Tukorehe marae, across marae of the region and the country. Similarly, and as requested by certain elders, intricate whakapapa knowledge with detailed charts of lateral relationships between peoples, are kept to a minimum. This restriction extended to not pinpointing actual localities of particular taniwha, spiritual entities or sacred areas. A balance between the need to retain knowledge about places, and to be silent about the greater detail, was respected, as there was a general reluctance to disclose too many specifics around certain Maori locations. Finally this thesis is not an exhaustive or definitive record of historical interactions between peoples, the coast and its resources. Everyone who resides in Kuku, who is connected to the area by whakapapa or long-lived experience, carries within them the capacity to remember futures by recalling the past. Chapter Outline Chapter 2 expands on the nature of local Maori knowledge, its foundations, scope, and validity to the research proposition. The methods are expanded, as is the action research strategy that engaged with current global environmental problems, concerns and issues. This approach teased out real world practical issues, or the needs and problems that arose during the development and implementation of practical ecosystem restoration projects. A select series of paintings and documentary photographs are also introduced as a complementary research method or catalyst to action. They detail the natural revitalisation projects and interpret the research data generated. The visual component also explored the ideas of revitalisation, relationships to the natural environment and cultural landscape, and aspects of local tangible and intangible knowledge of place. 46 Personal communication and notes taken in 1995, with Mr Ian Joll, first farming consultant for Tahamata Incorporation. CHAPTER ONE 25 Chapter 3 analyses a Maori environmental worldview and the encompassing acts of kaitiakitanga47 within a customary context. It offers a view into Maori systems of reference like whakapapa and other cultural templates, where potential, creativity and promise are key aspects of Maori customs, values and attitudes. Historical insights into the coastal region explore how iwi and hapu then negotiated a diverse range of meanings, between customary and contemporary Maori environmental world-views and aspirations for change. In dealing with fragmented ecosystems at Kuku and impacts on the human condition, what might a Maori customary and contemporary continuum actually mean within an agriculturally modified environment? How are intricate relationships to areas retained, maintained and sustained for hapu, for their mana, identity, and activities in the present, when only remnant natural references remain? Chapter 4 examines a range of site-specific observations and the additional visual information about significant place within cultural landscape that re-emerged as part of the oral archive research process. The chapter explains a cultural landscape approach within a braided cultural landscape concept or the notion of knowing place and peoples' place within it, as informed by both Maori and non-Maori recollections of encounter and change within lands, waterways and peoples. It is well recognised that there has been loss of intricate tribal knowledge and disassociation to cultural or heritage landscape wrought by overriding economic purposes. There have been detrimental effects on known burial grounds, original occupation areas and significant springs, and unmitigated forces on other cultural markers . This chapter develops a bio-cultural diversirt8 concept that recognises inter-linkages between linguistic, cultural and biological diversity. It then explains how iwi and hapu have built upon the notion of bio-cultural diversity in landscape, to assist their movement towards alleviating ecosystem decline, and ancestral landscape degeneration. Chapter 5 overviews key governmental attempts to protect Maori heritage, natural and cultural landscapes in Aotearoa New Zealand. The chapter interweaves some national attempts such as the Historic Heritage Review 1996, the Taonga Maori Review 1998, the Historic Heritage Think Tank of 2003, to the later concept of heritage landscape. Domestic legislation and key policies are a way of aligning iwi capacity with a national good, however the shifts and changes in political decisions often mean that iwi and hapu must envisage, catalyse, activate, and realise the challenges of ecosystem restoration and ancestral landscape protection, with strategies they devise for their unique regions, for themselves. 47 M. Roberts, W. Norman, N. Minhinnick, D. Wihongi, & c. Kirkwood, 1995, 'Kaitaikitanga: Maori perspectives on conservation', Pacific Conservation Biology, Vol. 2, 8. 48 Tove Skutnall-Kangas, 2000, Linguistic Genocide in Educatiol1- or Worldwide Diversity and Human Rights? Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc: Mahwah, New Jersey, 65. 26 H EI WHENUA ORA Chapter 6 documents the implementation of the practical projects, where the case studies emerge as solutions for the lower reaches of Ohau River to sea and other braided waterways; and for Te Hakari dune wetland restoration. The case studies synthesised the research results, explored the likely causes of bias and conflict, the validity of research assumptions, the problems associated with measuring and recording results and how they were dealt with. As the governing and administrative body for all Tukorehe providers, Te Iwi 0 Ngati Tukorehe Trust is also described as the overarching entity dedicated to ensuring that its environmental and cultural landscape arm creates distinct, well-planned, locally based programmes for all environmental activities within the tribal region . Chapter 7 overviews relevant international law and standard formation around cultural heritage support and protection. In particular the ILO Convention No 169, the Declaration of Indigenous Peoples Rights deliberation and the Millennium Assessment 2000 launched in 2005 , are aligned with key prespectives from entities with environmental responsibilities. Chapter 8 discusses the methods applied and the development of sustainably managed tribal economic bases within a wider bio-cultural diversity protection perspective. It expands on the community coming together for the purpose of healing interrelationships to the natural environment, for enhancing valued natural assets handed down generations within tribal place, and for maintaining and sustaining cohesiveness with each other. The chapter summarises the range of activities undertaken that emphasise the difference that iwi and hapu can make in protecting and enhancing cultural landscape and biodiversity, according to their local schema. Esoteric knowledge experts would reinforce that Maori carry within them all that is required to heal, as the concept of land and its importance lies in people's heads49 and hearts. In drawing together like-minded iwi and hapu representatives, and committed others, ecosystem restoration activities reiterated that the wairua of Paparuanuku50 is within people. In revitalising and retaining improved local 49 Paul Moon, 2003, Tobunga Hobepa Kereopa, David Ling Publishing Ltd: Auckland, 123. 50 PapahHinuku is the ultimate mother, the nurturing earth for humankind. CHAPTER ON E Figure I.I9: Ma Runga Tereina / By Train, 2003 Oil on canvases, 457mm x 3658 mm. Collection of artist 27 understandings about place and resources, all activities have indicated how important whakakotahitanga or coming together with one accord has been. Ways of knowing place and knowing your place within it From 1995, local people began to earnestly address their concerns and actively reinforce inter-generational responsibilities to tribal locale for the sake of future generations . As active participants became increasingly aware of the issues facing the region's unique environmental and spiritual values, Te Hakari dune wetland's progress became the vehicle or hub for other physical, environmental, economlC and cultural welfare projects. During the course of developing the research further, other forms of knowing helped guide the investigation, which could only be regarded as acquired experiences. One particular experience was had on the IQ November 2001, the evening of the annual general meeting for the Tahamata Incorporation. Te Hakari wetland proposal, first presented that day, sought Tahamata Figure 1.20: Ma Runga Tereina / By Train, 2003 Oil on canvas, 457mm x 457mm . Canvas from series of eight showing red ruru or owl in green grass. Collection of artist Board and shareholder support to covenant the area through Nga Whenua Rahui, a contestable Ministerial fund established in 1991 to help activate the objectives of the 2 8 HE I WHENUA ORA Indigenous Forest Policy.s1 Te Hakari wetland presentation was well discussed, before it was approved for the covenant to proceed with almost unanimous Board and shareholder support. That evening, a special visit affirmed all initial actions taken for Te Hakari dune wetland and its associated ecosystems within the coastline. On twilight, a ruru or pehos2 flew into the backyard and landed on a pole overlooking the vegetable garden. This ideal perch was situated not far from the back door of a late r880s cottage, originally built for tohunga Heremia Terapata Rangitawhia.s3 The ruru has long been considered kaitiaki or guardian for immediate and extended whanau in the region. Many an immediate whanau story vouched for the abilities of the ruru to guide, to look out for personal safety, to warn, to avert dangers, and to signal imminent death especially if encountered or heard screeching during the day. On this calm evening the ruru was a silent and knowing presence, and was addressed with appropriate respect. It was intuitively felt that the ruru embodied an ancestral interest in the work towards ecosystem restoration for tribally significant areas. In relating the visit to key elders the next morning, the ruru was read as an endorsement of all the collective, organisational effort made to launch Te Hakari Dune Wetland Restoration project, the first major rehabilitation development for a site well regarded as taonga under threat. At that moment of encounter in November 2001, the ruru was understood as a symbol of ancestral encouragement to embark on the restoration of key ecological systems for the enhancement of a local Maori community, their relationships with the natural and cultural landscape, and their interpersonal relationships with each other. The sanction was there to proceed well but to do so cautiously. 5' In 1998 the scope of the fund was widened to include non-forest ecosystems.lhe purpose of the fund is to protect indigenous ecosystems on Maori land that represent the full range of natural diversity originally presenting the landscape by providing incentives for voluntary conservation.lhe fund, administered by the Nga Whenua Rahui Committee and serviced by the Department of Conservation, receives an annual allocation of funds from Government. For further objectives of New Zealand Indigenous Forest Policy see Appendix V. 52 morepork [Nillox lIovaesee/alldiaej 53 Heremia Terapata Rangitawhia (186,-1937) was also known as Gerry Rangitawhia. With Arapata Te Hiwi (,860-1942 ) they were key informants for Lesley Adkin. C HAPTER T W O "Why i s constructive change so excruciatingly slow? Why do we need to reinvent the wheel with every new study? When the critical issues for iwi, hapu and councils have already been spelled out a dozen times, why do we need further surveys and analysis before we can move forward? Why not just get on with it?" 1 Method and Methodological Considerations Action Research and Visual Components The research for this thesis explored how iwi and hapu-Ied initiatives for ecological systems encouraged collective movement towards constructive change, so that tribal knowledge and interrelationships between peoples, in their broadest sense, might be enhanced, and aspects of the natural environment might be restored. Current research in this subject area is limited. There have been other regional projects that investigated pro-active strategies based on local knowledge for assessing and rehabilitating stream ecosystems, addressing the depleted state of eel stocks in wetlands and waterways from Manawatli to Horowhenua, and to Kapiti coastal regions2 conducted through Te Wananga 0 Raukawa, Otaki.3 There are however, few resources that support the range of active strategies attempted within Kuku, Horowhenua. There are complex needs for disjointed ecosystems and their impacts on tribal lands and peoples. A number of Maori scholars and indigenous scholars have written in recent times on holistic approaches to cultural and natural landscape maintenance. Their contributions are considered in relation to how hapu and iwi of Ngati Tukorehe have revitalised and developed their own knowledge, directions and methods in a context that builds on the characteristics of a Maori environmental world view. The approaches and activities used by hapu participants from Ngati Te Rangitawhia, Te Mateawa and Ngati Kapumanawawhiti ki Kuku and iwi, Ngati Tukorehe, to restore, revitalise and protect remaining natural and cultural features within tribal land, sea and waterways, assisted in dealing with the operational and theoretical complexity of the research problem. Ronda Cooper, 2002, the importance if monsters: A decade if RMA debate, Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment te Kaitiaki Taiao a te Whare Paremata: Wellington, 15. 2 The area covered was from from Bulls to Otaki. Ngati Raukawa researchers Mr Caleb Royal and Mr Pataka Moore received Foundation for Research Science and Technology research funds to assess state of eel stocks across a tribal region. The three pronged project involved collecting narratives from elders about the customary eel resource, assessing current stocks and habitats and producing a management plan for the lower North Island region. 3 0 HEI WH ENUA ORA Figure 2 .1 (top): An overview of the Kuku region looking towards the mountains Key signifiers in the Kuku landscape include Otarere hill with marae in foreground on left; the Tararua mountain range rising behind; Poroporo ridgeline on the right across to Wehipeihana Bush remnant on the far right ridgeline. The 1880'S cottage and studio are located below the large Cool Store shed in background. Panoramic photograph by Huhana Smith, 200S Figure 2.2 (above): An overview of dune systems, across the dynamic Ohau River estuary to sea. Panoramic photograph by Huhana Smith, 24 April 2007 As tribal members had once been in full dialogue with what Kuku and its natural resources had to teach,4 their distinct and close relationships with place allowed for a knowing of all aspects of the environment, ranging from the rational to transcendental,S to the immanent. As the ruru experience highlighted, many accounts of such relationships recognised a spiritual, philosophical and metaphysical attitude that was often beyond the material world. While having conversations with family kaitiaki or guardian birds may appear esoteric to the uninitiated, in a local, rural community with a long-term Maori presence, such relationships between the human, natural or spiritual entities were experienced and expected. These stories of encounter were acknowledged as 'messages' or 'signs' to be heeded as guides in life, even for Tukorehe tribal members growing up in a farming community in a small southern rural district of Savernake in southern New 4 Mter Manulani Aluli Meyer, 2003, Ho'oulu Our Time of Becoming: Hawaiian Epistemology and Early Writings, 'Ai Pohaku Press Native Books: Hawai', 63. ibid, 63· CHAPTER TWO 3 1 South Wales, Australia. The region was a close physical equivalent of the semi-isolated, small community rural life of Kuku, Horowhenua. The writer's mother and aunt> living in Australia offered stories of their grandparents and great-grandparents, other relations and their own experiences back in Kuku.Their stories of ancestral deeds or related exploits of aunts or uncles, grandparents, even great grandparents and great-great grandparents, revealed intriguing traits of authority, leadership and humility. Furthermore, their simple stories of guardian birds as protector, cultural indicator or ancestral guardian, fuelled an imagination for an alternative belief system where the material and spiritual were entwined - a way of knowing in dream or waking state, which had long been considered important for the extended family. When the ruru visited the cottage just after the launch of Te Hakari dune wetland restoration project, much energy had already gone into developing the environmental projects, with future plans signalled for the hapu and iwi enhancing and managing the whole Kuku coastline as a natural buffer and community asset. 6 The writer's mother Nerta Smith (nee Holder) was born in 1929 as the fourth child of Arthur Herbert Holder (1898-1971) and Parewai Wehipeihana (1900-1948). Moana Kathleen Lloyd (nee Holder) was born in 1922, the first child of Arthur and Parewai. Aunty Nonie as she was known, passed away in 1997. The s isters had moved to Australia in the mid 1950S. As Aunty Nonie could more readily afford to travel back to New Zealand than her sister Nerra, she visited her father, step mother Kuini Holder and grandparents Rameka (Tumekel (1870-1969) and Ani Wehipeihana (nee Richardsonl (1878-1975), more frequently. 32 H EI WHENUA O RA This chapter expands on the nature of similar local Maori knowledge In Kuku, its foundations, state, scope, and validity to the research proposition. The research methods are then explained as complex activities within an action research strategy. The research methods teased out the needs and problems that arose during the development and implementation of ecosystem restoration projects . Research and action for ecosystems were well integrated so that change was considered an integral part of the process.7 As action research is cyclical, the process involved feeding back into the initial findings in order to generate further possibilities for change. This activity was present in the regular committee of management meetings held from June 2003- May 2006 where many tasks were addressed and readdressed against the initial objectives of the Te Hakari dune wetland project. The strategy encouraged active participation with each partcipant setting out to positively initiate change and reinstate integrity to ecosystems in decline. In doing so, many reclaimed a greater sense of ownership and direction over tribal place particularly at the coast and the decisions required for protection and rehabilitation of the environment. A series of contemporary paintings completed during the initial course of studies, are also introduced in this chapter. They are included as metaphorical approaches that helped articulate and communicate the problems of environmental and cultural landscape decline, through a visual medium. Many of the site-specific oil paintings on canvas were inspired by the experience, cultural memory and oral interpretations from kaumatua and other informants about tribal place, and the need to protect related cultural signifiers for future generations. Methodology: Understanding Maori knowledge At Kuku, as certain knowledge about entities within a spirit world remained in the cultural memory of elders and others, their experiences supported the position that Maori continued to believe that certain trees, or spots, or other objects had guardian spirits dwelling there. According to Maori scholars, this did not mean that the spirit was the spirit of the tree. Rather a spirit could use a tree or place, a river, or even a person as a 'home'.8 Certain kaitiaki may be described as tribal taniwha or spiritual entities or beings, ancestral guardians or other local spiritual keepers.9 Local kaitiaki, taniwha or guardian entities took various forms at the coast and further inland in other waterways traversing Kuku. The taniwha ranged from an inverted log with exposed roots that could move upstream and indicated an abundance of kaimoana, a taniwha in an area known as 'The Deep' in a 7 Martyn Denscombe, 2003, the Good Research Guide -for small-scale social research projects, Open UniverSity Press, Maidenhead, Berkshire, England, 74. 8 Rev. Maori Marsden, 2003, in the Woven Universe - Selected writings 0/ Rev. Maor; Marsden, (ed.) Te Ahukaramu Charles Royal, Estate of Rev. Maori Marsden, Te Wananga 0 Raukawa: Otaki, 44. 9 Merata Kawharu, 1998, Dimensions 0/ Kaitiakitanga: An investigation 0/ a customary Moori principle 0/ Resource Management, Unpublished PhD. Thesis in Social Anthropology, Oxford University, England, 12. C HAPTER TWO 33 bend in the Ohau RiverlO to a flounder with specific facial features. Other taniwha were a fresh water crayfish in particular waterways or a large eel that cried out at times of weather disturbances at sea from its wetland homeY Some informants knew of the dangers of the last three and spoke of experiences with the wailing eel as a sure sign of danger - a portent that the adjacent beach environs would be imminently unsafe for humans, due to tidal­ like waves coming to shore.12 The inverted taniwha log moves with roots exposed along the south-west coast and comes up the Ohau River. When sighted it indicated an abundance of kaimoana or seafood. Although there were reported sightings at Otaki beach in late I990S, local Tukorehe elders who had experienced this taonga insisted that the taniwha was only shared by coastal hapu ofTukorehe and hapu of linked tribes in the Wairapapa. What was described or experienced at Otaki beach was not the kaitaiki the elders knew. As in Kuku, probably every tribe, sub-tribe and family had their kaitiaki, each with special stories about them and the signs by which they were recognised.13 Taunahanahatanga is another way of knowing place based on intial encounters with land, through naming and claiming, recorded events or circumstances at times of critical encounter. The term refers also to the experience of occupying, associating and interacting with lands. In talking further with key kaumatua, certain metaphors were used to ground the tribally based self-determined, cultural and environmental landscape model for the coastal region. In looking to the notion of knowing place, Mrs Maire Rahapa Rehia J ohns14 explained her understanding of how the region came to be named. She referred to 'Kuku' as the action of'holding fast' to what was considered valuable or important. She actioned a closed fist movement and explained that as child and young woman, local tohunga both Heremia Terapata Rangitawhia (1861-1937) and Arapata Te Hiwi (1860-1942) relayed stories of a tree log in the upper reaches of the Kuku stream, near the foothills of the Tararua ranges . The log was in the shape of a person with branches crossed in front, like arms. The branches terminated in fist-like nodules, indicating a closed fist, not in domination but as an incentive for 'kia mau, kia u ki 6 tatou taonga, holding on to, holding fast to what we have' - the signifiers or identifiers still present within the region of Kuku. In another recorded conversation Matehaere Patuaka (1927-1997) , a respected elder and local mentor, also explained how he understood Kuku got its name. As a great-grandson 10 Based on information transferred from Karanama Lewis to Neil Candy, local non-Maori farmer. Personal communication with Mr Neil Candy, 5 September 2005. II As requested by informants and other community members, greater details of these entities have been restricted. 12 Based on personal communication with Mrs Rita Tawhai and Mrs Maire Johns, in 2002 and 2005 about a tidal wave incident at Kuku Beach which happened in the 1960s while people were out white baiting. 13 Cleve Barlow, 1991, Tikanga Whakaaro: Key concepts in Maor; culture, Oxford University Press: Auckland, 35. 14 The youngest child ofWhareao Seymour and Delia Richardson. Delia was a younger sister to Ani Wehipeihana (nee Richardson) who was the writer's great grandmother. 34 H Er WH ENUA ORA of Patuaka Tauehe,15 he maintained that 'Kuku' was a name bestowed upon the region based upon the action of a bivalve shellfish closing tightly. With his palm facing upward he too imitated the closed fist action, akin to the closing of a shell. He emphasised that this action was related to law making, or 'the deal done' when the fist closed. 'Kuku' in a localised context not only referred to the mussel shell!6 or the native pigeon!7 but to the verb 'kuku', as an act. At the time of our conversation he recounted how: "Kuku was because of when they were making laws in the area here. All of these people were involved in that law making. The government of the day came here, to keep in their own mind that the law was how the people wanted the law to be. So, in the Maori terms they used the word 'kuku', in fact it was a clenched fist, to say yes, that the way it is . . . kuku. So that's what kuku meant here . . . and they had a marae out there past your grandfather's1 8 place . . . and they called that the Kuku marae . . . where the law was made to appease the Maoris, that this is how it was going to be."!9 Kuku papa kainga was most likely occupied by Tukorehe affiliates from around 1852 into the I870s. There is understanding that the occupation of this place and other nearby areas were long and continuous before hapu of Tukorere usurped tribal ownership. The meeting referred to by Mr Matehaere Patuaka at site may have coincided with the series of Ngati Raukawa Kingite gatherings at Katihiku and at Pukekaraka in Otaki from June to September 1863. These meetings discussed a range of issues from the advisability of sending war parties to fight at Waitara or Tataraimaka, Taranaki, to empathising with Te Atiawa tribes over the brewing land war troubles, to the concerns had for Hauhau activities in Whanganui. The local narrative mentioned by Matehaere at Kuku papa kaianga may have had associations with then local government agencies' concerns over who supported the Maori Kingitanga movement. At Pukekaraka the 'Kingite flag fluttered in defiance for the Qyeen's law' and Kingite's there 'made their own laws and drilled their own soldiers 15 Patuaka Tauehe was the tohunga whakairo or carver responsible for the ancestral meeting-house 'Tiikorehe' 1892-1894 at Kuku, south of Levin. The conversation with Uncle Mat took place in 1995 at their home in Kuku with his wife Moana Tutaki, Yvonne Wilson and Museum Studies student, Ross Bythell present. 16 'Kuku' is also the name for sea-mussel, but this does not apply, for the district has a sand beach. 111ere were, and are no 'rock­ shell-fish' (e.g. paua, mussel and the like) on the sandy Kuku coast. Quote taken from John Rodford Wehipeihana, 1964, Sequell/ Economies in Kuku: A Study of a Rural Landscape in New Zealand, Master of Arts in Geography, Victoria University, Wellington, 30b. 17 G. Leslie Adkins, 1948, Horowhenua: its Maori Place Names and their Topographic and Historical Place Names, Department of Internal Affairs: Wellington, 200. 18 Arthur Herbert Holder (1898-1971), husband ofParewai Wehipemana (1900-1948), eldest child of Rameka [Tumeke] (1870-1969) and Ani Wehipemana [nee Richardsonl (1878-1975). Ani Richardson was the eldest child of Unaiki Keremihana, (formerly of Kuku, Otaki and Ohakea, near Bulls) and Thomas Fraser Richardson of Bulls. 19 This contextual information was sought from The Estate ofW.W.Carkeek, 2004, 1he Kapit; Coast: Maori History and Place Names of the Paekakariki-Otaki District, Reed: Wellington, 134-141. C HAPTER TWO Figure 2.3: Kuku urupa in distance adjacent to Kidd family farmhouse, October 2005. Photograph by Huhana Smith 35 in defiance of Government authority.'2o According to other stories by Mr Mataharere Patuaka and Mr Hare Hemi Wehipeihana (Uncle Windy), the carved poutokomanawa or central heart support pole in Tukorehe meeting house was dedicated to historic ways of law making where people had to listen to how 'laws' were being made in the region. Tohunga whakairo Patuaka Tauehe presented carved ancestors with their hands clasping their necks so as not to speak, with heads cocked to one side as a bird does, as if listening intently to how the laws were being made by Maori in the region. They also talked about the carved image of Potatau Te Wherowhero, the first Maori King. He is featured inside the ancestral meeting house on the poutuarongo or back wall support panel. This indicated how significant Ngati Tukorehe support for the Kingitanga was when the house was built and carved from 1892 and opened in 1894.21 I n garnering more about taunahanahatanga, the marae that Matehaere referred to "out there past your grandfather's place"22 was known as Kuku papa kainga. It was an inland settlement for Ngati Tukorehe, occupied from around 1852 to the late 1870S within a large ancestral block of 5245 acres that was surveyed and apportioned as Ohau No 3, in 1873.23 Kuku papa kainga was a thriving unfortified settlement with pear and apple orchards and other extensive cultivations adjacent to where the current Kuku Beach Road continues to the river beach. It was situated around the Kuku to Mangananao, Tikorangi confluence of streams. It was a well-managed area rich with local resources including fresh water species such as banded kokopu [ Galaxias fasciatus] , Giant kokopu [ Galaxias argentus] , inanga [ Galaxias maculatus] in both adult and juvenile, or whitebait forms [ Galaxiasfasciatus] , and tuna or eel [Anguilla diejJenbachii] shellfish and fresh water koura or freshwater crayfish [Paranephrops planifronsJ . The pa was adjacent to the contiguous dune lake system down the coast, an area most likely linked to a larger Te Hakari dune wetland. 20 ibid, 136. 21 Based on personal communications with both informants since 1993. 22 Grandfather was Arthur Herbert Holder (1898-1971), husband of Parewai Wehipeihana (1900-1948). 23 Taken from Certificate of Title under the Land Transfer Act dated 27 August 1889. It was from 7 May 1873 that the parcel of land was surveyed and comprised 5245 acres, one road, seventeen perches siruated in the provincial district of Wellington, known as Ohau No. 3. The district is on the public map of Block Waitohu Survey District and Blocks V and IX Waiopehu Survey District, depOSited in the office of the Chief Surveyor of Wellington. 36 Tasman Sea / - "�.'.;'- ..... / • - I .. + H EI WH ENUA O RA I _h)' _ __ _ _ . I Figure 2.4: Section of waterways map taken from the Ohau Manakau River Scheme Catchment area, showing highlighted stream systems and springs, despite being called drains in places. Horizons Regional Council, Palmerston North CHAPTER TWO 3 7 Figures 2 .5 and 2.6: Meeting held a t iukorehe pa, with Masters student M s Paula Loader, key Tahamata representatives, Te Hakari Management Committee, and kaitiaki students from Patumakuku, a private training establishment, based in Levin. Photograph by Huhana Smith,June 2003 As indigenous scholarship informed the research experience, the 'verb-centred' or possible metaphorical naming of Kuku aligned with other observations made by indigenous scholars on the rights and legal regimes around indigenous knowledge and heritage.24 These scholars made it clear that certain introduced structures and methods of logical entailment and causality could not unravel indigenous processes of knowing. To this end, they regarded indigenous peoples' worldviews as cognitive maps of particular ecosystems.25 As indigenous, customary or traditional knowledge is rooted in local culture, the knowledge is a source of 'knowing' cosmology as inseparable from the 'multiple tasks of living well in a specific place over a long period of time.'26 In advocating certain elders' interpretations of place according to what had been transposed to them or garnered from their own cognitive maps of reasoning, intuition and perception over time, 'kuku' may be regarded as a localised metaphor for kaitiakitanga or active guardianship, by holding fast to integral tribal relationships to land. In this context, indigenous ideas towards ecological sustainability supported systems that were location-specific, where experiences about place were arrived at through unique relationships between particular social and ecological arrangemen ts. Ecosystem revitalisation relied on the potential that remained within local knowledge about place, and how its contributions could ensure ways towards environmental change for tribal land holdings. When elders retold stories of encounters with local taniwha, 24 Dr. Marie Battiste &James Youngblood Henderson, 2000, Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and Heritage, Purich Publishing Ltd, S askatchewan, Canada, 40. 25 ibid,40. 26 Madhu Suri Prakash, [999, "Indigenous Knowledge Systerns- Ecological Literacy 1hrough Initiation into People's Science", in Semali L. M. & Kincheloe ). L. (eds.). What is indigenous Knowledge? Voices/rom the Academy, indigenous Knowledge and Schooling Series, Falmer Press: New York, [66. 38 HEI WHENUA O RA spiritual guardians or the protocols observed around special places, they highlighted a value system that spoke volumes in terms of respectful interactions with the natural and cultural environment. Quite simply, concurrent respect that sustained resources sustained the collective. As Maori values are fundamental for forming principles and guiding philosophies for culturally based sustainable development,27 the practical environmental projects helped re-edify closer relationships with lands and waterways. In this way too, current generations re-enhanced their understanding about how significant the cultural landscape they were dealing with, actually was. Ahi kii: Understanding activity As a Maori person's identity is closely linked to both place and ancestry, tenure rights of a Maori community are equated with occupation over many generations a state known as ahi ka or the keeping of metaphorical home fires burning on the land. In this way tribal places have been identified with the deeds of ancestors, frequently recalled in local place names, and knowledge of the landscape and resources of the ancestral estate. Imbued within this world-view was a sense of custodial occupation, that the environment should be maintained in a fit state for the next generations to come.28 If custodians in tribal areas did not maintain a relationship with land, they risked losing ownership rights, ahi ka was extinguished. 'Their relationship to land could become ahi tere29 or unstable. If more time elapsed the absent owner's rights of occupation could become ahi mataota030 or the cold or extinguished fire. To extinguish use rights by ahi ka custom, the rights of ownership had to be absent for about three generations. 'The absent owner(s) had to reach a point of no return, before their fires became mataotao. He, she or they could rekindle an ahi tere fire and thus their relationship to lands and resources, by returning to live in the tribal area. 'This meant that some balance was required between new owners and others who lost their rights.3! In Kuku, a legacy of Maori land fragmentation juxtaposed with the complexities of tribal land succession (that may have excluded family members from collective titles) eroded once robust or intricate genealogical relationships between related peoples. In the development of this study, resulting tensions over contested genealogies or variances 27 Carth Harmsworth, 2002, Preservation of Ancient Cultures and the Globalisation Scenario, School of Maori and Pacific Development and International Centre for Cultural Studies (ICCS), India 22-24 November 2002. Te Whare Wananga 0 Waikato, University ofWaikato, Hamilton, 5. Carth Harmsworth, 2003, Maori perspectives on Kyoto Policy: Interim Results Reducing Greenhouse Gas Emissions from the Terrestrial Biosphere (C09X02I2), Discussion Paper for Policy Agencies, Landcare Research Manaaki Whenua, Palmerston North. 28 Evelyn Stokes, 2004, 'Contesting Resources Maori, Pakehii, and a Tenurial Revolution', in Pawson, E & Brooking, T., Environmental Histories of New Zealand, Oxford University Press: Melbourne, 36. 29 Toitu Te Whenua, 1959, 'The Struggle Against Fragmentation', Te Ao Hou, No 28, 43. 30 ibid,43- 31 ibid,43· CHAPTER TWO 3 9 i n versions o f events around peoples' relationship to lands were witnessed. These long­ standing grievances saw whanau pitted against whanau, with legal challenges taken through the Maori Land Court. It has been noted that if pollution, contamination or desecration impacted on the mauri or life vitality of revered places within the natural environment, then this influenced the communities who were reliant on the land, often manifesting in disquiet, disunity or fragmentation amongst peoples. 32 During the course of these studies the decline in the mauri or environmental health of a region, was perceived as a source of manifested dysfunction between related peoples. In a customary context where whakapapa was the essential expression of whanaungatanga between a wider cosmology, peoples, environmental properties and lands, all entities are therefore interrelated and interdependent. Even though a whakapapa reference system orders and makes sense of such a complex mix of familial relationships, kaitiaki had to actively address the disjuncture experienced between genealogically related peoples . It is therefore incumbent on kaitiaki to protect cultural landscape, resources and the natural environment, to ameliorate the effects of pollution over the state of land health and ease the difficulties experienced between whanau and hapu members over land tenure. While the dynamics of whanau relationships will impact on decision-making and longer term planning, this thesis has been primarily concerned with wider hapu and community action. Within the residual pumahara or recollections of kaumatua there resided a sense of place based on the distinct and special, cultural and natural environment. As resource users' relationships with natural resources developed over time, an understanding and learning came from that relationship. Through the teaching of essential everyday tasks as day-to­ day activities, individuals and families learnt through observation and practical experience the skills essential to the welfare of people.33 They referred to a system, which codified knowledge according to its relatedness to environmental and life issues. To this day however, only some kaumatua or resource gatherers retain memories of seasonal food collection practices and the protocols they associate with them. When fishing at the coast, they were guided by the maramataka or Maori lunar calendar and associated star observations. They dried and stored shark, shellfish and eel. They distributed fresh fish after 'hauling' to feed the elderly and the community. They showed their manaaki or care to their visitors, represented by plentiful local catches or gathered delicacies at the 32 Derived from a presentation by Professor Robert Jahnke, 2005 for Taonga Tuku Iha: Heritage Aotearoa paper, Massey University, Palmerston North. 33 Waitangi Tribunal, '999, "Maori Education In New Zealand: A Historical Overview," 7he Uiinanga Capital Establishment Report, Waitangi Tribunal, GP Publications, GP Print: Wellington, New Zealand. URL http://www.waitangi-tribunaLgovt.nz/reporrs/viewchapter.asp ?reportI D� 3ge, 3093 -2f4d -497' -acao-28e8n 57275S&c hapter�4 40 H EI WHENUA ORA marae. Kaumatua and key resource users realised the loss and disappearance of the once bountiful fish, animal and shellfish supplies. This was especially evident when 'the cut' or river diversion went through, near the dynamic mouth of the Ohau River, which had associated impacts on its adjacent blind creek.34 Elders, including Harold Rowland (1915- 2001) spoke of life long interests in waterways and their resources, and a desire that one day the whole coastline would be protected from inappropriate use.35 'I have fished at the mouth of the Ohau River for as long as I can remember. My grandmother was Maraara Koronlria36 . . . There were middens out on the corner of the river you can see the shells really high up . . . and where Maori used to heat rocks Figure 2.T Peraro, or freshwater oyster. to cook them. The peraro was the Maori oyster and we used to get it often, but since the 'cut', I think it has disappeared. But who knows it may still be somewhere. The Blind Creek is where it used to be.'37 Addressing the methods As part of co-created solutions for taking action in Kuku, dialogue and consultation with kaumatua and other resource users was initiated by collating their residual knowledge about remaining biodiversity in the region. The archive recorded views of elders, hapu representatives and other community members about their relationships with lands, waterways and resources. In capturing aspects of their pl1mahara of place about the Kuku south-western coastal region, the collated knowledge became the foundation on which to actively rebuild relationships with the natural environment and fragmented ecosystems. As people recalled vital information, their accounts inspired hands-on ecosystem projects to restore the natural features and qualities within ancestral landscapes. Not all kaumatua had an intimate relationship or in depth knowledge of the cultural significance in the coastal plain, but some did. What expressions remained were collated into a tribal silent file38, kept safe for people of the area. Some informants also offered experiences about Maori gardening and orchards at whanau homesteads that Kuku was once renowned for. Like customary food gathering, these recollections about natural food production also centred on the purpose of feeding, nurturing and sustaining peoples with 34 Lucas Associates, 1998, Kuku - Ohau Ecological Situation and Opportunities in the Lower River- Preliminary Notes, 6. 35 Personal communication with Harold and Joy Rowland's daughter, Mrs Pauline Moffat. 36 Daughter of tohunga Koroniria and T uruhira of Manakau (Koroniria may also have been referred to as Koronlria Rangiwhakaripa, a son of warrior chief Rangiwhakaripa and Mirika Powhirihau.). 37 Henry Perenara, 1996, I've Been 7hinking- Wetlands, Aquacultllre, Kaumtitua Flats, Kia Mohio- Kia Mamma Information is Knowledge, Knowledge is Power, Discussion Paper for Tokorehe Marae Committee. 38 A silent file refers to a body of information that is not disseminated to the general public. It is a file of restricted knowledge about sites that are kept safe for tribal members to access. CHAPTER TWO 41 home-grown, healthy produce. One informant spoke of the extensive orchard around her grandparents' family homestead.39 "Well, Grandpa always used to say, you've got to grow things that you can eat. . . you can never eat flowers, but you can eat the fruit. [At the homestead in Kuku my grandparents] had 3 orange trees . . . five different kinds of lemons, peaches, apples and plums by the mile, all different kinds . . . and quinces . . . [They had] huge apricots, beautiful apricots . . . sweet as! We used to have Christmas dinner under the apricot tree every year . . . the apricots would be coloured but they'd be still sour and he wouldn't let us touch them. He said, "You can eat as many as you like when they're ripe, but you're not going to take a bite out them and then throw them away." And, you see, they'd be coloured then. It was a huge tree and we used to get millions off it."40 Co-created directions for taking action This thesis addresses the environmental and associated human wellbeing issues that have accumulated for the region. Collective awareness about the impacts on waterway health at the coast to sea, the loss of understanding and respect about significant cultural place in landscape or the concerns over dysfunctional relationships between related peoples was amplified. The once significant contiguous dune wetland to the Waikawa River with its reduced vitality for local indigenous fishes, eel resources, invertebrate, bird life and weaving resources, catalysed kaitiaki to take action. Kaitiaki developed local Maori knowledge and how it might possibly contribute to improving the environmental conditions for lands and waterways, all the while re-enhancing iwi and hapii interrelationships, that re-nurtured community wellbeing. In I996, a local healing group called Te Raukawakawa 0 Te Ora, affiliated to the Ikaroa region of Maori traditional healers and Otarere Limited41 instigated the first rounds of necessary dialogue around ecosystem decline in the coastal region. Their work began to reveal why local Maori and indigenous symbiotic relationships to the natural and cultural environment were important, and why local peoples' previous interdependency and relationship with the natural environment had to be revitalised for ultimate cultural, 39 1his narrative referred to the home ofTumeke and Ani Wehipeihana who lived on ancestral land, diagonally opposite the marae in a family homestead, off what is now State H ighway One. While the house and orchard were removed in the mid 1980s, the account from Mrs Ruhia Martin (1924-) as the eldest generational descendant of her grandparents remaining, recalled the experience of successive Christmases where about forty immediate whanau members converged at the homestead to prepare and partake of dinner under the apricot tree.1his event continued from when Ruhia was a child to well after having a family of her own. Like other Maori homes in the district, the whanau homestead was well remembered for its gardens and orchard. 40 Mrs Ruhia M artin's oral account on many subjects enhanced the understanding about a whanau locale once dedicated to healthy produce for healthy eating for a healthy whanau and tribal others. While Mrs Martin was forced to a wheelchair by stroke in 1999, at 83 in 2007 she still tended her garden, propagated plants and fruit trees for future orchards being returned to Kuku. 41 A local family business enterprise based around Maori Arts and Crafts in Kuku. 42 H EI WHENUA ORA spiritual and physical health. This healing group (supported by interested others) began to develop plans and visions for the potential and future management of the lower reaches of the Ohau River. As greater detail generated around the Ohau River's 'loop', there were concerns about the serious decline in water quality and the ongoing biodiversity loss within the former river meander on Tahamata farm. From the activities of healers and environmentally minded others, an opportunity arose to commission a report that combined those initial conversations or worries about decline and loss of vitality, with necessary investigation conducted by external specialists. The commissioned report aimed to establish protected areas of indigenous flora and fauna in the lower Ohau River region; investigate ways towards regeneration, revegetation and reforestation of areas; look towards protection of areas of cultural significance, and seek ways to safeguard against the removal of Maori natural resources, particularly rongoa species without prior knowledge or participation of local Maori.42 The group of active participants used further co-intelligence strategies to develop a valuable document that forged ways towards new strategies for ecological rehabilitation in the tribal coastal region. The outcome was a user-friendly Kuku-Ohau Situation and Opportunities in the Lower Reaches of the Ohau River: Preliminary Notes report by Figure 2.8 : Lower reaches of Ohau River to Sea. Aerial photograph by Lawrie Cairns, Palmerston orth. Image produced for Horiwns.mw Regional Council, 2005 42 Derived from the objectives of research funding application to Lottery Environment and Heritage, November 1996. CHAPTER TWO 43 Lucas Associates43, researched and compiled between August and November 1997 and issued in April 1998. It encouraged relationships with external specialists, local entities, landscape planners, ecologists and environmentalists. From these meetings (often at sites of environmental decline) attention was drawn to the state of the ecological and cultural landscape, particularly for the severed Ohau River meander. Te Raukawakawa 0 Te Ora and Otarere Limited wanted to re-edifY the obligations of kaitiakitanga, promote and maintain indigenous flora and fauna as valued taonga, and look after associated waterways or springs, for customary healing practices . The report outlined a potential major project that aimed to restore the mauri or life essence to the nitrified and polluted lower reaches of the Ohau River. In addressing the impacts of the council-instigated diversion for the locally known 'loop' and adjacent blind creek, the report clearly outlined the required activities for easing the problems facing the lower reaches of this river meander to sea. The report did not avoid signalling the extent of ecological degeneration in the lower reaches of the river. It framed the concerns for lands and waterways in a deliberately user and information-friendly format, so as to entice participants to restore health to areas, rather than alienate them to the labour intensive tasks ahead or to de-motivate them over the severity of the decline. The report carefully outlined recommendations or activities that could improve ecological health. It drew on the creative potential and promise derived from an interrelated environment and peoples' health perspective. The Kuku- Ohau, Situation and Opportunities in the Lower River: Preliminary Notes report also supported opportunities for further collaborative research opportunities. When key specialists like Charles Mitchell44 investigated the situation for the indigenous fishes of the lower reaches, Don Jellyman of National Institute of Water and Atmosphere (NIWA) also commented on renewed opportunities for eels and their habitat. Gary Williams a local Manakau South water engineer, assisted with ideas for hydrology, fish passes or eel weirs. Each specialist combined expertise with iwi and hapu participants and other supporters' aspirations, to identifY, encourage and implement better ecological opportunities for the depleted area. 43 Lucas Associates deal with landscape assessment, reporting and preparation of evidence, including local and regional council and Environment Court hearings. They deal with landscape, natural and amenity values of rural and urban areas, and sites, and work variously for individuals, landowners, community groups, iwi, councils and government departments. They facilitate community-based workshops ranging nationwide for town and/or country, with on-site preparation of community plans and documentation.1l1ey deal with biodiversity and land through the collation and communication of complex scientific data through the interpretation of land, geomorphology and biodiversity, enabling restoration via easy to understand field booklets, brochures and plans. They are strong advocates for sustainable management plans recognising natural and cultural values, land use practices and alternative markets, through enhanced landscape management. Information derived from URL http://www.lucas-associates.co.nzlabout.html 44 Fresh water fish specialist, especially for whitebait. 44 H E! WHENUA ORA ecological situation & opportunities in the lower river LAND SYSTEMS - detail braided nvcr Ooodplains &: low temtces Figure 2.9: Kuku-Ohau Ecological Situation and Opportunities in the Lower River- Land Use, showing where 'loop' is located and its proximity to Kuku Stream. Reproduced with permission from Lucas and Associates, Christchurch. The report addressed the issues and opportunities that resulted from river management, in particular the effects of the 'cut' and other associated works on the wider environment. It re-examined the Ohau River as a former valued resource, capable of being restored and environmentally improved. Important objectives for change to the 'loop' included convincing local shareholders and the Board of farm management to the tasks at hand. By reinstating forest or river riparian habitat, they too were contributing to the symbiotic healing of lands and waterways, and improving peoples' overall wellbeing. It was recommended that those genealogically connected to the place, should pass on an environment enhanced by their presence and efforts. While the report recognised the constraints of land development and flood management, it suggested a programme of activities for a system no longer a river but a lagoon. The report disseminated ideas on the environmental potential for the area, and recommended that they be shared with other hapu, iwi, local Runanga and other councils.45 Other opportunities (not detailed in the Lucas and Associates report) aimed to restore areas of cultural significance in the adjacent region, with particular respect paid to the adjacent wahi tapu or sacred grounds. 45 Lucas Associates, 1998, Kuku-Ohau. Situation and Opportunities i n the Lower River: Preliminary Now, I. CHAPTER TWO 45 Meetings of hearts and minds over environmental health From these concerns for the ' loop', a series of general meetings followed, convened for the purpose of seeking support for certain directions and informing people on the extent of environmental issues. The specific educational environmental and cultural heritage meetings with external entities helped rebuild collective understandings over complex ecological and rehabilitation responsibilities facing hapu and iwi participants of Ngati Tukorehe. This brought relevant expertise and entities together into the Maori marae­ based environment to assess the current state of coastal, ecological and cultural landscape. Specialists and interested iwi and hapu members discussed concerns, even noting where local and national government agencies were not meeting resident Maori expectations for effective cultural landscape or ecosystem protection. In bringing local people and leading environmental experts together in this collaborative way, the meetings encouraged a renewed sense of local ownership over ways to proceed for the lower reaches of the Ohau River to the sea, other significant waterways, Te Hakari dune wetland, and interrelated areas deemed sacred as wahi tapu. Coming together in one accord underpinned decisions for action that sought better ways to protect or rehabilitate areas. From March 1996 a series of ten heritage hui on wahi tapu issues were held at marae stretching from Hawkes Bay, Mahia, Mohaka, Southern Wairarapa, Feilding, Tokaanu, South Taranaki, Waikanae, and Te Horo. They were held at the invitation of individual marae and hapu groups, and were known as Te Kupenga a Te Huki- Wahi Tapu hui series. The first workshop was initiated at the request of Ngati Pahauwera of Mohaka, Hawkes Bay region, who wanted information on heritage management issues in their tribal area. The hui at Te Huki marae, Raupunga developed a supportive network under a temporary accord known as Te Kupenga a Te Huki.46 The workshops then took on the name Te Kupenga and fostered active dialogue around heritage or cultural landscape protection amongst the communities of interest, particularly tangata whenua, planners, archaeologists and land users. They enabled tangata whenua as kaitiaki to be better informed of the New Zealand Historic Places Trust and Maori Heritage Council functions. Te Kupenga meetings promoted greater awareness oflocal tangata whenua environmental values. They developed simpler procedures for dealing with the complex process of resource consents . They encouraged more meaningful consultation or positive dialogue between iwi and hapu, and other authorities. The hui series assisted in developing marae-based kaitiaki environmental and heritage management groups, where local people discussed 46 In 1996 Ngahiwj Tomoana, CEO ofTe Runanga of Kahungunu suggested the name Te Kupenga ATe Huki for the meetings and workshops that were taking place in the wider Hawkes Bay area. Te Kupenga workshops encouraged Maori to take responsibility to protect their own cultural and natural heritage resources. J n addition to local participants who attended the meetings, there were District and Regional Council staff, archaeologists and New Zealand Archaeologists Association (NZAA) members, Ministry for the Environment staff, Department of Conservation staff, members of the Resource Management Law Association, and other land users like forestry companies. 4 6 H EI WHENUA ORA their particular cultural landscape issues followed up by field trips to local sites. The visits focused on ways of drawing attention to issues and impacts facing wahi tapu, water health, a communities' health and other environmental priorities within predominately coastal regions.47 A Te Kupenga meeting was held at Tukorehe marae, Kuku on the weekend of 8-9 July 2000. I t overviewed a range of concerns, especially relevant to the wider coastal region. During the meeting Hutt Valley Regional Public Health Association spoke of wide­ ranging roles in public health for the community. Their main priorities were to maintain water quality for drinking water safety. They had the authority to close areas if human health were at risk over unsafe water supplies. Water quality in the Kapiti and Horowhenua regions ranged from high nutrient loadings, domestic septic tanks or local dairy shed effluent disposal regimes, to the overuse of pasture fertilisers leaching into waterways or groundwater aquifers. In 2000 the Hutt Valley Regional Public Health conducted a collaborative research project with the Ministry for Agriculture and Fisheries, which agreed that fencing off tributaries and other waterways from pollution sources, decreased nutrient loadings and improved water quality for human health. The direct effects of such reactive nitrogen on human health from intensive use of fertilisers or discharge from untreated sewage are very serious if nitrogen and phosphorus are discharged into rivers and coastal environments.48 This can lead to nitrate contamination of the drinking water, certain types of cancer or 'blue baby syndrome', a condition where deoxygenated blood places stress on babies' hearts. The later is a serious health issue for both infants and the elderly. Nitrogen and phosphorus encourages blooms of toxic algae in coastal waters, with resultant harm to humans through respiratory and cardiac diseases. This is induced by exposure to high concentration of nitrous oxides, ozones and fine particulate matter.49 If local and regional councils, farmers and other landholders protected indigenous forest cover or planted extensive riparian areas alongside waterways, then significant buffer zones would limit the dangers of farm runoff into waterways. It was clear at the 2000 hui that the practice of retiring riparian areas or stream and river banks on farms with native vegetation would improve the condition of waterways and help balance the uptake of nitrogen. In better understanding the dangers of nitrification, immediate action for constructive change was required . At that time local entities were 47 Some ofTe Kupenga meetings in the local Horowhenua and Kapiti regions were held during 1999, at Katihiku Marae at Otaki, Whakarongotai at Waikanae, Aorangi Marae at Feilding and at Tukorehe Marae at Kuku. 48 Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment, 2004, Growing/or Good' Intensive Ji:trming, sustainability and New Zealand's mvironmmt, Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment Te Kaitiaki Taiao a Te Whare Paremata: Wellington, 86. 49 ibid, 87· CHAPTER TWO 47 excruciatingly slow'i° in actioning such plans for the wider communities' waterways. These pressing issues over water quality and wetlands in the coastal region however, challenged iwi and hapu to take action for their ecosystems within Maori land holdings themselves, and to collaborate with sympathetic individuals and entities that also wanted to experience action and change, for the better. Awareness of significant cultural landscape destruction There were other significant concerns raised by neighbouring iwi and hapu, over their diminished or destroyed cultural sites though their concerns were often considered vexatious by local authorities. At that same Te Kupenga meeting in Kuku, participants listened to opposing interests over the former Lake Tangimate region on the Horowhenua dune belt, between Waitarere and Foxton. The Department of Conservation, New Zealand Historic Places Trust, Fish and Game and Horizons Regional Council representatives all agreed that great damage had occurred to the once significant and ingenious eel trapping area known as Tangimate. Ngati Huia kaitiaki were responsible for this specialised eel trapping area in cultural landscape, and their concerns clashed with the perspective of current 'landowners'. Despite the region being regarded as one of the most remarkable group of whakamate51 or artificial eel-trapping channel systems in Horowhenua,52 systematic drainage regimes from the 1940s, caused Tangimate to shrink greatly. In 1981 w�en another prominent farming family applied for further water rights to the Manawatu Catchment Board to continue modifying sections of Lake Tangimate, the subsequent draining of the lake and excavation of 'archaeological' finds, reduced the original IOO hectares to a mere 2.5 hectares. Lake Tangimate had become a severely fragmented ecosystem. The serious decline impacted on the human condition of kaitiaki, who felt compelled to try and revive guardianship obligations to restore the balance. Despite aspirations to improve the depleted Tangimate, their views were untenable to the current landholders and authorities, and effectively discounted. Ngati Huia representatives had attempted to rekindle once intricate relationships with Tangimate, to save last vestiges of the former famed resource, its related mana, their own sense of identity, authority and obligations to guard it for present and future generations. Lake Tangimate was effectively disconnected - a former natural and cultural asset. The indifference kaitiaki experienced over its decline, indicated the burden they bore for the once culturally valued area. Despite the transfer of ownership 50 In 2007 there had still been no major improvement in the wider tribal region despite Fonterra's Clean Streams Accord implemented in June 2004. Tallamata had fenced off the dune wetland in 2002 and the 'loop' in 2005. Where Tahamata leased land those owners also needed to fence off the rest of the tributaries within the tribal region. Not many other farmers in the district have done the same. 5 1 According to Koro Joe Tukapua (?-2005) at Te Kupenga meeting at Tokorehe marae,July 2000, the term whakamate meant to "remove the mauri, to put to death or to determine that everything that was in abundance had now gone". 52 G. Leslie Adkins. 1948 Horowhenua: its Maori Place Names and their Topographic and Historical Place Names, 357. 48 H EI WHENUA O RA away from the tribe, kaitiaki were not released from exercising a protective role in their environment. Their tasks were made more difficult since others had an expressed interesf3 in Tangimate, and did not recognise their local Maori view or knowledge of the area. Kaitiaki were aggrieved that 'archaeological' finds still remained with the landholder, and that the landholders limited access to their remaining riparian tenure around the lake region. When kaitiaki learned that cultural material removed from the lake, had been assessed by conservation representatives from the Maori Heritage Unit without their or any local Maori involvement, they experienced first hand the difficulties of how local and national authorities had failed to meet their expectations of protection and support.54 The Lake Tangimate situation was attitudinally and tenurially complex with competing values for lands and waterways that kept kaitiaki and landholders apart. Despite airing their concerns to other authorities, Tangimate became an especially challenging situation in terms of both ecosystem and cultural site destruction. There were many difficult relationship issues to resolve between peoples. Renowned tohunga and Muaupoko elder of the time, Koro Joe Tukapua (?-200S) was present at that hui. He offered his view on how perpetual development on environmental and cultural issues could improve practices and relationships between peoples and their environment. He articulated how timely it was to identifY the benefits for all involved in the Lake Tangimate situation. Potential collaborative research programmes or efforts that combined ecology, spiritual aspects for cultural material, farming interests, water health for biodiversity or wetland management, could achieve more positive outcomes for water health, cultural heritage protection and enhanced wellbeing - for all peoples associated and involved. Based on the depth and dimension of his Maori knowledge, 'Koro Joe' insisted that the situation for Tangimate was not to be oversimplified. A strategy had to be determined whereby both kaitiaki and landowners' needs were met. The farmer had much to gain by enhancing lands, restoring the lake system as part of an inter-connected waterway with associated health benefits. A restored and revegetated Lake Tangimate would become a potentially meaningful indicator of successful relationships brokered between both Maori and non-Maori interests. The learning that emerged from that multifaceted meeting m 2000, indicated how vital it was for tangata whenua, local entities and communities to work collectively and 53 Mason Durie, 1998, Te Mana te Kawanatanga: 7he Politics of Maori Sovereignty, Oxford University Press: Auckland, 23. 54 The relationship that kaitiaki have with sustaining their environment is enshrined in Part 2 of the Resource Management Act, particularly Section 5, 6(e), 7(a) and 8. Resource management agencies are rcguired to recognise and provide for the culture and traditions of Maori relating to ancestral lands, waters, sites, wahi tapu and other taonga.lhey must also have regard to kaitiakitanga and take into account Treaty ofWaitangi values. Maori expect that they will be included and actively involved in environmental management taking place. Gail Tipa & Laurel Teimer, 2006, Using the Cultural Health Index: How to assess the health ofstreams and u1aterways, Ministry for the Environment ManatfI Mo Te Taiao: Wellington, 1 . CHAPTER TWO 49 collaboratively for each distinct local region. By listening and paying greater attention to local Maori concerns about their aspirations and understandings of the environment in tribal areas, better overall community-based management programmes would emerge. As stated at that meeting, 'all generations deserved a restored, respected and clean environment in which to live well'.')5 Documentary and visual evidence The ecological and cultural survival context for the Kuku coastal region, was assessed through objective documentary and visual evidence. This was achieved by commissioning aerial photographs, collating historical photos and creating a digital image file that chronicled each significant development for projects, particularly for Hei Whenua Ora ki Te Hakari /Te Hakari Dune Wetland Restoration Project, from which subjective contextual interpretation was derived. In December 2003, an aerial photographer flew over the coastal landscape. His high-resolution aerial photos helped bring the possibilities of interrelated ecosystem restoration projects into focus. The visuals consolidated the intentions and aspirations for ecosystem restoration. In natural colour they enticed more people to become involved in what was underway at the coast. The series of documentary images also became visual aids for communicating learning outcomes for both iwi and hapu and the kaitiakitanga students involved in Te Hakari dune wetland project. The digital image archive captured many aspects of projects underway and became a visual record for future reference . The images encapsulated the relationships between all possible or potential cultural landscape and ecological projects across the coastal area. The visual devices (as panoramic images or large-scale aerial photographs) reconnected kaitiaki with their wider domain of accountability. The images created a 'big picture' vantage for all participants and aided in implementing the understandings gained about the practical and constructive actions taking place at the coast. In sharing these images with elders, resource users, active participants, kaitiaki students, and children of local kohanga reo or kura kaupapa as change agents, the collated visual information invited other participants to join in future activities . When presenting the project to various audiences,56 such as iwi and hapu groups, interest groups, and indigenous communities, both nationally and internationally, the progressive visual 'road show' presented the best, updated information available about the project, backed by a wide range of quality images. 55 Statement by Stephen Palmer, Hutt Valley Regional Public Health, derived from notes taken at 8-9 July 2000 meeting at Tukorehe Marae, Kuku, 56 'The large-scale image of the tribal region for Ngati Tukorehe and Ngati Wehiwehi would also create an impact whilst submitting the local case on riparian and ancestral rights to the local coastline, at the Foreshore and Seabed Select Committee meeting at Parliament in September 2004, 50 HE I WH ENUA O RA n r :;) - " Figure 2 .10: Ohau River, loop region and Te Hiikari dune wetland as part of contiguous dune system to Waikawa River, December 2003. Aerial photograph by Lawrie Cairns, Palmerston North From the very beginning, the main purpose of the documentary images was to set the focus on making progress rather than simply defining and measuring environmental problems for certain areas. If the latter had been over emphasised, the tasks ahead may have been too overwhelming or daunting, or perhaps rejected outright by people feeling threatened or browbeaten to take action. It took time for every participant to see the interconnectedness of all possible and potential projects in the region. A certain balance was required between practical action, which had broad appeal5? and purposeful analysis and information. The practical projects encouraged physical involvement in the labour required for ecosystem restoration, where every participant learnt new skills and gained new understandings each day they forged new directions for the region. 57 Ronda Cooper & Rachael Brooking, 2002, "Ways Through Complexities" in Kawharu, M . (ed.) Whenua Managing Our Resources, Reed Publishing Ltd Books: Auckland, 207. CHAPTER TWO 5 1 Visual Component as Research Method As a way of explaining ideas for areas requiring rehabilitation, a select series of paintings are revealed in this chapter as a complementary research method. The visual component referenced holistic relationships to the natural environment, by articulating a range of past, present and future relationships to the natural environment at Kuku. While the No Queen's Chain suite of 2000-200r or the Tirotirowhetu [Looking to Stars} (2000-200r) series were personal calls to value sacred places and relationships developed over generations, they were also visual alerts to other authorities to recognise the intricate relationships Maori had experienced with lands and waterways. The painting suite generated discussion over how a customary Maori environmental worldview could be reconciled with fragmented natural stands within Maori land holdings. In producing the series, questions arose as to what the Maori customary and con temporary continuum might mean for culturally significant regions with ecosystems in severe decline within agriculturally modified landscapes. How could once close relationships to areas be restored and sustained for hapu and iwi through activities in the present?58 What would it take to affect effective ecosystem restoration in such changed landscapes? The combined canvases raised awareness about those who still valued, generational and sustainable resource use. Each canvas framed past iwi and hapu narratives about areas, but also present day interactions and use rights within the remnant natural regions, with a view to the future potential of ecosystem reinstatement. The series also highlighted the extent to which people had been divorced from their cultural identifiers. The paintings were creative attempts at devising better strategies for cultural landscape protection. Both artworks and documentary photographs had interpretative roles to play with the data generated. They aimed to clarifY the often misunderstood, or over-looked approaches that Maori sought over resource management, especially when other authorities struggled with Maori concepts and ideologies about interconnected lands, peoples, waterways and biodiversity. The suites on canvas The initial No Queen's Chain series used a landscape genre- a prevailing tradition in a Western pictorial or scenic sense where 'the indigenous sounds as in art, literature, ecology and histories in New Zealand, were [often] overwhelmed by the coloniser's voice' .59 When historic recognition maps or drawings were taken of coastlines from the sea, they were visual records of potential new frontiers. They identified safe landings and documented 58 Danny Kennan, 2002, 'Bound to Land: Maori Retention and Assertion of Land and Identity', in Pawson. E. & Brooking T., (eds.) Environmental Histories o/New Zealand, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 246-260. 59 GeotrPark, 1999, "After the Scene, After the Fever", in Visions o(Future Landscapes, 1999 Fenner Conference on the Environment. Bureau of Rural Sciences and Australian Academy of Science: Canberra, Il3. 52 HEI WHENUA ORA Figure 2 .II: He whenua tuku iho - Land passed on 2001, oil on canvas, 2135 mm x 200 mm. Collection ofTe Tima Whiinau Trust, held at Te Rangitawhia cottage, Kuku resources that could be readily identified and appropriated for settlement. Colonial landscape painting developed from this form of naming and claiming of land, 'framed' through a presumed right of discovery. Representational or western art conventions like landscape scenic paintings or other naturalistic imagery were genres that did not exist in Maori visual interpretations until the later nineteenth to earlier twentieth century when the painted meeting-house traditions of the East Coast and Poverty Bay regions, eastern Bay of Plenty, with Waikato, Wairarapa and Urewera regions of the North Island emerged. Customary personifications of Maori land and relationships to it usually took the form of stylised ancestral figures, often with Papatllanuku and Ranginui shown at the moment of their separation by their children . This cosmological event allowed light to enter the space between them, which gave rise to the growth of forests, animal and human life. This genealogical narrative was readily identified in elements like pare or the door lintel, and the pane, the overhead verandah extension of the tahuhu or backbone of the house, where Papatllanuku and Ranginui in copulation, expressed the potential of procreation and promise of new generations to come.60 In deliberately using the landscape genre for this painting series, the panoramic images attempted to reframe ancestral landscape. They encompassed hidden narratives that existed intangibly within sites. While the Maori voice with more detailed information was silenced for the viewer in order to protect the intangible, the emphasis of image in He Whenua Tuku Iho [Land passed on} 2001,61 concentrated on poor water quality issues in the lower reaches of the Ohau River. The landscape genre supported a possible bi-cultural 60 Robert Jahnke, 1997, Ihe Iconography 0/ Landscape - Study Notes, for Toioha Iti Apiti Bachelor ofMaori Visual Arts, Te POtahi a Toi, School of Maori Studies, Massey University, Palrnerston North. Carved ancestral figures are also conceptually anchored within the landscape through pepeha connections and the interrelatedness ofhumanltind and the natural environment in cosmogenealogical narratives of origin. 61 He Whenua Tuku Iho [Land passed on} 2001 was a painting that raised concerns for some relations. Not everyone was happy for Significant precincts to be represented in this way. There was a certain amount of disquiet over the possible sale of these partkular works in exhibition. While working on this painting a personal decision was reached that this panoramic image would not be sold at exhibition. To this end, the key work in the exhibition He Whenua Tuku Iho [Land passed on} was gifted to the family trust of'Te Rangitawhia' cottage to hang permanently on the wall of the front room of the 1880'S cottage. CHAPTER TWO 53 land ethic or collaborative ecosystem management62 programme, where Maori and non­ Maori approaches to ecosystem restoration could coalesce. The landscape method visually clarified the potential ofhapu and iwi-Ied environmental initiatives for site-specific projects that aimed to reinstate inclusive values evident within interrelated Maori ideologies about lands and associated waterways. The No Queen's Chain series of paintings offered the stories and experiences about place in a visual language that key informants valued. As elders identified site and place at the coast, it was their collective dialogue around sacred or special place that inspired the works. Even though some elders revealed that they no longer readily understood the mnemonics evident in customary whakairo or carving, or knew the detailed interpretation within the carvings at the whare rupuna Tukorehe, they still maintained a respect for the spiritual and physical arrangements of the whare in relation to the natural environment, and the kawa and tikanga of marae protocols as taught to them by their elders and mentors. Key informants felt comfortable with a perceptual or realistic representation ofland referenced in the series, in the understanding that they were transferring knowledge about place to other generations, in turn. With a growing localised and collective effort underway to improve and activate environmental projects in the region, the research work percolated into further series of paintings, which were included in suites known as Traffic executed in 2002 and Crossing Kuku in 2003.63 As the protection of land and water-based cultural and natural heritage research interest began with the coastal region, the initial No Queen's Chain64 suite of paintings revolved around the 'marginal strip', known colloquially as the 'Qyeen's Chain'. The paintings referred to the 20-metre strip ofland that among other purposes 'allowed' New Zealanders free access to sea, lakes and rivers . At the time of investigation it was widely perceived that the Qyeen's Chain gave the public universal right to the country's waterways. With 62 Geoff Park, 1999, "After the Scene, After the Fever", in Visions of Future Landscapes, 1999 Fenner Conference on the Environment. Bureau of Rural Sciences and Australian Academy of Science: Canberra, 113. 63 While not completed in time for this thesis later works from The Weed Eaters series, 2006-2008 investigated both the impediments and positive aspects experienced in affecting environmental changes. 64 The initial suite was exhibited as No Queens Chain and was held at Femer Galleries June 19-30 2001 in Wellington. 54 H EI WHENUA ORA environmental discussions and coincidental meetings organised around local issues and wahi tapu issues for the coast, this suite is a personalised means of coming to terms with the complexity of Maori resource and ancestral or the management of cultural landscape.65 A Qyeen's Chain to the sea does not apply when adjacent to undivided Maori land. There was no Qyeen's Chain on the adjoining stretch of coast next to the consolidated shares of Maori land for Tahamata Incorporation to the sea. A chain would only exist if the land was sold and became general land. This explained why there may be a Qyeen's Chain adjoining coastal blocks owned by private landowners but no Qyeen's Chain on a block of Maori owned land along the same stretch of coast, lake or river. These facts were not widely known. Many people presumed that the chain extended along the full boundary of all waterways. Therefore the painting suite was concerned with the wider communities' presumption that the New Zealand coastline was public domain, where they could do as desired, within an expansive or personal backyard.There were added concerns that the fast changing community was very unaware of the cultural significance of lands to water for local iwi and hapu. When an unforgettable meeting at Tirotirowhetu site with key informants and relations66 in December 1999 activated the research endeavour, the visit also inspired the initial Tirotirowhetu [Looking to Stars] 2000-2001 series. The series acknowledged the site as situated close to the beach opposite a last meander of the Ohau River.67 Tirotirowhetu was the initial kainga or village for ancestors when they first settled the region allotted to them at the behest of Waitohi, in recognition of their translocation and support for the movements ofTe Rauparaha.68 The site was impressive with areas designated for the processing of shellfish and drying supplies in the heat of summer harvest. The shells were discarded to bleach in the sun, sand and salt as ahu otaota or shell middens. In some circles such places of harvest were considered Maori rubbish dumps. Tirotirowhetu was definitely a customary place for karakia, propitiation of atua and for observing celestial 65 In 1892 a law was passed that required reservation of waters adjacent to lands. This applied only to Crown Land to water. Many earlier dispositions of Crown land failed to include the Qy.een's Chain, leaving only 70% of New Zealand's major waterways governed by the Qyeen's Chain. Until the unpopular Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004 at no stage had New Zealand law previously established that the public had full rights of access to or use of all rivers, lakes and beaches, nor had the Crown control over the region and its resources. 66 Aunty 'Hummer'Johns, Uncle Gary Wehipeillana Senior ('943-2006), Peter Daly and Hugh and Frederica (Freddie) Acland. 67 G. Leslie Adkin was informed by tohunga Arapata Te Hiwi and Heremia Terapata Rangitawhia. In many ways he was only told so much. 1lle site he mapped in his Horowbenua its Alaori placenames & their topographic & bistorical background publication differs to the site that elders know as Tirotirowhetu.They were assured that these tohunga as informants had protected the actual locale by not divulging complete details to Adkin. After G. Leslie Adkin, 1948, Horowbenua its Maori place-names & their topographic & historical background, Department of Internal Affairs: Wellington, 369. 68 Tirotirowhetu site was managed according to tikanga by Pihana Potaua, Te H iwi Pihana and Koroniria rTe Whakawhiti or Koroniria RangiwhakaripaJ from around 1840-. As knowledgeable leaders or tohunga, their responsibility was to perform the rites and rituals for peoples, places and resources. From notes and personal communication with Sean Ogden on II October 2005. CHAPTER TWO Figure 2.12: From Tirotirowhetu, across Tahamata farm to sea, 2005. Photograph by Huhana Smith 55 and navigational indicators. It was a site of strategic vantage to sea and river for waka passage up river and up and down the coast.69 The Tirotirowhetu series was devised as a personal call to hapu and iwi to value such sacred places imbued with ecological and cultural knowledge, especially the wisdom developed over generations of resource use . The initial excursion to Tirotirowhetu came about from talking with elders70 and listening to their recollections about its special-ness, its mana and authority as place. The landholders were also involved in the discussions at that time, so a date was set to share an experience of site. That morning kaumatua prefaced the excursion with a karakia at the landholders' Muhunoa West Road gate. This cultural activity acknowledged that the group were going somewhere special and sacred. The excursion began with a utility trip across the dunes of tree lucerne and pine forest. On reaching the boundary fence the group climbed over and moved carefully towards site. When the party drew closer to the deflated mid den area, it was noted how strong the sensibility was, not unlike waves of energy coming off the dunes, rising to envelop the group. It was an uncanny but assuring experience for all involved. On reaching the midden there was a strong sense of industrious purpose to the locale, where the experience of place animated and excited the group, so much so that another karakia was offered in recognition of this. The kuia present on that excursion bent down to carefully gather shells and hangi or earth oven stones in her hands. She quietly acknowledged them before placing them back on the sand. She would later reveal that there were strong sensations coming from indefinable others asking her not to take the shells or stones away. She knew this already, as her family (like many others in the district) had long been aware of significance and respect required ofTirotirowhetu. She accepted the spiritual responsiveness of the place with her own karakia in mind. The landholders were similarly moved by what they could feel was happening in those moments of unforgettable encounter.71 69 From notes and personal communication with Sean Ogden on 11 October 2005. 70 Mr Hare Hemi Wehipeihana ('9'7-2002), Uncle Gary Wehipeihana Senior ('943-2006) and Mrs Maire Johns. 7' Many other local Maori resident from or living in Kuku would attest that the site was very special and they too had been told to respect the area at all times and not to remove any thing. A particular local story spoke of young children innocently removing items found at site and how on their return home they subsequently fell iIl. 1l1eir aunt noticed some of the items in their house, interrogated them on where they found them and contacted their mother. 1l1e sisters convinced the sick children to rerum the items carefully to the area and never to take a stone or shell from the site again. Despite their queasiness, they did what they were told and were immediately relieved of what ailed them. This incident happened in the '960s. 56 HEI WHENUA ORA Figure 2 .13: Tirotirowhetu - Looking to the Stars 2000-2001, oil on canvas, 910 mm x 610 mm. Private Collection Figure 2.14: Kdti ani) e mahue ana . . . All that remains 2001, oil on canvas, 910 mm x 610 mm. Private Collection Figure 2 .15: Kore rawa mdtou e wareware - we can never forget 2001, oil on canvas, 1675 mm x 910 mm. Collection of the artist The effects of that visit to Tirotirowhetu stayed in the artistic imagination for some time. The whole Tirotirowhetu area was so sensitive, where respect for place was tantamount not only for its archaeological fragility but it obvious, inter-related spiritual integrity. The series not only honoured the site as sacred, but also the collective social memory of elders who reminisced on the importance of place, especially those present at the site as children at the times of seasonal harvest of shellfish, seafood or kaimoana. The influence of site combined to inspire three major works. The images on canvas symbolised the indefinable significance of place and the nature of cosmological, customary and spiritual knowledge. They emphasised the learning that derived from inter-generational interaction with resources at times of collective effort for sustenance and wellbeing. Informants like Mr Hare Hemi Wehipeihana (1917-2002) CHAPTER TWO 57 well remembered the tribe's collective fishing and shellfish harvest activities, and how their elders taught them to respect the area of Tirotirowhetu at all times- not to take a shell, a hangi stone as an earth oven stone or anything from the area.72 Hare Hemi relayed experiences about the role children played at shellfish harvest times in summer especially as they were the ones responsible for carrying buckets of seawater for the adults to use for stringing shellfish on the pared central shaft of harakeke leaves. Those strings of shellfish flesh were washed in saltwater and then hung on erected driftwood structures to dry. As saltwater deterred flies it also preserved the drying shellfish flesh. The processed shells left from successive summer harvests accumulated in mounds by the Ohau River and sea. Dried foodstuffs were important forms of stored sustenance prepared by Maori for the non-seasonal months. 'Shell fish was often dried and stored for future use . . . [using] the old process of drying pipis and stringing them out on long strips of thin flax for later use . . . at one time every house had its store of pipi maroke or dried pipi.'73 At the time of developing settlements for Ngati Tukorehe and affiliated hapu, waka or canoe travel by sea and rivers was the principle means of transport, besides walking along tracks that traversed the area. The name Tirotirowhetu harkens to the ancient Pacific tradition of using the lunar calendar or maramataka. This ecological reference system observed the 29-3I nights of the moon's monthly cycle and was a sophisticated knowledge system developed by ocean navigators within island cultures for localised conditions. The skill in calculating time by the moon included an acknowledgement of star movements and seasonal patterns that ascertained propitious times or weather conditions for fishing, planting or harvesting. The night skies were read for seasonal indicator stars and as practical guides for their cultural and philosophical significance. Another informant recounted how they went out night hauling for fish at the foreshore. Their father would set the nets, have the family wait by a fire on the dry sand, and as soon as the full moon could be seen coming over the Tararua ranges, the time was right for the illuminator to light the way and for the men to bring in the nets. According to a torn­ in-four, hand written list or 'Whakaaturanga i nga Pai me nga ra kino' found between the leaves of a family bible74 the full moon was referred to as 'He rakau matohi, he ra pai 72 'The sensitivity of site has been backed up by many others not listed here, including Mrs Maire Johns, her sons Donny and Cyri! and others of the Seymour orTima family (who have now passed on, including Eunice and Pat Seymour Senior). Other families were aware of the site's significance, and certain people like Gary Wehipeihana Senior, Peter Daly, Sean Ogden and archaeologist/ecologist Susan Forbes. 73 'The Estate ofW. W Carkeek, 2004, thf Kapiti Coast: Maori History and Place Names of the Pafkakariki-Otaki District, 145. 74 The first Hare Hemi Wehipeihana was born in 1819 and died in 1890. On the death of his namesake, great uncle Hare Hemi (Windy) Wehipeihana's wife Mrs Ngaire Wehipeihana gave the bible of the first Hare Hemi to this writer for safekeeping. Within the leaves of that bible was the handwritten maramataka. ll1e writer at present is unknown. 5 8 H EI WHENUA ORA / #- 4,.k"uP /k ta..-I.b.-<-& k ktJU k ?.n�� ,f #e kl!£<.. 9&.ur. � /f'a. �q � h.q /e 4"'Z�'Z. -+- #-e ac.e.-r� - t.J/q �--k '�---, ,9o-� #e � -, J � �-e AA. �" ..J"� h,---t4�-1�k k /774/la.-.t'< ,p- � � � , �a. <' -�u.. 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