Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. 'TE UU NO TE AKAU ROA' MIGRATION AND THE COOK ISLANDS A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Development Studies at Massey University Elizabeth Foster Wright-Koteka 2006 Abstract At the heart of the international migration debate is the movement of people from developing areas of origin to developed destinations. Conventional international migration approaches conceptualise these movements as responses to the inequalities that exist between these two poles as a result of the unequal process of development. The causes of migration are assumed to be factors related to development differentials between two countries. Therefore, the migrant is conceptualised as an automaton responding mechanically to forces beyond their control. Notions of human agency and the other non-economic factors that may influence movements are not included in explanations of the migration process. More recent debates in migration challenge the assumptions of conventional international migration approaches. Central to this challenge is the notion that migration is a socially constructed process that is constituted by human beings. Proponents of this perspective call for the need to bring back the ' human factor ' into migration research to provide a deeper understanding of migration. Migration has always been an integral component of Cook Islands social and economic change throughout time. While Cook Islanders have always been mobile people, 1996 marked the beginning of the most recent significant population decline as a result of high levels of emigration. The significant population loss following 1996 has presented the Cook Islands with a ' migration problem' and raises issues of future population sustainability. At the heart of the Cook Islands 'migration problem is the need to understand why Cook Islanders decide to depart from, stay or return to the Cook Islands. The challenge therefore in this thesis is to understand the causes and effects of Cook Islands migration from the perspectives of Cook Islanders. This thesis is driven by the need to understand Cook Islands migration from the perspectives of the individual Cook Islander. The perspectives of individual Cook Islanders, have demonstrated that Cook Islands international migration cannot be conceptualised within the narrow confines of the economic imageries of the conventional approaches. Instead, Cook Islands migration is dynamic process constituting of active agents interacting with various structures (both economic and non-economic) to produce Cook Islands international migration. The perspectives of Cook Islanders have illustrated the complexity of the international migration process. It is a process that is characterised by many flows, influenced by many factors, occurs for many reasons and has varying effects. This thesis presents the Cook Islanders story of international migration. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS "Kua tuku au ia Iehova ei mua ua rai iaku, tei toku rima katau aia kare au e ngaueue." (Salama 16:8) Te akameitakianga mua, kia koe e te matua ya, ata-wai-wolo no tau tiakinga iaku i te wi ayo takatoa. This thesis would not have been possible without the assistance of those wonderful Cook Islanders both in the Cook Islands and in New Zealand that have participated in this research. I extend to you my heartfelt appreciation. Ata-wai-wolo kia kotou katoatoa, e kia vai mai rai te aroa o te Atua i rotopu ia kotou. To Ngarangi Tangaroa, Taggy Tangimetua, Maria Tuoro, Atira Aue and Tutai Toru from various departments of the Cook Islands public service, I am grateful for your assistance provided. A special thank you also to Papa Ron and Mama Marjorie Crocombe for all your advice and help. To Evie, I will never forget you, thank you. To the many others who have given me encouragement and support, a sincere thank you and ata­ wai-wolo to you all. I am also indebted to my supervisors Drs. Manuhuia Barcham and Maria Borovnik who have provided guidance, encouragement and great conversations during this thesis journey. In addition, I am grateful for the support that I have received from all the staff and fellow students of the Massey University Institute of Development Studies. I am deeply appreciative of the financial assistance provided by the Department of Human Resources of the Government of the Cook Islands, and the Massey University School of People, Environment and Planning Graduate Research Fund which assisted greatly with the completion of this thesis. Finally, ata-wai-wolo to my family, who are always there for me. To my parents, my sister and brothers, their partners and families who have supported and encouraged me in everything that I do, I am truly blessed and can never thank you enough. To my in-laws, especially my mother-in-law Mama Kath and Ana, to Siona and Tuatai, and to my extended family, my deepest appreciation for your support and encouragement. To my children, I apologise for sometimes being distracted and grumpy, I thank the Lord for blessing my life with such wonderful children. Last, but not least, to my husband, thank you for sharing this journey with me, which at times seemed like a roller coaster ride but I could not have done it without you. Ata-wai-wolo Ata-wai-wolo Ata-wai-wolo eye maneke 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract. . . ........... . ... ....... . ........... ... .... .. ...... .. . ... .... . ... . . . ..... . Acknowledgements ........ .. .. ............. ... .......... . . ... ......... . .. . . . ... 11 Table of Contents.. . ........................ . .......................... ... ...... u1 List of Tables... . ............... . .... . .... . . ........ . . . .......... ... ... .... . . . ... 1x List of Figures.. . . .. .. .... . ... .. ........... . . . ................................... x1 List of Appendices........ . .......................... . .. . .. .. ... ....... . . .... .. . xu Chapter 1- Introduction ......... . ......... .. ... . ............................ . 'Te uu' - An Inspiration. .... ..... . . .. ........ . .... . ................ . .. .... I An Academic and personal journey.... . .. .. .. . . ....... .. . . .. . .. .. ... 2 Research Rationale ......... . ..... .. ... . ..................................... 3 The Cook Islands as a Research Context...... .............. . ............ 6 Geography.. .................... ...... . .... . ........ .... .. ...... .... .... . . 6 People and Population....... . . .... ..... . .. .... . .. . . ......... . ....... ... . 7 Government......... .............. . ....................................... 7 Economy.. ............... .. ...... . ..... . .............. ..... . . ...... .. ... .. 8 Why Study Cook Islands migration...... . .................. .. .. . ...... 8 Research Objectives..................... ..................................... lO Thesis Structure and Outline... ......... . . ..... .. ... ..... ...... .... .. ....... 11 Chapter 2 - Theorising International Migration............... . .... .. ..... 14 lntrod uction.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Conventional Approaches of International Migration.. . .... .. .. . ....... . . 16 Functionalist Approach.................................................... 16 The Structuralist Approach.... . ... . .... . . ................... . . .. .. .. . . . ... 17 The Migration and Development Relationship - A problem of capturing realities.................................... .. ...... ..... ....... 19 More Integrative Approaches. . . . ... ........... ..... . ..... . .. . ...... . ....... .. 20 The New Economic Approach.. .. . . . ........ .... ...... . ..... . .. . . . . . ... .. 20 The Systems Approach........................ .. .... . . . .. .. . ...... .... .. .. 21 The Networks Approach ........... .. ................. . ...... . ...... . ...... 22 Where is the individual 's agency?............ ................ ... .. ...... .... ..... .... 23 Agency in Migration Studies. .. . ... . .... ...... .. ..... .. .. . . . . ... . .. . . ... .. . ... 24 Ill Interacting Agency and Structure - The structuration theory... . . . . . . . . . . 24 The Concept of Agency..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 The Concept of Structure. ............................... ..... ............. 29 Combining Structure and Agency. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Migration and Structuration................ ..... .............................. 32 Structuration and the Migration and Development Relationship......... 33 Understanding Development in Terms of Migration.................. 33 Intentional Actions and Unintentional Consequences................. 34 Conclusion .............................. ..... .. ............ ....................... 35 Chapter 3 - International Migration, Development and the Pacific Islands ...................... ....................... ................ 36 Introduction .............................. .. ..................................... 36 Mobile Islanders . ................. ....... ............. . ....................... . 38 The MIRAB Model .. ... . . . .... ......... ..... ...... ...... .......... . ... ... ... . 39 The Transnational Corporation of Kin ... ......................... ...... . 40 Questioning Economic Rationalisation: Culture and the Individual............ . ............................................... 42 Pacific Island Migration Dynamics: A Combination of Agency and Structure................. .. .. ...... ...... 43 Structure as Resources .. .......... .................... .................... 43 The Cultural Perspective.................................................. 44 Culture Ensuring the Maintenance of Links....................... 44 Culture and the Family................................................ 45 Pacific Identities.... . . ... .......................................... .... 46 If culture is a Structure then it is a Rule ........................... . The 'self in Pacific Islands Migration ..................... .. ... .. .. Structuration, Migration and Development in the Pacific ......... .. 47 48 49 Conclusion................... .. ..... .... . ..... ........... ..................... 50 Chapter 4: Mobile People: Population Change in the Cook Islands. .. 51 Introduction. ... ...... ... ............... ............................... . .. .... 51 Growth or Decline? .................... ......... ,.... .......................................... 52 Where are Cook Islanders Migrating to?........................................... 56 1996 - 2001: A Good Time to Leave.................................... 57 lV After 1 996. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 What of the Future?.. ...................... ......... ...... ... ... ........ ... .. .. ..... ... ..... 63 Conclusion...... ... .. ... .... . . ..... ......... ..... ............. .......... . ... 67 Chapter 5: In the Field - Methodology... . . . .......... . .................... 69 Introduction .. ............... .. ....... ... ..... .. . ... ... .. . ...... . ......... . .. 69 Before Going into the Field... ....... ..... ... . ...... ... .. ... . . ..... . ..... 70 Methods....... ... .. ..... ........ ... ....... .. ..... ........ ..... .. . .. ... . ... 70 Logistical Issues. ...... ......... . . . ... . ......... . ........... . ........... . 70 The Sample.... ............ ........ . ... . ... .. .... .. . ... .. ........... . . ... . 72 Ethical Issues.............. .. ... . .... . .. ... . .. .. . ... .. ... ................. 73 In the Field .. . .. .. .. . . ... . ... .... .... ... .. . ................................. . Returning to Rarotonga ............... . . . ........ .... ................. . An Insider and an Outsider .................... . ....... . .. .. ..... .. . The Coconut Wireless ...... .. .. . .. . . ...... .... . . .... . ........... . .. . 74 74 74 76 Rarotonga Interviews.. .. . .. . . ...... . ....... .... . .. .. ........... . ... . 76 In Auckland..... . . . .... . . . . .. ... .... ........ . .. ... .......... . ... ..... . .. . . 79 Identifying Participants ... ... ....... . ...... ..... ... .... .... . .. .. . . . . The Interviews .. . ... . .. . .. .... ..... .. .. . .. . . ... . . .... . .... .......... . 79 81 Reflections of the field. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Changing Ideas....... . .. . . . . .. .. ...... . ..... ..... . ........................ 81 The Beauty of Qualitative Research .. .. . . ....... ........ . .. . ........... 82 Insider/Outsider Indigenous Researcher.......... .. .. ............... .. 83 Conclusion. ... ...... . . .... . ... . .... .. . . .. . . .... ..... .. . .... . ......... . . . ... . . 84 Chapter 6: Te 'uu': Why do Cook Islanders Move, Stay or Return? 86 Section One: The Migrant.... .... ... ... ........................................ . 90 Introduction........... . . . .. .. . .... . ... . . ............. . ...................... 90 Characteristics of Emigrants ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 The decision to Emigrate.. ...... .. . ................... . . ......... . ....... 91 Reasons as Causes... .......... .. . .. .. .. ... ...... .. .... .... ..... ... . .... .. . 92 Providing the Reason........................................... . . . .. .. . 94 The Conditions Behind the Reason. .. .... ... ....... .. ... ... ............ 98 Understanding the Reasons as Causes of Migration in Decision making........ . .... .... ... ...... .. .... .. ..... . . . .. .. ..... .. 98 Choosing the Destination.... ..... .. ... .. .. .. .. . ..... .. . . .. ...... ... . .... 99 v New Zealand Citizenship............................................. 100 The Family. .. .. .. . ... . . ........ . .......... . .. . ... . ... .. .... .. .. .. .. ..... 102 A Rule that is the Family............................................. 104 The Culture of Migration............................................... 104 Overseas but Never Away.......... .. ..... . .. . ...................... I 05 Agency and Culture.................. . .. .. ...... .. ........... .. ....... 108 Not passive Dupes.. . . . .......... . ......... . ..... . ... . . .. ...... . . . . . .... I 09 Are dreams fulfilled?................................................................... I I 0 Satisfaction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 10 The Movement of Labour............................................. 112 Employment in New Zealand .. . .. . .. .. .. . . .. .. . .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 113 The Unemployed................ ....... ............ ............ 113 The Employed.......... .......................... ..... .... ..... 114 The Entrepreneurs...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I l 5 The Effect of Labour Movement on the Cook Islands......... 115 Intentions of Return..................... . ............. . ..... . .... . .... 116 Summarising the ·uu ' that emigrated................... .. .... .. .... 11 9 Section 2: The Returned Migrant.......................................... 122 Introduction.. . . . . ............ . . . .. ... . ... .. . . . . ......... ... .. . ....... . .. 122 Characteristics of Returned Migrants............................... 123 The Reasons for Return.... .. ......................................... 124 The Conditions that Surround the Return........................ 124 Propensity or Intention to Return..... . . ........ ........ ... .... ... 130 Understanding the Reasons........................................ 130 Connection with home prior to return migration.... . ........ . ... . 131 Living in the Cook Islands after Return .......... ..... ............. I 34 Contributing to the Country ....... . ..... . ............ . . .. . . . . . .... .. . 136 Satisfaction and Future Mobility Intentions...... .................. 140 Summarising the ' uu' that returned........................ .. ... .... 144 Section 3: Those who Remained............................ .. ............. 145 Introduction.. ................. ... ................... .... . .............. 145 The Outer Island Perspectives.... . . ...... . ..... . . . ............ . ...... 146 Vl Rarotongan Perspectives............................................... 149 Why are they emigrating?......................................................... 149 Is Emigration from the Cook Islands a Problem?..................... 151 Do Returning Cook Islanders Contribute Positively to the Country?... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 Intentions of Emigration... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Why Do They Remain in the Cook Islands?............................ 155 Analysing the Decision.............................................. 165 Summarising the 'uu' that remained................................. 157 Conclusion: Cook Islands Migration in the Structuration Perspective........................................ 158 Chapter 7: Common Perceptions: Cook Islands Migration and Development........................... .. . 162 Introduction............................................................... 162 Unintentional Consequences: The Effects of Cook Islands Migration on the Country............. 163 Why do Cook Islanders Leave? A Common Perception............ 165 Low Wages.............................................................. 166 Employment Opportunities............................................ 166 Politics.................................................................... 168 Education and Health................................................... 168 Cost of Living............................................................ 169 Forming Migration Stereotypes........................................ 169 Changing Perceptions and Influencing Movements................... 170 Intentional Development.................................................. 171 The Unresolved Relationship.......................................... 173 Conclusion.................................................................. 174 Chapter 8: Conclusion.......................................................... 176 Key Findings................................................................ 178 The Agency of the Individual........................................... 178 The Causes of Cook Islands Migration - Interactions of Agency and Structure.................................. 179 Structures that Influence Cook Islands Movements.................. 180 Combining Agency and Structure to Produce Cook Islands Migration................................................... 181 The Effects of Cook Islands Migration................................. 181 The Relationship between Cook Islands Migration and Development. ... ... . ... ... .. ... . . .. .. .. ............. .. .. .............. 183 Vll One Last Word.. .. ...... ......... ........................................... 185 The End of This Journey and the Beginning of Others.. .. ........... 186 Appendices......................................................................... 188 Bibliography.. .............. ... .. .. ............... .... ....... .. . .. .................. 200 Vlll Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3 Table 4.4 Table 4.5 Table 4.6 Table 4.7 Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 6.1 Table 6.2 Table 6.3 Table 6.4 Table 6.5 Table 6.6 Table 6.7 List of Tables Resident Population Change Between 1996-2001 ......... Number of Registered Birth and Deaths, Estimated Net Migrants and Overall Population Change for the Intercensal Periods 1991-2001 ....... .... .. Summary of Information on Cook Islanders Living in New Zealand and Australia from 1996-2001 ............... Number of Public Service Employees Before and After Restructuring (salary and wage workers excluding Members of Parliament. .... . .. . . . .. ....... . ..... .. . .... ....... Resident Departures by Purposes of Departing . .. .. .. . .... Future Population Trends According to the Three Projection Variants, 2001-2021 .... . ......... . .......... . .... Resident Population Size in the Year 2021 According to Nine Projection Scenarios ...... ... .. ..... .... Gender and Age Characteristics of Cook Islands Participants in this Research ........... . ..... .. . . ....... ..... Gender and Age Characteristics of Auckland Participants in this Research ..... . .. ... .. . .... . ............. . Reasons for Migration from the Cook Islands by General Type ... . ......... .. ...... . .... .. ...... . . . ........... . .. Visits to New Zealand Prior to Current Migration . . ...... Cash Remittance Flows between New Zealand and the Cook Islands .... ..... .... ... .. . ................. .... ...... Occupations of Emigrants in the Cook Islands Prior to Migration and in New Zealand at the time of the Interview ... . ... .. .......................................... Reasons for Return Migration to the Cook Islands .... . .. Cash Remittance Flows between Returned Migrants and the Cook Islands Prior to Return ... ... . . .. .............. Occupations of Returned Migrants in the Cook Islands Prior to Moving Overseas and Upon Return Migration to the Cook Islands ........ .. ...... ... . . .. .. .. . ............ . .. . 54 55 57 59 61 64 66 78 80 93 100 107 112 129 130 136 lX Table 6.8 Table 6.9 Table 7.1 The Reasons Why Cook Islanders Migrate.... . .. . ... . .. .. . 151 Why do they Remain in the Cook Islands?. ..... ....... .... ..... 155 Permits Issued to Foreigners, 1996-2004. .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 164 x LIST OF FIGURES Figure 4.1 Future Population Trends According to three Projection Variants, 2001-202 J . • . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • . • • . • . . .. 64 Figure 4.2 Migration Assumptions for Population Projections, 2001-2021 ..... .... ... . ..... . ... .. .. ... . . . ... .... ............. . . . .. 65 Figure 6.1 Where Will the Migrants Be Living in the Future?. ..... ....... 117 Figure 6.2 Where Will the Returned Migrants Be Living in the Future?. .... ... .. .................... ... ... ........ .. ............ .... .... ....... .. 143 Figure 6.3 Is Emigration From the Cook Islands a Problem?............... 152 Figure 6.4 Do Returning Cook Islanders Contribute Positively to the Country?................... ........ ......... ... ..... .. ....................... I 53 Figure 6.5 Intentions ofEmigration ......................................... 154 Xl LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix 1 Map of the Cook Islands Map of the Cook Islands Position in Oceania...... . . . . . . . . . .. 188 Appendix 2 Research Information Sheet...... . .. .. ... . .. .................... 190 Appendix 3 Research Consent Form .. . . .......... . ... .................. .. .... 192 Appendix 4 The Survey .......... . .............................. ...... .......... 193 Appendix 5 Demographic Characteristics of Emigrants that Participated in thi s Research .......................................... . .. . .. .. .. . 194 Appendix 6 Effects and Adjustments Faced by Emigrants in ew Zealand .............................. ............... . ......... 195 Appendix 7 Demographic Characteri stics of Returned Migrants .......... 197 Appendix 8 Issues Faced and Adjustments Made b by Returned Migrants ............................................. 198 Xll CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 'Te uu' - an inspiration 'Te uu no te akau roa ka oki rai aia ki te akau roa ' (The parrotfish from the long reef it will return to the long reef) Within the lagoon of the island of Aitutaki in the Cook Islands, there is a section of reef that is known as ' te akau roa ' - the long reef. Throughout the ages, ' te akau roa ' is well known amongst Aitutakians as the best fishing spot in the lagoon. It is home to a variety of fish but none more delectable than the ' uu ' - the parrotfish. When the tide is right, there is an abundance of 'uu ' at 'te akau roa'. But when the tide changes and the sea is rough the ' uu ' swims away from 'te akau roa' to other sections of the reef where it waits till the tide is again right before returning to ' te akau roa ' . The ancestors in their wisdom noted similarities between the movements of the ' uu' and that of people. Firstly, the ancestors observed that in times of hardship or significant change to people's environment and circumstances, they were inclined to migrate away from the islands. When conditions on the islands improved, like the ' uu ', they would return. Secondly, the ancestors also understood that despite departing, people maintained a sense belonging to the islands from whence they departed. It was this sense of belonging that kept people connected to the islands and this would ensure that at some stage of their lives, they would return, hence coining the metaphor 'te uu no te akau roa, ka oki rai aia ki te akau roa' - the parrotfish from the long reef, it will return to the long reef. This metaphor is still widely used in the Cook Islands today when referring to the migration of Cook Islanders. It is how Cook Islanders define the meaning of migration and has been my inspiration in trying to understand the Cook Islands migration process. An academic and personal journey As a Cook Islander, I have always been surrounded by the flows of people and mobility has been an intrinsic part of my life as with the lives of all Cook Islanders. Growing up in the Cook Islands, 1 have observed the movements of people away from the islands and sometimes back again and many times back and forth between the islands and the metropolitan Pacific Rim countries of New Zealand and Australia. I have also participated in this process, leaving home to attend university in 1988 and then returning to the Cook Islands in 1991 , and again departing in 2005 , once more to seek higher education. Prior to my coming to New Zealand in 2005 to attend Massey University, I was telling a friend about my intentions and she said, "te uu note akau roa, ka oki rai aia ki te akau roa" - the parrotfish from the long reef, it wi II return to the long reef. I had heard this metaphor many times before but at this particular moment (because it was used to refer to myself) I was intrigued by it and sought to understand it better. In doing so, I wondered whether Cook Islanders migrated away from the islands like the ' uu ', as a result of tides - where movements are dictated by factors outside the control of the individual. I also pondered as to why Cook Islands migrants returned to the Cook Islands to live after many years overseas. Finally, I was curious as to how Cook Islanders perceived the effects of their migration on the country. It is from these trains of thought that the main challenge for this thesis is derived from. At the outset of this thesis, I was convinced that like the movements of the ' uu ', migration was dictated by factors outside the control of the individuals concerned. However, as this thesis journey progressed , I realised that too often generalisations and assumptions are made about the causes and effects of migration without actually gaining the perspectives of those directly involved in it. Those who make up the Cook Islands migration process are not confined to only the emigrants and returned migrants but also those potential migrants who remain at home. Thus, the challenge for me in this thesis is to understand the 2 causes and effects of Cook Islands migration from the perspective of Cook Islanders. The experiences of field research and my own reflections of my migration actions have made me appreciate that individuals are not passive but active agents within the migration process. Therefore, I am motivated to portray them as such. In many respects this thesis is an academic journey as well as a personal one. Research Rationale Migration is a phenomenon as old as humanity itself. " Of this fact there is no better proof than the spread of human beings to all corners of the earth. A careful examination of virtually any historical era reveals a consistent propensity towards geographic mobility among men and women, who are driven to wander by diverse motives, but nearly always with some idea of material improvement." (Massey et.al , 1998 : I) It is this concept of ' material improvement ' that has dominated the international migration debate. At the heart of the contemporary debate on migration are population movements across national borders - international migration in particularly movements from developing to developed countries. The significant flows of population from developing to developed countries have provided both positive and negative and often contradictory impacts for sending countries. These impacts have been predominantly viewed thorough the lens of developmental economists. International migration has for some countries provided a 'safety valve' for overpopulation and the export of labour in return for receipt of remittances. The consequences of migration from this point of view has largely been depicted as negative, with the focus being on ' brain drain ', further dependency on remittances, break down of social structures and traditions and so forth . For small countries with small populations, international migration results in depopulation affecting all aspects of society. Indeed, much of the research on international 3 migration has focused on the question of why people migrate and the consequences of their movements. The conventional approaches to the causes of international migration are largely drawn from dominant development paradigms and presents explanations of the process at both macro and micro levels of analysis. The functionalist perspective to international migration is a micro approach in the sense that the cause of international migration is seen as the result of voluntarist rational economic decision making by the migrant influenced by the economic disparities and unequal development between the sending and receiving countries. The structuralist perspective is focuses on macro level factors; the cause of international migration centres on differences in economies and development levels between the developing periphery sending and the developed core receiving countries. These perspectives have implications for dependency, the international division of labour and the transfer of labour and capital. More integrative approaches have attempted to integrate the micro and macro perspectives by using the household, systems and networks as units of analysis. From this standpoint, migration provides a strategy to improve the economic and material well-being of the household and the network. The rationale of integrative approaches has implications for dependency on remittances, social stratification, class relations and the formation of transnational communities. Although the functionalist perspective of international migration highlights individual rational economic behaviour, on the whole, the causal factors of the process from the view of dominant approaches are highly structural. Recent shifts in migration research have recognised the complexity of the migration process and the importance of qualitative methods in unraveling many aspects of migration that have not previously been aniculated by either conventional or quantitative approaches to the process. In particular, this shift in migration approach has emphasized the importance of qualitative methods to provide 4 understanding of the individual's agency and thus highlighting the inadequacies of and challenging dominant approaches to international migration. This shift in migration approach is evident in research regarding Pacific Islands migration. Pacific Island migration research illustrates the significance of qualitative research in e lucidating the multifaceted nature of the process. It reveals a process that is not merely dictated by economistic reactions to push and pull; but rather a phenomenon that results from a combination of individual agency and structures. In particular it emphasizes the significance of non­ economic structures associated with Pacific Islands culture in influencing migration actions. By invoking and exploiting structures Pacific Islanders knowingly produce not only the Pacific Island migration process but a lso reinforce these very structures in a recurring manner. However, despite the significance of agency apparent in the Pacific Islands migration process, its theorisation has predominantly remained entrenched within the dimensions of the household, family or network; rather than from an individual perspective. This thesis is driven by the need to understand migration from the individual's perspective. This is by no means an emphasis on the individual at the cost of the social, economic or political circumstances, but more exactly to understand the individual within these different contexts. It is based on the notion that ultimately the decision to migrate or not is that of the individual. This decision incorporates the total environment (the global, local and household dimensions) of the individual, representing a culmination of knowledge against a background of values, beliefs, aspirations, goals, emotions and personality; illuminating both the logic of individual action and the effects of structural factors within which peoples' lives evolve. Incorporating all of the above factors in migration research raises the issue of a framework that can adequately provide understanding of the international 5 migration process. Giddens's (1984) structuration theory and its focus on the recursive relationship between knowing and capable human beings (or agency) and wider structures provides this opportunity. According to the structuration theory, as a social process, migration is constituted by agents (human beings), interacting with structures (Giddens, 1984). In emphasizing the agency of the individual, the structuration theory offers a means of understanding people's own formulations of their situation and how they come to make the decisions they make. The structuration framework presents the migrant not as product of materialism derived from his or her location in the global political-economic periphery, but an active agent interacting with structures to produce the migration process. Therefore, this thesis draws upon the structuration theory to elucidate the agency of the individual and the structures that influence the migration decisions and actions of those that constitute the international migration process. The Cook Islands as a Research Context Before explaining the choice of the Cook Islands as the research context for this thesis, a brief introduction to the Cook Islands is appropriate. Geography The Cook Islands comprises fifteen islands spread out over an exclusive economic zone of about two million square kilometers in the South Pacific. A map of the Cook Islands group, together with its location in relation to Australia and New Zealand, is contained in Appendix 1. The islands of the Cook Islands can be separated into three main categories: the Northern group, the Southern group and Rarotonga. There are seven islands in the Northern group: Penrhyn, Rakahanga, Manihiki, Pukapuka, Nassau, Palmerston and Suwarrow and are all coral atolls. Being coral atolls, these islands have a limited resource base and because they are low lying, are extremely vulnerable to cyclones and droughts. The islands of the Southern 6 group are Aitutaki , Manuae, Mitiaro, Takutea, Atiu, Mauke, and Mangaia. Manuae and Takutea are coral atoll islands and are uninhabited. Mangaia, Mauke, Mititaro and Atiu are high-elevated reef islands. The centers of these islands are fertile , surrounded by jagged, dead coral - the ' makatea', remnants of the former reef. Aitutaki on the other hand is cross between a volcanic and coral atoll island. Its soils are fertile enabling a variety of crops to grow. Rarotonga, a high volcanic island with fertile soils, it is the capital and the administrative and center of the Cook Islands. People and Population The indigenous inhabitants are Cook Islands Maori. The resident population for all the islands at the 2001 Census was 15,017. This is a decline from the 1986 Census, where the resident population was 18,071. (Cook Islands Statistics Office, 200 I) In 2003 , figures show that the resident population of the Cook Islands had again declined to 13,900 (Office of the Prime Minister, 2003). Government The Cook Islands has been a self-governing nation in free association with New Zealand since 1965. As a result of this special relationship, Cook Islanders are citizens of New Zealand. The Cook Islands Head of State is Queen Elizabeth of England, represented in the Cook Islands by an appointed Queen ' s Representative. The Cook Islands Parliament has 24 elected members. Rarotonga has I 0 members of parliament while the rest of the islands elect the remaining 14. General elections are held every four years with Cook Islanders over the age of 18 eligible to vote. In addition to the central government, the outer islands (those outside Rarotonga) operate local government under statutory powers devolved by Parliament to local councils. Each island and each of the three districts of Rarotonga elects a local council and a Mayor. An Island Secretary manages the local government in the outer islands. 7 Economy The largest industry in the Cook Islands is tourism . Visitor arrivals have increased from under 50,000 in the 1990s to 83,000 in 2002 (Cook Islands Statistics Office, 2005) . Tourism is largely based in Rarotonga with a growing market in Aitutaki and small operations on other southern group islands. Tourism (and its related activities such as transport, entertainment, and souvenir industries) is currently the country ' s main source of income of employment. Other commercial activities include the offshore banking, the black pearl and more recentl y longline fishing industries. Again , apart from the black pearl industry, which is based in the islands Manihiki and Penrhyn, the other industries are based in the capital Raroton ga. Like its Pacific Island neighbours, the Cook Islands are clearly a small and undiversified economy within a g lobali sed market place. These characteristics provide the backdrop for the study of Cook Islands migration. Why study Cook Islands migration? In 1996, the Cook Islands embarked on an economic reform program instigated by its international creditors in response to debts and economic crisi s. This resulted in many Cook Islanders leaving the islands. In subsequent years the Cook Islands have experienced continuous population decline with increased migration to New Zealand and Australia. As a small country, thi s has great implications at economic, social and political levels. At the National Forum held in November 2003 in Rarotonga, participants from both the private and public sectors voiced concerns over the decline in population, in particular the issue of the diminishing workforce and the importation of foreign labour. It was established at that meeting that the migration issue was of crucial importance to the future development of the Cook Islands. The National Forum called for a population and migration study to be carried out to determine why Cook Islanders were migrating and the impact of migration on the country. To 8 date this has yet to be carried out. Furthermore, in 2003, the Cook Islands Government launched the 'Oki Mai ' Relocation Programme at the Pasifika Festival in Auckland. This was followed by various meetings and presentations conducted by officials from the Cook Islands Government in New Zealand centres where Cook Islanders congregate such as Auckland, Wellington , Tokoroa, and Christchurch. These meetings highlighted the issue of out-migration from the Cook Islands and pleaded with Cook Islanders to return to the homeland. This program so far has had very minimal success. Migration is a major concern for the Cook Islands. With the significant decline in population, increasingly the future of the country is dependent on coming up with solutions for the perceived ' migration problem ' highlighting the need to incorporate migration into the development agendas of the country. The reasons and possible solutions for the so-called Cook Islands 'migration problem ' are likely to be gained through an understanding of the Cook Islands migration process from the perspective of Cook Islanders. Appreciating these factors may provide for the possibility of long lasting policy solutions to the ' migration problem ' and some direction for the future development issues of the Cook Islands. The fieldwork conducted for this thesis is divided into three parts. Firstly, it will examine migration from Rarotonga to Auckland, New Zealand. Secondly, it will investigate return migration to Rarotonga. Thirdly, it will consider the decision making of non-migrants from Rarotonga and selected outer islands. This research focuses on the period immediately following Cook Islands Economic Reform Program in 1996, to 2005 . The decision to conduct research in this context arises firstly , from the fact that Rarotonga is the departure and entry point for Cook Islands international migration. Secondly, Auckland has been predominantly, the main destination for the majority of Cook Islands migrants. Thirdly, return migration to the Cook Islands has been predominantly to Rarotonga where the 9 majority of the population is concentrated. The focus on the period 1996 to 2005 hopes to explain the tendency for migration rather than just the volume and timing. It is an attempt to move away from conceptualisation of the process based on episodes or incidences of negative conditions in an objective environment, and seek explanation of migration in the context of ongoing aspects of Cook Islands lives and livelihoods. Research Objectives This thesis emerges from my reaction to the inadequacies of the dominant approaches of international migration in providing explanations of the process. As this study progressed , I have realised that a dynamic social process such as migration cannot be conceptualised by simply focusing on macro economic/political structural factors , and that comprehending the agency of the individual is crucial to providing a deeper understanding of migration. This thesis intends to examine the causes and effects of Cook Islands international migration from the perspective of Cook Islanders. This has led me to define my research objectives: • to examine the agency of individual Cook Islanders m determining migration actions; • to determine the structures that impact on the migration deci sions and actions of Cook Islanders; • to discover the causes of Cook Islands migration and its effects from the perspective of Cook Islanders • and to consider the link between Cook Islands migration and development. By examining international migration from the perspective of those involved in the migration process, I strove to obtain a deeper understanding of the Cook Islands migration . The perspective of the individual has revealed much. In particular, it has emphasized the agency of the individual that makes the migration decision - a decision that is influenced by structures. Therefore migration is the result of both agency and structure. This allows the individual to explain individual behaviour in relation to structural forces. This is an attempt to 10 give Cook Islanders a 'voice' and the recognition that they are not objects dictated by structures, but are interpretive subjects in their own mobility. Thesis structure and Chapter Outline The perspective of the individual is crucial in providing a deeper understanding not only Cook Islands migration but also development issues related to the process - this is the foundation of this thesis. Chapter I has launched the research by providing a brief introduction into the main themes, context and objectives of this thesis. Chapter 2 provides a review of international migration literature. The discussion on the dominant approaches to international migration demonstrates the inadequacies of these perspectives in capturing the complexity of the migration process. This chapter emphasizes the neglect of agency and other non-economic structures in dominant migration explanations. In line with more recent shifts in migration research , the structuration theory is proposed as an alternative approach to understanding international migration . This chapter will argue that the structuration theory acknowledges both agency and structure. Its focus on qualitative methodologies provides a means of incorporating the different aspects related to migration decision-making and behaviour into analysis of the process. Additionally, the structuration approach also provides an alternative way of comprehending the relationship between migration and development. The Pacific Islands migration literature will be reviewed in Chapter 3 to illustrate the complexity of international migration and the fallacy of conceptualising the process within purely economic imaginaries. · This chapter will demonstrate that the Pacific Islands migration process is the result of the interactions between knowing and capable agents and structures. The significance of culture in determining migration actions will also be highlighted. The review of Pacific Islands migration literature is a testament that the migration process is the result of the interaction between knowing capable agents who are knowledgeable about 11 themselves and the various structures that influence their decisions and actions. Again the structuration theory is drawn upon as a means of illuminating this recurring relationship. This chapter again stresses the importance of theorising and understanding the agency of the individual in migration research. Chapter 4 will provide a brief background of the recent population trends and dynamics in the Cook Islands. It will highlight the current issue of population decline faced by the Cook Islands and its devastating effects on the population sustainabi 1 ity of the country. Chapter 5 will explain and provide justification for the methods that have been chosen to gather the primary data for this research. This chapter will outline how the fieldwork was conducted and provide a reflection on the fieldwork experience. The findings from the primary research for this thesis will be presented in Chapter 6. This thesis recognizes that the Cook Islands migration process does not only include those who have moved either away from or back to the islands but also those who have remained in the country. Therefore, Chapter 6 will be divided into four main sections. The first section will examine the Cook Islands migration process from the perspective of those who have departed from the islands from 1996 to 2005. It will examine the migration actions and perceptions of the emigrants. The key issues that will be discussed are, the migration decisions; the reasons for migration; choice of destination ; the effects, satisfaction and dissatisfaction resulting from migration, intentions of return and the emigrants thoughts on migration, development and the Cook Islands. The second section will focus on the perspective of return migrants. Like the previous chapter, the key issues that will be examined are the return migration decisions; the context in which the decisions are made and the reasons for return migration; and the impact of the decisions on returned migrants' lives. It also considers how return migrants perceive their contribution and impact on the development of the Cook Islands thus, providing an insight into the relationship between migration and 12 development from the perspective of the returnee. The third section will examine the Cook Islands migration process from the perspective of those who have remained in the country since 1996. It will consider their perception of the causes of migration, the reasons why they did not migrate and their views on migration and development in the Cook Islands. In the final section, the need for migration studies to take agency seriously. The interactions between individuals and structures that aid in turning migration potential into migration action will be highlighted. Chapter 7 uses the voices (narratives) of those researched to discuss the common perceptions regarding Cook Islands migration. These perceptions highlight the Cook Jslands ' migration problem' and its effects on the country. The issues involved in solving this problem are examined demonstrating the unresolved relationship between migration and development. To conclude the thesis, Chapter 8 will review the arguments made in this thesis. These arguments will be placed in the context of the literature and revi sits key themes in understanding the causes and effects of international migration. A reflection of the thesis experience is provided in conclusion. 13 CHAPTER2 THEORISING INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION Introduction The literature on international migration addresses the challenging task of conceptualising the causes and effects of the movement of people from developing to developed countries. Authors have utilised different theoretical frameworks to approach international migration . As a result, "a fragmented set of theories have developed largely in isolation from one another" and have been drawn upon to explain international migration (Massey, 1993:432). While each of these theories offers explanation for part of the dynamics of migration, none exclusively can conceptualise the process as a whole. This raises the issue of an approach that can adequately explain and incorporate the complexity and multifaceted nature of international migration. The first section of this chapter, discusses the conventional approaches to explaining international migration. Conventional theories of migration recognise distinct perspectives of international migration - the functionalist and structuralist approaches. However, because of the developmentali st orientation of both these approaches, they ultimately reduce migration to the movement of labour responding to wage differential or inequality between the source and destination countries caused by a difference in levels ofeconomic development. Essentially the underlying causes of migration are perceived as the result of structural economic/political differences between origin and destination countries. The effects of migration have predominantly concentrated on economic benefits and detriments resulting from the movements of labour on national economies. Consequently, the agency of the migrant is neglected and insufficient attention is paid to the non-economic factors that may determine migration (Arango, 2000; Goss and Linquist, 1995; Papastergiadis, 2000). 14 More integrative approaches to international migration will be discussed in the second section of this chapter. These integrative approaches incorporate into migration analysis the household, systems and migrant networks. In turn, this has lead to the emergence of concern with transnationalism and transnational communities. This section argues that, despite these integrative approaches offering invaluable insights into some of the dynamics of international migration, they are treated as causal merely because of their empirical existence (Goss and Lindquist, 1995). As a result, there is a failure to adequately theorise the interaction between individuals and structures that are essential for supporting the assumptions of these integrative approaches. Both conventional and integrative approaches to international migration highlight the need to incorporate the agency of individuals in migration analysis. The third section of this chapter argues that the above approaches predominantly conceptualise migrants as objects within the migration process. It argues that more recent shifts in migration literature have highlighted the need for the agency to be brought to the forefront of migration analysis - to theorise the agency of the individual and how it interacts with other structures to produce the migration process. It argues that a (re)conceptualisation of migration is required, one that understands the importance of agency, and where structure and agency can both be incorporated into migration analysis (Findlay and Li , 1999). The fourth section of this chapter, proposes Giddens's ( 1984) structuration theory as an alternative framework that can incorporate both agency and structure into migration analysis and that better captures the complexity of the process. At the core of the structuration theory is the notion that the individual is an active agent who is knowledgeable about him or herself and structures in which his or her life evolves. This allows the migrant to be conceived not merely as on object in the migration process but rather as an interpretative subject and an active agent. This section provides a brief discussion of the certain structuration theory concepts that 15 provide a deeper understanding of the migration process and also the relationship between migration and development. Conventional Explanations of International Migration The Functionalist Approach Functional models of population movement are based on modernisation theory and neoclassical development economics. These models conceptualise migration as the means by which surplus labour from rural agricultural economy 1s transferred to the urban sector, providing for economic growth and a psychological reorientation of the migrant in the process (Lewis, 1954; Ranis & Fei , 1964; Zelinsky, 1971). The explanations for migration are based on either the general socioeconomic characteristics of source and destination societies or individual perception and decision-making. This is a micro approach in the sense that it assumes that the social process is the sum of individual economic rational calculations (Massey et al. , 1993). The approach assumes that each migrant makes rational decisions to maximise their utility on the basis of available knowledge of objective conditions (Todaro, 1969; 1976). Thus labour moves in search of higher wages from areas of capital scarcity and labour abundance to areas of labour scarcity, or from rural to urban areas and from developing countries to developed countries. International migration is therefore a form of investment in human capital (Massey et al. , 1993). Functionalists predict that human capital characteristics that raise the potential benefits of migration, and individual , social, or technological factors that lower costs, will lead to increased migration. This increase in migration will result in competition for employment in the destination country whereby eventually depressing wages, while remittances together with the return of skilled migrants to the source area will stimulate economic growth , eventually eliminating spatial inequality and the wage differential that drives migration . Rural-urban and international migrations have increased in many contexts despite high levels of unemployment and underemployment in urban-industrial 16 economies (Goss & Linquist, 1995). Nor has economic development of source areas occurred as predicted by the approach (Kearney, 1986). Attempts to salvage this model propose that individuals respond rationally to perceived differentials in wages and the expected probability of securing employment, rather than actual opportunities, hence migration occurring despite limited opportunities for wage labour (Todaro, 1970). According to Kearney ( 1986:335-336) although this behavioural alteration of normative theory makes sense, it admits the non­ equilibrating tendencies in migration and incorporates imperfect information and supra-individual decision-making. Thus the model loses its theoretical distinctiveness and explanatory value. By categorising the migrant as labour power, the functionalist approach disregards gender, ethnicity and social class, factors significant in the identity, personality and behaviour of the individual (Cadwallader, 1992 cited in Goss & Lindquist, 1995:320). The homogeneous categorisation of migrants also neglects to offer explanation for other dominant forms of contemporary migration such as illegal migrants, and the movement of asylum seekers and refugees. Similarly, the tendency for migrants to follow earlier patterns of movements, demonstrates the persi stence of historical links forged under colonialism rather than the economic calculation to move to the nearest job. Furthermore, the functionalist approach fails to acknowledge that politics also strongly conditions the intensity and direction of any migratory flow. As Papastergiadis (2000) argues, although economics may influence many decisions to migrate, political factors are usually the condition that allows migration to materialise. The focus on economic factors in functionalist explanations mechanically reduces the determinants of migration and downplays non-economic factors and the existentialism of the migrant (Arango, 2000). The Structuralist Approach The structuralist approach explains migration m terms of the exploitative political-economic relationships between sending and receiving societies. 17 Migration literature generally identifies two closely related but distinct forms of this approach - the dual labour market theory and the world systems theory. These theories are derived from neo-Marxist development principles of dependency and underdevelopment (Breman, 1985; Portes, 1978; Safa, 1982). At the core of the dual market labour theory is the notion that migration is the outcome of the uneven spatial development resulting from colonial and neocolonial relationships between developed capitalist economies and the underdeveloped peripheries (De Haan, 1999). In this light, migration is not only a response to the inequalities resulting from underdevelopment but is also a social process by which it is reinforced (Goss & Lindquist, 1995). The process of underdevelopment creates the dual market at the global level (Piore, 1979). Piore ( 1979) argues that the dual labour market is sustained by the structural labour demand of the modern economies in destination areas. This leads to the stratification of the labour market where migrants are predominately m the secondary labour sector, which is characterised by low wages, low status and undesirable working conditions. Accordingly, the dual market labour theory does not necessarily provide explanation of the causes of international migration but highlights the importance of structural demand for foreign labour. This is inherent in the economic structure of contemporary developed societies that demands and allows international migration of labour to occur, initiated by recruitment policies of employers and governments in destination areas. According to Arango (2000:290) because it is demand-driven, it excludes 'push ' factors therefore explaining only a small part of reality. Essentially, this approach neglects the fact that the majority of migrants move on their own initiative rather than to fill specific job vacancies. The world systems theory agam focuses on the unequal relationship between developed capitalist 'centre' countries and underdeveloped/dependent 'periphery' countries, and the historical relationship between the formerly colonised and the 18 colonisers, (Breman, 1985; Portes, 1978; Safa, 1982). The thrust of this theory is the structure of the world market - notably the "penetration of capitalist economic relations into peripheral, non-capitalist societies [which] creates a mobile population that is prone to migrate abroad" (Massey et al., 1993:444). International migration is generated as land, raw materials, and labour in areas of origin is drawn into the world market economy and traditional systems are disrupted . The process is further encouraged by the advancement of transportation and technology. In this I ight, international migration is inevitable; migrants are relocated by the restless drives of capitalism and thus have limited choice in the migration decision (Papastergiadis, 2000). Because of its focus on a macro perspective, this theory fails to acknowledge the importance of micro-level aspects such as individualism, family, gender and culture and the influence of these factors on the migration decision. The macro level of analysis adopted by the structuralist approach assumes that the real force driving migration is predominantly external to the actions of the migrants. Whether the migrant is being ' pulled ' by the structural demands for cheap labour or the unrelenting drives of capitalism, his or her agency in the process is rendered insignificant and ultimately dictated by structural forces (Papastergiadis, 2000). Thus, the structuralist perspective also fails to incorporate into explanations of international migration other micro-level factors that impact on migration. The Migration and Development Relationship - A Problem of Capturing Realities Because of the developmentalist orientation of functionalist and structuralist approaches, the frame of reference is national economic development. This not only assumes universality and homogeneous economic behaviour of people but also operates on the conceptions of a dual economy. The dual economy conceives the economic and social differences between two opposite poles - the developed (centre) and the developing/underdeveloped (periphery). The 19 developing/underdeveloped areas of origin and developed destinations are assumed by these approaches as unproblematic stages upon which migration is played out (Parnwell, 1993). Migration is therefore a feature and consequence of the development process where people are assumed to move in an automatic fashion from the developing/underdeveloped periphery to the developed centre. As a result these approaches conceive of the migrant as a labourer, an object in the process of economic development, or as a victim of transformations in a local economy. The functionalist approach assumes that individuals are merely economically rational beings whose behaviour is determined largely by economic variables. The structural perspective also objectifies migrants by conceptualising migrants as labourers who respond to economic signals such as the uneven penetration of capitalism. Consequently, the common themes in these approaches are the broader political-economic conditions producing migration rather than the migrants themselves. Criticisms of the approaches have focused upon the fallacy of the idea that a phenomenon as complex as migration could have a single cause. As a result analyses frequently confuse the explanation of migration in general with causation of one movement or type of movement in particular. The contradictions to the functionalist and structuralist approaches draws attention to the fact that yet another process or set of processes must be occurring within overall migration practises. More Integrative Approaches Attempts to broaden explanations of international migration have resulted with more integrative approaches. These integrative approaches have attempted to link different levels of social organization and analyse migration characteristics simultaneously from both the sending and receiving areas while considering the historical and contemporary processes (Faist, 1997; Massey, 1990). New Economics Approach The 'new economics approach' for example, shifts the focus of migration from the individual in microeconomic functional approach to one of mutual 20 interdependence. Migration is viewed as a family, household, or community strategy to diversify sources of income, minimize risks to the household, and overcome barriers to credit and capital (Stark, 1984; 1991). This does not suggest that the behaviour of individuals should be ignored , but rather that it should be studied in the context ofthe 'group ' (Stark, 1991). Stark (1984; 1991) argues that international migration is a deliberate means to enhance the household 's productivity endeavors and increase income relative to others in the community by sending members abroad who will in turn remit earnings back to those at home. Indeed much of the literature on international migration has supported this theoretical view, (Fletcher and Taylor, 1992 on Mexico; Root and DeJong, 1991 on the Phillipines; Thomas-Hope, 1986 on the Caribbean; and Massey, 1987). Lucas and Stark (1985:1495) highlight that remittances are part of a mutually beneficial arrangement between the migrant and his or her family at home. This clearly challenges the economic theory assumptions. As noted by Lucas and Stark ( 1985), if migrants ' movements are solely designed to maximize income then logicall y they should endeavor to settle abroad permanently, cutting economic ties to their original communities. Arango (2000) observed the inapplicability of the new economics approach to other dominant forms of international migration such as refugees, asylum seekers, illegal migrants ' and in particular the movement of complete families. Such movements contradict the assumptions of the new economics approach. The Systems Approach The 'systems approach ' focuses on both the macro and micro linkages between places linked by migration (Fawcett & Arnold, 1987; Kritz & Zlotnik, 1992). Macro level relations include political systems, economic dependency/dominance, immigration policy, and cultural/linguistic associations. On the micro level interactions include friendship and kinship resulting from the geographic dispersion of populations. Migration is conceived as a chronological process comprising of discrete phases of decision, transition, and adaptation by the individual made within the context of general political economic and specific 21 social relationships at each stage (Fawcett & Arnold, 1987). The dynamics of migration moves from a consideration of movement as linear, unidirectional , push-pull , cause-effect movement to notions that emphasize migration as circular, interdependent, progressively complex and self-modifying systems in which the effect of changes in one part can be traced through the whole of the systems (Faist, 2000) . This explains in part the cumulative causation of migration. Despite the promise of the 'systems approach' as a framework that enables integration of theoretical explanations and al 1 the actors relevant in the process of migration (Kritz, Lim and Zlotnik, 1992), according to Arango (2000:292) it is "no more than a desideratum which has never been fulfilled" and has hardly gone beyond the identification of international migration , at a purely descriptive level. The Networks Approach The 'networks approach ' is linked to the concept of social capital. Massey (1998) argues that in the process of international migration , access to social capital is achieved through membership in networks and social institutions, which is then converted into other forms of capital to improve or maintain position in society. According to Massey ( 1993:448), " these migrant networks are sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship and shared community origin." The migrant network serves to reduce the costs and risks of international migration and thus increases the likelihood of movement. Networks are cumulative in nature, as they grow larger and denser with every move hence perpetuating international migration. All these interrelationships are connected to one another over space and time and encapsulated under the rubric of transnationalism (McHugh, 2000:72) . Transnationalism is defined by Duany (2002:357) as the "establishment of frequent and intense social, economic, political and cultural links between two or more countries." This definition of transnationalism deconstructs migration as a one-way journey making it distinct 22 from conventional migration concepts (Portes et al., 1999 cited in Borovnik, 2003:26). Where is the individual's agency? These integrative approaches identify the connections between the macro and micro levels of international migration analysis (Faist, 1997). The units of analysis are the household, spaces connected by migration, and migrant networks. All are empirical objects lying somewhere between the individual and society. With regard to the household as a unit of analysis, Goss and Lindquist (1995) noted that while the household provides a means of bridging the gap between social and individual levels of analysis. The household as a unit of analysis in the ' new economics approach' perceives migration as the result of "very precise calculations" (Guest, 1989 cited in Lindquist and Goss, 1995 :327). In effect the rational calculating individual is merely replaced with the rational calculating household. The focus on remittances in the new economics approach again reduces the causes of migration action to economic behaviour. As such, it repeats the "errors of voluntarism in neoclassical approaches to social explanation" (Goss and Lindquist, 1995:327) by downplaying non-economic determinants of migration and the existentialism of the migrant. The framework for analysis in the 'systems approach' includes networks, intermediary institutions, and other macro dimensions such as the state (Kritz, Lim and Zlotnik, 1992). Despite the fact that this approach incorporates into analysis the structures that enable or allow migration to occur, it fails to clearly articulate the agency of individuals' within the system. While the concept of networks is able to incorporate the individual and conventional units of household, family and community into a single analytical framework, it emphasizes the naive conceptualisation of rural/peasant 23 communities m developing societies consistent with dominant development literature. The network is assumed to be operating in idealistic harmonious nature (Goss and Lindquist, 1995 :329). The agency of the individual is therefore rendered secondary to the dynamics of the network. Goss and Lindquist (1995: 330-331) argue these perspectives are treated as a causal category by virtue merely of their empirical existence without adequate theorisation of their logical and structural characteristics. As a result these integrative approaches do not theorise the interplay between individual agency and the household, system or the network that is propositioned to build a dynamic momentum into international migratory flow (Faist, 2000: 14). In Goss and Lindquist ' s ( 1995 :331) opinion, " the problem that the integrative approaches attempt to resolve, that is the contradiction between functionalist and structuralist perspectives results not merely from different levels of analysis, nor even from ideological predilection, but from an inability of theories to coherently articulate structure and agency." It is unlikely that structure and agency can be coherently articulated ifthe agency of the migrant is rendered secondary. Agency in migration studies The conventional approaches to international migration present a one-sided view of migration decision-making. While each of the international migration approaches discussed above presents theoretical frameworks that contribute to explanation of part of the migration process, none in isolation makes provision for conceptualising all relevant components of the process. However, including these approaches into popular migration debate allows understanding and acceptance of the importance of the perspective of the individual to gain a deeper understanding of the international migration process. This requires a shift from conceptualising individuals as objects responding to broader forces to interpretive subjects that are active agents within migration processes. This position has caused lively debate in current migration literature (see Findlay and Graham, 1991; Halfacree and Boyle, 1993; Skeldon, 1995; White and Jackson, 1995; Boyle, Halfacree and 24 Robinson, 1998). According to Findlay and Graham ( 1991) and White and Jackson ( 1995), much is to be understood about migration from an open, engaged consideration of social theory. White and Jackson (1995) argue that migration analysis is enriched by broadening focus to consider the perspectives that individuals hold about the migration process. They argue that migrants are not the product of the natural evolution of economic processes but rather that migration is socially constructed. This supports Chapman's (1985:2) observation that " [t]he world of individual and social experience - in this case mobility and identity - is not a natural , physical , or mechanical object but rather a human construction." By recognizing migration as a socially constructed process, it is argued that the emphasis in migration research requires a shift from macro and quantitative to micro and qualitative levels of analysis in order to comprehend the realities of those involved in the migration process (Lawson, 2000; McHugh, 2000). This shift necessitates a rethinking in the way that mi grat ion is conceived - where the agency of the individual is significant and where the interactions between the individual and structures can be articulated. Interacting Agency and Structure - The Structuration Theory The structuration theory developed by Anthony Giddens ( 1984) examines the recursive relationship between knowing and capable human beings (agency) and wider structures - a relationship which Giddens terms ' the duality of structure'. The structuration theory is admittedly and has been criticised as being abstract and complex (see Philo and Sadler, 1991 ; Craib, 1992; Cloke, Cassell, 1993; Loyal, 2003 for further discussion). However, Giddens proposes that structuration is not a decidedly coherent theory but an approach containing several different concepts which operate as tools to open and elucidate social life and argues that it should be applied as such. Giddens ( 1984:288) suggests that in applying these concepts, researchers should elucidate individual 's ' frames of meaning' to provide a sophisticated account of individual motivations. In doing so, this will demonstrate not only the agency of the individual but also how he or 25 she interacts with various structures to produce actions which in turn produces social processes. In terms of migration, Giddens opens up the possibility of migration analysis to breakout of the narrow conception of migrants as independent actors behaving in a voluntarist fashion or as puppets whose actions are entirely determined by structural mechanisms (Findlay and Li, 1999). Instead, migration can be conceived as a social process that results form the constant interactions between individuals who determine their specific behaviours and actions and at the same time are embedded in wider structures that in part define the conditions of their existence. Understanding this process starts with comprehension of ' agency '. The Concept of Agency Craib ( 1992:35) explained Giddens's concept of agency as, "[m]y action is rooted in my knowledge of myself and the world, and the rationalization is the causal expression of that." This illustrates that at the heart of the structuration theory's concept of agency is the freewill and knowledgeability of the individual not only of him or herself but also of the situations or circumstances in which he or she is situated in . This suggests that the way in which the individual formulates decisions and actions is in response to this knowledge of the 'self' and the situations that he or she is situated in and should be examined. Giddens ( 1984) argues that each agent (or individual) possesses practical , discursive and unconscious levels of consciousness. At each of these levels, the agent is knowledgeable about the actions that he or she undertakes. At the practical level of consciousness, this knowiedge is tacit, where it entails that agents know how to act. The agent also possesses a level of discursive consciousness. This enables agents to provide explanations for actions and connotes the possibility of changing patterns of action. Discursive consciousness therefore refers to the understanding or knowledge, which the agent achieves by reflecting upon his or her actions through describing, monitoring and giving 26 rational accounts for actions. Giddens also advocates that not all motives for action can be found at the conscious level. Agents also operate on an unconscious level , which involves actions caused by unconscious motives. Motives are seen as the agents 'wants' and they refer to potential for action rather than action itself (Craib, 1992). These 'wants' draws attention to the agent's internal conditioning factors that influences action , such as, aspirations, ambitions and goals of the individual that provide overall plans or programs for action. The structuration theory therefore, proposes that the vast majority of actions are intentional. However, Giddens also argues that intentional actions produce unintentional consequences. These unintentional consequences become the basis for new actions, emphasizing the reproductive nature of action. Giddens in emphasizing the intent and the reproductive nature of action argues that action must be seen as a process rather than combined discrete acts. This process is characterised by the constant reflexive monitoring of action, rationalisation of action and motivation for action. The reflexive monitoring of action is a routine feature of human conduct. The agent continually evaluates what he or she does, how others react, the circumstances under which the action takes place and the setting of the interaction. The rationalisation of action is the process whereby the agent maintains a tacit understanding of the grounds for his or her activities - the reasons for action. Giddens maintains that reasons should be considered as causes for action. He argues that " ... reasons are causes ... the rationalization of action are causally implicated, in the continuation of day-to-day actions (Giddens, 1984:345). In contrast, the concept of motivation for action refers more to the potential for action . According to Craib ( 1992:37-38), motives predominantly occur in special situations, where, for example, everyday flow of activities is threatened or breached. 27 When applied to international migration, the concept of agency gives ownership of the migration decision to the individual - ultimately it is the individual who chooses to migrate. Migration action results from both knowledge of the 'self and of the 'world' (as suggested by Craib, 1992) The knowledge of the self builds into migration research an awareness of personality, personal experiences, responsibilities, the freewill of the individual and also issues of social identity. While knowledge of the 'world ' implies the influence of factors external to the migrant in influencing migration actions. This notion of agency suggests that individuals are able to translate their perceptions of the 'self and the 'world ' in ways that are meaningful in their lives. This corresponds with Thomas-Hope's ( 1992) conceptualisation of Caribbean migration where she too concluded that actions related to migration are formed in the minds of individuals based on perceptions that are meaningful to themselves in the context of migration. This differs from the conventional approaches to international migration that emphasize the stresses - ' pushes ' or ' pulls' of the origin and destination (Lee, 1966) - caused by the environment and neglects the way in which an individual formulates and deals with these stresses. Primacy is given to the environment rather than to the individual (Halfacree & Boyle, 1993). Giddens ' s conceptualisation of agency overcomes this problem. When placed in the context of migration , the concept of agency suggests that the individual formulates appropriate responses to factors that influences upon hi s or her life and is able to provide reasons for migration actions. In doing so, these reasons for migration are then perceived as the causes of migration . This process is continuous involving reflexive monitoring of action, rationalisation of action and motivation for action. To understand the concept of agency and the structuration theory further, Giddens's conception of structure will be presented in the following section. 28 The Concept of Structure: Rules and Resources At the heart of the structuration theory's conceptualisation of structure is the notion that structure cannot exist on its own. Its existence is enabled by agents engaging in action that allow it to exist. At the same time, it is structure that enables human agency. Giddens uses the example of capitalism to illustrate this relationship. He argues that capitalism would not exist without the actions of those who operate in capitalistic ways. At the same time it is capitalism that prompts capitalist actions . Thus human agency and structure continuously (re)produce each other in a never ending recursive process. Structures are explained in the structuration theory as rules and resources, which the individual agent draws upon, in the construction of social life and thereby also structure. Rules and resources are the medium by which an agent knowingly employs to produce social practises, and it is through individual and collective actions that structures are reproduced or transformed. For Giddens, rules are broadly understood as the means, deeply rooted in the agent ' s tacit practical consciousness, that are used for action - they operate as formu las that tells the agent ' how to go on in social life ' . According to Giddens, there are two aspects to rules. On the one hand , they relate to the constitution of meaning and on the other, to the sanctioning of conduct. Rules are implicit, taken-for-granted procedures, the ' know-how ' of carrying on in established ways which can be appli ed in a range of different contexts. Therefore rules are embedded in systems of social interaction. Rules cannot be conceived without resources since the latter actually provides the means by which transformative rules are incorporated into social practises. Resources are the medium by which individual actions are facilitated or constrained. Resources comprise of the material features of the environment and also the authoritative channels that conditions actions (Giddens, 1984). 29 This conceptualisation of structures is considerably broader than that assumed in conventional international migration approaches. In these approaches, structures are usually perceived as factors relating to economic/political development paradigms (Massey et.al. , 1993; 1998; 2000). This limits conceptualisation of structures to the development differentials that exist between sending and receiving areas which then results in fallacy that international migration action is only caused by these development differentials. The structuration theory ' s concept of structures as rules and resources allows other structural factors outside economic imageries to be included into migration research. For example, in the migration process the interactions between the individual and family is evident in the discussions regarding remittances resulting from migration (see Bertram and Watters, 1985; Lucas and Stark, 1985; Massey, 1998; Poirine, 1998). This interaction is perceived as economic rationalisation both on the part of the individual and the family. The structuration theory permits the migration researcher to break out of these strictures and perceive the individual as a crucial member of the family whose actions are essential for maintaining the existence of the family . Likewise, the family as a social system is crucial in dictating and sanctioning the actions of family members. Individual actions and the family therefore both influence each other in a reproductive nature. Broadening the scope of understanding of the interactions between the individual and family enables the researcher to incorporate other non-economic factors that may influence these actions into migration analysis (Findlay and Li , 1997). Giddens ' s concept of ' resources ' as material features of the environment and also authoritative channels that conditions actions allows for the inclusion of other factors that influence migration actions. For example, one could argue that technological advances in communication and transportation are material features of the environment of the individual that enable migration actions. Political aspects such as immigration policies can also be considered as resources that allow rules to be invoked in migration practises. These two factors in part determine the intensity and flow of international migration, yet they are 30 downplayed in conventional approaches of explaining the process. The structuration theory 's conceptualisation of structures provides the opportunity to extend the boundaries on the understanding of structures imposed by dominant approaches of international migration and therefore capture more adequately the complexity of both the migration decisions and actions. Combining structure and agency The structuration theory argues that social processes such as migration are the result of the recurring relationship between agency and structures. Yet this relationship is complex. It is complicated by the fact that there are many structures that may impact simu ltaneously upon the individual to produce social processes (Craib, 1992; Loyal, 2003). The many structures influencing migration decisions complicate the process of identifying a particular cause for an action taken because the individual may have many reasons for his or her actions (Craib, 1992). This has implications for understanding social processes such as international migration. It hints at the difficulty in determining a single cause for international migration and implies that there are many reasons for international migration actions - where more than one structure impacts upon the individual in determining migration actions. The notion that there are many reasons for migration also suggests that factors that may trigger migration actions may not be directly causal in that it is likely that there are other issues involved that enables these actions. This acknowledges the complexity of the migration process. Where a variety of structures impact on the individual and where impacts are diverse depending on how the individual perceives these impacts in relation to his or her life. However, what remains constant is that it is the individual who takes actions; he or she is knowledgeable about the context of these actions. 31 Migration and Structuration Application of the structuration theory in research has been guided by Giddens's (1984: 288) suggestion that researchers firstly elucidate 'frames of meaning' and analyse the conditions of social system integration. Halfacree and Boyle (1993) have developed some of Giddens's ideas with regard to exploring the meaning of migration through use of the biographical approach to reveal the practical consciousness that underlies human actions such as migration. Goss and Lindquist ( 1995) uti I ize the structuration framework to conceptualise international labour migration as the result of knowledgeable individuals who operate strategically within the migration institution , drawing upon rules and resource that both constrains and provides opportunities for individual actions . Findlay and Li ( 1997) adopt a structuration framework in exploring the interconnectedness of people and place identities to capture the practical consciousness of migrants and also the global influences of structural forces. These studies have demonstrated the usefulness of conceptualising international migration within a structuration framework to transcend the boundaries of understanding the process imposed by the limitations of the dominant approaches. In particular, structuration theory allows analysis to focus on the individual without neglecting structural factors that may influence migration. For example, within a structuration framework, macro-differentials between countries may lead to a propensity for migration , however, the probability of migration occurring is dependent on the perception by the individual of the impact of these economic variables upon his or her life. They only become causes of migration in the decision making process. This departs from the dominant conceptualisation of migrants as objects that respond mechanically to broader structural forces - instead they are active agents within the migration process. As Giddens suggests, it is crucial to understand the individual's 'frames of meaning' to understand action - how the individual behaves in relation to structures (Craib, 1992). Emphasizing the individual and his or her relationship 32 with structures means that the causes and effects of international migration can be determined by gaining the perspective of the individual. This viewpoint highlights the essentiality of qualitative methodologies. It provides the opportunity to understand the complexity of international migration from the realities faced by those within the process - a view of the process through the eyes of the individual involved. Structuration of the Migration and Development Relationship The recursive nature of structure and agency can be likened to the relationship between migration and development. The migration and development relationship is a reciprocal one (De Haas, 2005). Migration is both a constituent part of development processes and a factor affecting development in migrant sending and receiving countries. However, Appleyard ( 1992) cautions that the relationship between international migration and development is complex and remains unresolved. He notes that the migration/development relationship is further complicated by the complexity of not only international migration per se, but also because development itself is an intricate process which is difficult to define. Understanding development in terms of migration To understand the idea of development one should consider how this idea has been defined and interpreted and become so influential. Staudt describes the idea of development as " ... a process of enlarging people' s choices, enhancing participatory democratic process, providing human beings with opportunities to develop their potentials and carrying out development goals of a nation in order to promote economic growth and national self-reliance" (Staudt, 1991 cited in Cowen and Shenton, 1995:27). From Staudt's description, Cowen and Shenton made a clear distinction between "development as an action" and "development as a goal of action" ( 1996: 175). According to Cowen and Shenton (1996), "development as an action" refers to the immanent process of development. On 33 the other hand, "development as a goal of action" refers to the intentional process that takes place in the name of development. Immanent development refers to capitalist development. The expansion of capitalism involves new relations of production and exchange and results in a number of complex outcomes: urban industrial development, rapid urban growth, rural stagnation and social and political changes. Immanent development favours rapid urbanization, rural depopulation and accelerated migration within national borders or internationally. To address the negative consequences of immanent development, Cowen and Shenton ( 1996) argue that ' trustees' (those who are in charge of development) formulate policies to remedy the situation. This interventionist role often played by governments is intentional development. It affects migration by trying to either encourage or discourage migration depending on the current development level or the development needs of a country. For countries where out-migration can hinder development, ' trustees ' (the government) can practise intentional development in relation to migration by formulating policies that will ' retain' rather than ' repel ' potential migrants. Intentional Actions and Unintentional Consequences Defining development within the concepts of immanent and intentional development can also be likened to Giddens's notion of the recurring relationship between intentional actions producing unintentional consequences producing intentional actions. If migration actions are intentional, this produces unintentional consequences, at the national level; these are the effects of migration. As the 'trustees' of development, the government produces intentional actions that counteracts these effects. In turn these intentional actions of government can impact on migration actions. From a structuration point of view, the success of government intentional development policies in relation to migration will depend on the impact of the intended strategies upon the 34 individual. If the impact is perceived by individuals as positive then the desired results may be achieved. This highlights the need to seriously consider the agency of individuals not only within the migration process but also in relation to development agendas. Conclusion Emphasis on the agency of the individual challenges the dominant approaches that explain international migration. Conventional approaches to understanding the causes and effects of international migration have predominantly centred on the analysis of the broader political-economic conditions producing migration. The migrant is objectified as an 'agent of development' whose behaviour is determined largely by political-economic factors. Even in more integrative approaches to international migration such as the ' new economics of migration', ' systems' and 'networks' theories, the agency of the migrant and his/her interrelationships with systems and networks is insufficiently articulated. Drawing on empirical research and the premise that migration is a social process, human geographers raise the issue of more engagement between migration research and social theory. Linking migration to social theory shifts the emphasis on understanding international migration from the perspective of national economies to that of the individual. In this respect, the individual is no longer objectified, but rather, the individual is an interpretive subject in his or her mobility. This emphasizes the need to understand the agency and perspective of the individuals in relation to structural forces and presents a challenge to (re)conceptualise international migration. The structuration theory (Giddens, 1984) provides an exciting context in which international migration can be conceptualised. In recognizing the duality between agency and structure, the migration researcher is provided with the opportunity to break out of the confines of conventional approaches. It allows the individual to be perceived as an active agent who determines specific actions and at the same is 35 embedded in wider structures. Emphasis is given to qualitative methodologies to elucidate the individual 's ' frames of meaning' and thus also the interaction between agency and structure. This interaction is complex, implying also the complexity of the migration process. This complexity questions the assumptions of dominant migration discourse in terms of the diversity of structures that impact upon migration actions instead of the narrow conception of migration as a result of the economic rationalities derived from development paradigms. Yet, at the same time, the relationship between migration and development cannot be ignored . These contradictions exist and are evident and elaborated upon in the literature regarding Pacific Islands migration. 36 CHAPTER3 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, DEVELOPMENT AND THE PACIFIC ISLANDS Introduction As with other developing areas of the world , the perspective of national economic development has influenced conceptions of Pacific migration. Based implicitly on functionalist and structuralist perspectives, Pacific migration is perceived as " primarily a response to real and perceived inequalities in socioeconomic opportunities that are themselves a result of dependent and , or uneven sectoral and regional development, a function of the penetration of capitalism into these global peripheries" (Connell , 1990:3; Connell and Conway, 2000:57) . This view emphasizes the global processes of capitalism and exp loitation (in neo-Marxist terms