Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis.  Permission is given for 
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The Phenomenology of Anomalous Experience: 

Perceiving the Human Energy Field 

A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements 

for the degree of Master of Arts in Psychology 

Massey University, Palmerston North, 

New Zealand 

Rochelle Cooper 

2003 



Abstract 

The construct of an energy field or aura surrounding and/or interpenetrating 

the human body dates back at least five thousand years, and is a 

cornerstone of many ancient and contemporary healing approaches. Belief 

in, and reports of aura perception continue to be widespread across a large 

number of cultures in contemporary times. Despite increasing public interest 

and popular press publications, little attention has been paid to this topic 

within mainstream psychology. Even within anomalistic or parapsychology, 

most studies have been limited to investigating rates of reported belief or 

experience. There appear to be no studies in the literature which map the 

phenomenological features of this experience. 

A four model framework suggested by earlier researchers is used to 

synthesize and review both academic and non-academic literature. 

Explanations for au ra perception from the perspectives of the Psychical 

Model; the Scientific Model; the Clinical Model; and the Aura Imagery Model 

are considered. 

Interpretative phenomenological analysis was used to investigate in depth 

reports of aura perception in twelve subjects, in order to explicate the 

parameters of claimants' accounts, and chart the textural aspects of their 

experiences. Four master themes of 'The Phenomenon', 'Perceiving', 

'Sharing the Experience, and 'Making Sense of the Experience' emerged 

from the analysis as being core aspects of the phenomenology of aura 

perception. Findings are considered alongside the four-model framework in 

order to suggest the most profitable direction for future research on this 

topic. Further investigations paralleling those used in the study of 

synesthesia are recommended, along with examination of the possible 

relationship between empathic sensitivity and aura perception. 

11 



Acknowledgements 

This study could not have taken place without the generosity of the twelve 

participants, who willingly gave up their time to share often deeply private 

experiences. 

Thanks to Capital & Coast District Health Board Nursing Scholarship Fund 

for their financial support to attend a workshop related to this topic. 

ll1 



Table of Contents 

Title Page 

Abstract 

Acknowledgments 

Table of Contents 

1. Introduction 

1.1 History of the construct of the aura 
1.2 The study of anomalous experiences 
1.3 The study of the human aura 
1.4 Conceptual frameworks in aura research 
1.5 The four-model framework 
1.6 Aims and objectives 

2. Method ' 

2.1 Methodological rationale 
2.2 Steps in interpretative phenomenological analysis 
2.3 Reflexivity issues 

3. Results and Analysis 

3.1 The four master themes 
3.2 The phenomenon 
3.3 Perceiving 
3.4 Sharing the experience 
3.5 Making sense of the experience 
3.6 The phenomenology of perceiving the human energy field 

4. Discussion 

4.1 Mapping phenomenology with the four-model framework 
4.2 The future of aura research 
4.3 Limitations 
4.4 Conclusion 

References 

Appendix A • Interview Schedule 

Appendix B - Information Sheet 

Appendix C - Consent Form 

ii 

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iv 

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4 
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8 

12 
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40 

40 
43 
49 

52 

52 
54 
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67 
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79 

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82 
85 
89 
90 

92 

IV 



1. INTRODUCTION 

The construct of an aura or energy field surrounding and/or 

interpenetrating the physical body is a cornerstone of many ancient and 

contemporary healing approaches, and is central to understandings of 

person hood and spirituality in many cultures. People all over the world 

have reported perceiving auras around others throughout the centuries, 

and the existence of auras has been asserted by mystics and postulated 

by philosophers and scientists. More recently there have been claims 

that their existence is able to be demonstrated with newly developed 

technology. 

Such claims make up part of a greater collection of reported anomalous 

experiences which have been dismissed as topics of serious study from 

orthodox psychological inquiry and left to the domain of the somewhat 

marginalised sub-specialty of parapsychology. Even within this sub­

specialty, reports of the phenomenon of aura perception have attracted 

little attention, meaning that such experiences remain largely 

unexamined by a discipline which purports to study the individual. This 

is undoubtedly due in part to a lack of verification meeting traditional 

scientific standards that there exists an objective external energy field 

surrounding human beings, but also because such reports often assert a 

spiritual dimension to this construct, contesting traditional empiricist 

assumptions about how human beings function in the world. 

A premise underlying this study is that there is greater value in a 

discipline that is open to the examination of reports underlying folklore 

and cultural beliefs, than one which dismisses constructs and indeed 

whole areas of human experience a priori because such things cannot 

have validity under the prevailing scientific paradigm. The value of such 

studies should not be weighed solely on results confirming or 

contradicting existing understandings of scientific laws, but also on how 

they contribute to our understanding of what it means to be a human 

being. It is suggested that psychology as a discipline has progressed 

1 



sufficiently within the last decades to reexamine claims of such 

phenomena with matured epistemological and ontological premises, and 

with a greater range of methodological tools. Making the need for such a 

reexamination more compelling is the increasing, but often uncritical 

public interest in anomalous experiences in general, and in the construct 

and reported perception of human energy fields in particular. Despite a 

historic avoidance of such topics, psychology is uniquely positioned and 

qualified as a discipline to undertake such a reexamination. 

The following introduction begins by locating the construct of the aura 

within time and space - a necessary consideration given this construct is 

surprisingly ancient. A brief history of the study of anomalous 

experience in general within psychology is then considered, this being a 

sensible and inevitable starting point for a review of studies pertaining to 

the human aura. Conceptual frameworks for considering aura research 

are then discussed, and provide the framework for discussion of both 

academic and non-academic material which follows. This inclusion of 

material from beyond modern psychology was considered necessary in 

order to sufficiently contextualise this phenomenon and it's study, given 

there has been little academic treatment of this subject within the 

discipline. An explanation of the aims and objectives of the current 

research concludes the introduction. 

While many individuals and traditions would extend the existence of an 

aura or energy field to animals, plants and even non-living things, the 

focus of this study is specifically on reports of perceiving the human 

aura. The terms 'aura' and 'human energy field' are used 

interchangeably, reflecting the label used in folklore and the older, more 

mystical traditions, and more modern approaches to the subject 

respectively. The term 'aura' is also used in neurology to label a variety 

of subjective experiences reported as immediately preceding various 

types of migraine and epileptic activity, including deja vu and somatic or 

olfactory sensations. The neurological meaning of this term should not 

be confused with the subject of this study. 

2 



1.1 History of the Construct of the Aura 

The claim that humans are enveloped in a radiating luminous cloud 

surrounding and/or interpenetrating the body is not a new one, and this 

construct appears to have been part of many cultures' beliefs and 

traditions for millennia. Sacred images from early Egypt, India, Greece 

and Rome used this convention before it became so popular in Christian 

art, and before the aura was considered an attribute of everyday mortals. 

The most often quoted source of the oldest recorded reference appears 

to be the Upanishads, ancient Hindu Vedic texts over five thousand 

years old. They speak of a universal energy called prana, which moves 

through all forms and gives them life. These texts also refer to points on 

the body called chakras, a Sanskrit word meaning literally 'spinning 

wheel', where energy is thought to enter and leave the aura (Brennan, 

1987). These constructs have informed Indian spiritual beliefs and 

healing practices for thousands of years and continue as part of Indian 

understandings of health and illness today. 

In the 3rd millennium BC the Chinese also proposed a similar vital energy 

called Ch'i, which comprised all animate and inanimate matter. Ch'i was 

also conceived of as containing the polar forces of yin and yang, and of 

moving through the body in meridians, or streams of energy (Brennan, 

1987). It is upon these constructs that the ancient practices of 

acupuncture and reflexology were founded and continue in the present 

day. 

The construct of the aura continues to be part of cultural understandings 

in contemporary times. White and Krippner (1977) compiled a list of 97 

cultures that have references to auric phenomena using 97 different 

names. This suggests a universality to the experience of perceiving the 

human energy field, or at least the sharing of a common construct, in 

3 



addition to the historical references to the aura dating back five thousand 

years. 

1.2 The Study of Anomalous Experience 

Psychological interest in anomalous experiences dates back to the 

inception of the discipline at the end of the 1800's, when investigation 

into such experiences was pursued personally and professionally by 

some of the founding figures of psychology such as Carl Jung (1965) 

and William James (1902). The Society for Psychical Research was 

founded in London in 1882 with the purpose of investigating such 

experiences from a scientific perspective, and three years later the 

American Society for Psychical Research was founded in Boston by 

William James, amongst others (Griffin, 1997). However, as psychology 

sought to align itself with the natural sciences and behaviorism became 

the prevailing hegemony, 'religious' and even subjective experiences 

ceased to be the subject of proper psychological inquiry. While the 'turn 

to cognition' has reestablished the respectable study of subjective 

experience, reports of aura perception , contact with the dead, near death 

experiences and claims of other such phenomena continue to present a 

challenge to the discipline. 

The use of the term 'anomalous' in psychology is quite recent, being 

proposed by anthropologist Roger Westcott (1977) to prefix the name of 

the discipline that dealt with paranormal phenomena. This term derives 

from the Greek 'anomalos' meaning a deviation from the common rule, 

type or form, or something abnormal, incongruous or inconsistent. That 

which is anomalous is in contrast to 'homalos', or that which is the same 

or common (Cardena, Lyn & Krippner, 2000). An anomalous 

psychological experience is therefore one which will "contradict 

commonsense or institutionalized (scientific or religious) knowledge" and 

is "anomalous to our generally accepted cultural storehouse of truths" 

(Truzzi , 1971, p 637). 

4 



The importance of this name change, both in reflecting and changing 

attitudes about the study of such phenomena, should not be 

underestimated. Previous terms reflected quite literally the schism 

between mainstream psychology and the sub-specialties which studied 

such experiences - 'parapsychology' and 'paranormal' are both prefixed 

by a term meaning beyond; 'supernatural' means quite literally that which 

is over or above the natural. The study of such things has therefore 

largely been considered as beyond, over and above the discipline of 

psychology. The newer term reinstates the study of such phenomena 

within mainstream psychology, allowing for a reexamination and greater 

cross-fertilization of ideas and research findings. 

Belief in and reports of Anomalous Experience 

As the following collection of studies show, anomalous experiences are 

reported as reasonably common within the general population and 

appear to be made sense of within existing cultural beliefs and folklore. 

In 1974 in the United States a community mail survey of psychic 

experiences completed by over 600 students and townspeople in 

Virginia found claims of psychic experiences were widespread, with over 

half of the respondents reporting at least one extra-sensory experience 

(Palmer, 1979). Over fifteen years later a Gallup national survey on 

belief in paranormal phenomena among adult Americans produced 

similar evidence of widespread belief, with over half of the sample 

asserting a belief in extra-sensory perception, and a quarter in 

clairvoyance and ghosts. A quarter reported having had a telepathic 

experience and one in six reported having had contact with the dead 

(Gallup & Newport, 1991 ). 

Haraldsson (1985) found comparable results in European countries 

when he gathered findings from a number of large representative 

surveys carried out in the 1970's and 1980's containing questions on 

belief in and experiences of psychic phenomena. While different 

response alternatives and translation difficulties complicated the 

5 



comparison of data across countries, there was similar evidence of 

widespread belief in the existence of psychic phenomena. For example, 

the majority of respondents in the Icelandic, Swedish and Great Britain 

samples believed in the validity of psychic dreams. In Iceland, Great 

Britain and the United States at least 60% of subjects reported personal 

psychic experiences. 

A representative survey conducted in Scotland investigated the 

incidence of what is known locally as 'second sight', a term referring to a 

variety of prophetic visions or symbols which are perceived 

spontaneously and often relate to events such as accidents or death. 

Reports of such experiences ranged from 10 to 33% across four 

geographical regions (Cohn, 1994 ). Those reporting second sight in 

family members were significantly more likely to report having second 

sight themselves, even when relatives were restricted to blood relations. 

There is a long Celtic tradition of reports of second sight, which is 

generally accepted in these areas as a natural ability and believed to 

have a familial tendency. 

New Zealand data on anomalous experience is scarce, with only one 

study located which reported comparable phenomena (Clarke, 1991 ). 

This was in a non-representative sample of 1048 internal and extra­

mural university psychology students asked to indicate their degree of 

belief in and experience with 17 paranormal and religious phenomena. 

Results showed that overall more than 80% of the sample believed in at 

least one paranormal or religious phenomenon and 60% reported having 

had a paranormal or religious experience. A further qualitative study by 

the same researcher (Clarke, 1995) found that personal experience with 

a phenomenon, and influence of significant others' reported experiences 

were the most important contributors to belief in such phenomena. 

While it is important to note these surveys dealt with reported but un­

investigated ostensible psychic experiences, these results still tell us 

much about the degree of acceptance of such beliefs within mainstream 

6 



culture in a number of western nations, and the frequency with which 

subjective experiences are labeled in this way. 

1.3 The Study of the Human Aura 

Although much has been written about the aura in popular and occult 

literature, the most notable feature of academic literature pertaining to 

this phenomena is it's scarcity. Searches conducted using the 

PSYCINFO data base (1887 to December 2001) with 'human aura' and 

'human energy field' as mapping terms produced only 17 references in 

total, with four of these for publications prior to 1940. While it is not 

surprising to find literature on the aura hardly features within mainstream 

psychology, there is also little specific mention of this phenomenon 

within the anomalistic or parapsychological literature (Alvarado & 

Zingrone, 1994 ). For example, there is no specific discussion of the aura 

in Reed's "The Psychology of Anomalous Experience" (Reed, 1972), nor 

in the most recent comprehensive review of studies of anomalous 

experience (Cardena et al, 2000). Many of the references to auras 

found in extended literature searches were in relation to wider studies on 

the prevalence of beliefs in the paranormal and the incidence of such 

reported experiences. 

Belief in and Reports of the Human Aura 

Haraldsson's (1985) Icelandic sample found 7% of women and 3% of 

men reported having experienced this phenomenon, averaging 5% for 

this representative sample. One third of the sample said they could do 

so voluntarily (as reported in Gissurarson & Gunnarsson, 1997). Palmer 

(1979) found comparable results in his community mail survey with 5% 

of residents and 6% of students reporting this experience. Alvarado and 

Zingrone (1994) compiled incidence rates for a number of studies, 

showing randomly sampled groups have reported incidences between 0 

and 28% - the latter for members of a tribe in a remote rural community 

in the Philippines. Non-randomly sampled groups have reported a 

higher incidence of aura perception, ranging between 9 and 47-48%. 

7 



These latter two groups were members of the Association of Research 

and Enlightenment (a group dedicated to the work of renown American 

psychic Edgar Cayce), and a group of marijuana users respectively. 

Clarke's non-representative New Zealand sample found 46% had 'some' 

or 'strong' belief in auras (Clarke, 1991 ), while 23% reported personal 

experience of aura perception (Clarke, 1995). 

In most of these publications it is not noted if definitions or criteria are 

specified for aura perception or other phenomena covered in these self­

report surveys, or whether definitions are standardized across countries 

when comparing surveys. Without such parameters being explicit it is 

possible that lack of clarity relating to the meaning and translation of 

such terms as 'clairvoyance' and 'extra-sensory perception' may result in 

the experience of perceiving auras being subsumed or excluded under 

these other categories. For example, several of the European surveys 

noted by Haraldsson (1985) did not have a specific category for reporting 

belief in or personal experience of aura perception as a separate 

category, yet aura perception is often understood as a function of 

clairvoyance of extra-sensory perception in folklore. This illustrates one 

of the major challenges in drawing conclusions from cross-cultural data 

on aura perception and other similar experiences, and an issue that 

needs to be considered regarding the validity and usefulness of such 

findings. 

1.4 Conceptual Frameworks in Aura Research 

Early Models 

As might be expected with a topic that has attracted scant academic 

attention, there has been little development of conceptual frameworks or 

models to further understanding of reports of aura perception. Even 

given the lack of any acceptable scientific explanation of the aura as an 

objective phenomenon, surprisingly few attempts have been made to 

8 



speculate upon why reports of aura perception have been so widespread 

across time and place. 

One of the earliest attempts at a psychological explanation of reports of 

aura perception suggested this phenomenon may be the result of 

'unconscious dramatization', a convenient way in which the unconscious 

mind presented information about the subject, possibly obtained via 

extra sensory perception, to the conscious mind (Ellison, 1962). The 

obvious difficulty with Ellison's explanation is that it rests in part on one 

reported anomalous experience to account for another. Ellison's 

contribution is not without merit however, as not only has his original 

proposal reemerged in more modern guises, but he attempted to 

progress research by suggesting it's direction. Ellison argued that many 

aspects of anomalous experience might be resolved with closer study of 

perceptual processes, and that a "deeper study of the mind at all it's 

levels is of the greatest importance in psychical research" (1962, p. 364 ). 

Interestingly this advice has been unheeded until recently, and later 

models proposing ideas similar to 'unconscious dramatization' make little 

reference to Ellison's proposal, although it is certainly possible other 

researchers arrived independently at the same explanation. 

A decade after Ellison's (1962) publication, Tart (1972) considered some 

of the conceptual and methodological issues inherent in studying this 

topic and suggested four ways of conceptualizing the aura. The 

'Psychical Aura' is that proposed to exist objectively but consisting of a 

currently unknown type of energy, and requires extra-sensory ability to 

detect. The 'Physical Aura' he termed as that made up of scientifically 

validated types of energy which may be detectable close to the body with 

current technology, such as thermal energy, electrostatic energy, and 

electromagnetic radiation. The 'Psychological Aura' he referred to as the 

mental concept of space around people which did not exist in an 

objective way, but which he felt was best illustrated in studies of invasion 

of personal space. Finally Tart proposed the 'Projected Aura' as a 

phenomenon existing only in the mind of the observer but which is 

9 



projected upon the observed person and experienced as a perception of 

an objective thing. Tart described this type of aura as an information 

display system whereby a range of information, including that received 

by extrasensory means, is delivered to the observer's consciousness 

and projected on the observed. In this model the observer is making an 

error in attributing his or her own information display process to 

something that exists in the outside world. This concept is clearly 

equivalent to Ellison's (1962) 'unconscious dramatization', and could be 

considered as a kind of 'reverse Rorschach' model of aura perception -

instead of a physical stimulus (the ink blot) evoking subjective 

responses, subjective responses to the subject produce the appearance 

of an apparently physical stimulus (the 'aura'). 

Tart (1972) suggested the 'Doorway Test' as a way of further 

investigating some of these proposed concepts of the aura. In this test a 

target person stands close to the edge of a doorway on half of the trials 

so the physical body is not detectable while the aura, if it exists in an 

objective way, would emanate into the doorway space and be 

perceptible to a sensitive observer. Similarly, when standing further 

away from the edge of the doorway the aura should not be detectable. 

Tart attempted such an experiment some years later, using a single 

subject reputed to have considerable psychic ability. Despite reportedly 

favorable psychological conditions, the subject was correct on only half 

of the ten trials in identifying when the target person was standing next to 

the doorway- a result expected by chance (Tart & Palmer, 1979). Tart 

concluded these results were not totally incompatible with some kind of 

psychic component to the aura, and that his subject's reports of aura 

perception were not a matter of detecting something that was objectively 

located in the space immediately adjacent to a person's body. He felt 

these results were explainable by the concept of the 'Projected Aura'. 

Rosa, Rosa, Sarner and Barrett (1998) used a version of the Doorway 

Test to investigate perception of the human energy field by Therapeutic 

Touch practitioners, and found similar results. Therapeutic Touch is a 

10 



widely used nursing practice in which the practitioner manually 

manipulates the subjects energy field above the clients body - despite 

the name, Therapeutic Touch does not involve physical contact with the 

subject. The researchers' determined that the definitive test of 

Therapeutic Touch was not a clinical trial of its alleged therapeutic 

effects, but a test of whether practitioners could actually perceive energy 

fields. Twenty-one subjects with 1 to 27 years experience of Therapeutic 

Touch were tested under blinded conditions to determine whether they 

could correctly identify which of their hands was closest to one of the 

investigators hands. Before testing, subjects all claimed they could use 

Therapeutic Touch to significant therapeutic advantage, and described 

sensory (rather than visual) cues they used to assess and manipulate 

the energy field , such as 'Yingling, pulling, throbbing, hot, cold, spongy, 

and tactile as taffy"(Rosa et al. , 1998, pg 1007). In this experimental 

design subjects rested their hands approximately 25-30cm apart with 

palms upward, with vision being obscured by an opaque screen and a 

draped towel. One of the researchers then placed her hand palm down 

8-10 centimeters above one of the subject's hands, determined by the 

flip of a coin, and the subject was given as much time as needed to 

indicate which hand was nearer the experimenter's hand . Subjects 

identified the correct hand in only 44% of the total 280 trials, which as 

with Tart's (1979) results is close to what would be expected for chance. 

There was no correlation between individual practitioner's scores and 

length of experience using Therapeutic Touch. The researchers 

concluded that practitioners inability to detect the energy field in this 

experiment constituted evidence that the claims of Therapeutic Touch 

are groundless, and further professional use was unjustified. This study 

employed an elegant design and is of value in it's replication of previous 

similar findings, however a derisive undertone is unmistakable, and it 

makes no contribution to furthering understanding of the widespread 

reports of aura perception. 

Tart's ideas and conceptual model were more recently taken up by 

Icelandic researchers Gissurarson and Gunnarsson (1997). Ten subjects 

11 



who claimed to see auras at will, including some professional psychics, 

and a control group of nine subjects claiming no special abilities, were 

tested using another variation of the Doorway TesL Subjects were 

asked to determine behind which of four randomly chosen opaque 

screens one of the researchers was standing, by attempting to detect the 

researcher's aura extending from the side of the screen. Despite a large 

number of trials, again results showed the success rate was no better 

than chance for either group, leading researchers to conclude their study 

showed no evidence of aura vision. 

In addition to replicating findings of similar studies, the greater 

contribution by Gissurarson and Gunnarsson (1997) is to offer a 

thoughtful update of Tart's (1972) model in an attempt to progress 

research in this field . They propose a four-model framework similar to 

Tart's, dropping his concept of the 'Psychological Aura ' and adding 'The 

Clinical Model ', and elaborating on the 'Proposed Aura ' to create 'The 

Aura Imagery Model '. An expanded version of this framework will be 

used to discuss further literature on the aura for several reasons . Apart 

from the earlier work of Ellison (1962) and Tart (1972) on which it builds, 

there were no other conceptual frameworks for studying the aura located 

in the literature. This means it is the most contemporary conceptual 

model available from which to consider the results and analysis of the 

current study. This four model framework can also be thought of as 

presenting various discourses on the aura, and so allows for integration 

of both academic and non-academic material, which is otherwise difficult 

to synthesize in a meaningful way. 

1.5 The Four Model Framework 

The Psychical Model 

The Psychical Model proposes the existence of the aura as an objective 

reality in the external world, hitherto undetected by existing scientific 

12 



technology. Claimants' reports are treated as genuine as they are 

assumed to perceive a real phenomenon to which people are 

differentially sensitive. The aura generally has a psycho-spiritual nature 

in this discourse. Because the premises of this model do not fit well with 

the traditional scientific approach, in that the phenomenon is accepted 

as having an objective reality without verification meeting scientific 

standards, publications exemplifying this model are not found in 

academic literature. However examples abound in the popular press, 

and the following material has been selected to illustrate this model 

because it represents either first-hand reports of aura perception from 

prominent proponents of this model, or relates to a special area, such as 

the reported experiences of children. 

Theosophy 

The Theosophical Society was founded in New York in 1875 by Russian 

H. P. Blavatsky and American journalist and lawyer H. S. Alcott, and five 

years later settled it's international headquarters at Madras in India. 

Theosophy sort to integrate the common principles and beliefs 

underlying all the major religions with science and philosophy, at a time 

when Eastern and Western worldviews were diametrically opposed. 

Drawing heavily on Eastern spiritual concepts such as reincarnation and 

karma, it has at times been misunderstood as "an occult religion" (Rosa 

et al, 1998, p. 1006). However, Theosophy is open to anyone regardless 

of religious background, and encourages members to study comparative 

religions rather than change their faith (Wood, 1924; Cooper, 1964 ). 

The Society's cofounder Blavatsky (1950) and a number of prominent 

members such as Leadbeater (1952; 1977) and Besant (1960; 1992) 

published comprehensive and consistent accounts of the workings of the 

human energy field based on their own reported perceptions. Four 

distinct interpenetrating layers of the aura are referred to in Theosopical 

works, being the inner-most etheric double or etheric body; the emotional 

or astral body; the mental body; and the causal or soul body. The 

etheric body is described as a striated bluish-grey mist extending 

13 



outwards for less than an inch, with the straight or drooped arrangement 

of the striations indicating the general health of the physical body. The 

etheric body is purported to conduct prana or vitality through the body via 

the nervous system and out through the skin. The astral body is reported 

as an oval shaped form extending on average one and a half feet from 

the body, having the appearance of a mist of various colours which 

change in relation to the emotional and mental state of the subject. 

These colours are consistent across subjective states of individuals, for 

example, rose is said to correlate with affection or love; grey with fear; 

blue with devotion; and scarlet red with anger. The mental body is 

described as of a similar size and shape to the astral, but more radiant 

and with clearer colours, particularly variations of yellow light which 

accompany intellectual activity. Strong thoughts and feelings are said to 

produce forms and waves in the astral and mental bodies, which radiate 

out in all directions. The causal or soul body, which in Theosophy is also 

called the Ego, is said to be the mold on which the mental and emotional 

bodies are fashioned. In it's developed state it is described as an ovoid 

of flashing iridescent light of many colours. As can be taken from these 

descriptions, the aura in totality is conceived of as the spiritual essence 

of a person, rather than being an artifact of the workings of the physical 

body. 

Despite never having had a high profile or membership, it is hard to 

underestimate the influence of Theosophical thought in informing current 

treatises on the topic of the human aura from the perspective of the 

Psychical Model. Arguably no other single group or tradition has 

contributed so prolifically to the presentation of this construct within the 

public arena within the last century. The following proponents of the 

Psychical Model all appear to draw heavily on Theosophical concepts in 

description and explanation of the aura. 

Shafica Karagulla 

The work of neuro-psychiatrist Shafica Karagulla (1914-1986) deserves 

special mention here, in spite of, or perhaps because of the fact that 

14 



prior to her study of what she termed 'higher sense perception', her 

position on such phenomena was firmly in line with the Clinical model. 

Born in Turkey and educated in Beirut, Karagulla completed her medical 

residency in Edinburgh, Scotland, developing a special interest in 

hallucinations and electro-convulsive therapy. She was then invited to 

work with renown neurologist Wilder Penfield at the Montreal 

Neurological Institute in Canada, whose investigations at the time 

involved mapping out the different functions of the cerebral cortex. 

Based on her research with Penfield, in 1955 Karagulla co-authored an 

article in the British Medical Journal describing the psychical phenomena 

produced by electrical stimulation of the brain during craniotomy in 

subjects with temporal lobe epilepsy (Karagulla & Robertson, 1955). At 

this time she firmly believed all such phenomena were hallucinations or 

illusions, and could be explained by neuropathology. The year after this 

publication, however, she was introduced to the work of Edgar Cayce 

(1877-1945), an American whose reported psychic abilities she felt could 

not be adequately explained by the disciplines in which she had studied. 

Cayce reported a number of paranormal experiences beginning in his 

youth, and in adulthood while in a hypnotic state would speak on a wide 

range of subjects, including giving health readings for individuals present 

and living great distances away (Cayce, 1969; Karp, 1986). While 

Cayce reported seeing auras routinely in his non-hypnotic state, he did 

not refer specifically to auras in his hypnotic sessions. His inability to 

remember consciously the content of these sessions, to which he had no 

previous exposure or training, aroused Karagulla's curiosity and led her 

to search for explanations outside of her medical training. 

For three decades from the mid 1950's until her death in 1986, she 

sought out people in the United States and beyond who were reputed to 

show similar abilities to Cayce's, which she termed 'higher sense 

perception'. This included the perception of auras, healing, remote 

viewing, dowsing, and psychokinesis. Karagulla was able to work over a 

number of years with a small group of 'sensitives' whom she felt 

exhibited particularly well developed and consistent abilities. In 

15 



accordance with her medical training Karagulla pursued a particular 

interest in reported perceptions of the human energy field in health and 

disease. In 1967 she published a book for the popular press collating 

her investigations into higher sense perception, noting consistent 

descriptions in reports of aura perception from widely separated 

sensitives which had convinced her it was necessary to entertain at least 

the hypothesis that such fields existed (Karagulla, 1967). Her collections 

of these reported observations suggested three clearly discernible but 

interpenetrating fields, beginning with the most proximal vital field or 

etheric body extending one to two inches from the physical body. This 

field was described as a sparkling web of light with filaments 

perpend icular to the body contour in a healthy ind ividual. The effects of 

damage or disease were notes as changes in size, shape and intensity 

of the aura, which at times was reported as preceding any physical signs 

or symptoms of disease. The emotional field was described as 

extending a foot to eighteen inches, appearing as colours which would 

change rapidly at times, dependent on mood and interaction. The 

mental body was reported as extending two feet or more beyond the 

body. A number of Karagulla's informants also reported perceiving 

major energy vortices or chakras up and down the spine and a greater 

number of minor vortices elsewhere, through which energy entered and 

exited these bodies. The major chakras were reported as having a direct 

action on their corresponding endocrine glands, and via this mechanism 

on the functioning of the physical body itself. 

In an attempt to gather and synthesize a range of case studies Karagulla 

collected extensive observations of the aura and chakras in both healthy 

and ill subjects in collaboration with one particular sensitive. Karagulla 

reported this woman was able to identify disorders in a number of 

patients based on their energy fields, which were then validated by 

medical records. From these cases she began making tentative 

hypotheses as to the principles and properties of the aura, and in 

particular the chakras. Unfortunately she did not complete this work 

before her sudden death in 1986, however, this material was edited and 

16 



published several years later (Karagulla & Kunz, 1989). This formulation 

of the human energy field is clearly very similar to that espoused in 

Theosophical literature, and the collaborating sensitive and second 

author of Karagulla's last book was Dora Van Gelder Kunz, a longtime 

president of the American Theosophical Society, and the co-founder of 

Therapeutic Touch. 

Dora van Gelder Kunz and Therapeutic Touch 

Therapeutic Touch was introduced in the United States in the early 

1970's by Dora van Gelder Kunz and Dolores Krieger, the latter a 

nursing faculty member at New York University. Of the 17 publications 

located on the aura through the PSYCINFO search, five were either 

focused on Therapeutic Touch or referred to this practice in relation to 

the human aura. Arguably no other modality based on the concept of 

the human energy field has been embraced so closely to mainstream 

healthcare. Nurses make up the largest occupational group of 

Therapeutic Touch practitioners, which is practiced in over 80 hospitals 

in North America. This modality is taught in more than 100 colleges and 

universities in 75 countries, and is said to be the most recognized 

technique used by practitioners of holistic nursing (Rosa et al, 1998). It 

is promoted by many professional nursing organizations, has yielded it's 

own assessment forms (Wright, 1991) and been applied to specialty 

areas of practice such as midwifery (Buenting, 1993). Not surprisingly, 

Therapeutic Touch is not without controversy or it's opponents. The 

inclusion of the nursing diagnosis 'Energy Field Disturbance' by the 

North American Nursing Diagnosis Association (Carpenito, 1955), for 

which Therapeutic Touch is the only treatment, caused a storm of 

debate within and outside of the profession. 

James Peterson - Aura Perception in Children 

Another contribution to the Psychical Model in popular literature is 

included here as it is one of few studies on children's reported 

experiences. Educator James Peterson initially became interested in 

children's anomalous experiences while working as a camp counselor in 

17 



Pennsylvania, after overhearing an eight and nine year old boy 

discussing the colours they saw around him while he was meditating. 

Informal talks with children on a range of experiences developed into a 

post-graduate research project on the paranormal experiences of 

children. Peterson found nearly 7% of his subjects under the age of nine 

years reported psychic experiences on a daily basis. Peterson had a 

particular interest in reports of aura perception as this was the 

experience that stimulated his initial interest in this field. He believed 

aura perception was one of the most common types of anomalous 

experience for children, evidenced by the ease with which he was able to 

gather reports of this type for his research. Most of these children 

reported perceiving auras only intermittently and spontaneously in 

situations where there appeared to be an intensity of emotion present, 

for example, when someone was particularly angry or happy. However, 

a minority of subjects reported this as a volitional experience. Peterson 

draws heavily on the Theosophical model of the aura in discussing his 

findings, and anecdotal examples given are congruent with Theosophical 

treatises on the relationship between physical and emotional state and 

appearance of the aura. For example, Peterson reports a five year old 

boy, after observing Peterson smoking a pipe looked intently around his 

body and suggested he shouldn't smoke as it changed the while light 

around his body to blue, brown and black. One child reported 'pinky 

twinkles' all over his divorced father who had just fallen in love, while an 

eight year old drew a picture of red specks around the head of her 

teacher that were apparent to her only when the teacher became upset 

(Peterson, 1987, pp 51-52). Based on his finding that such anomalous 

experiences are common in children but reduce sharply at seven or eight 

years, Peterson proposed that such experiences were part of normal 

developmental progression, and represented a recapitulation of 

psychological functioning in earlier human development. 

Barbara Brennan 

A leading contemporary proponent of the Psychical Model, Barbara 

Brennan presents something of a quandary for the scientific 

18 



establishment. Although trained as a physicist and employed for some 

years as a research scientist for NASA, Brennan also reports clairvoyant 

experiences in her childhood, which began again when she changed 

career direction and began working as a therapist. 

Brennan (1987; 1993) reports observing seven interpenetrating layers of 

the aura, and seven funnel shaped vortices or chakras positioned 

vertically through the centre of the body. Beginning with the first or 

etheric layer closest to the physical body, every odd numbered layer is 

described as structured with fine scintillating lines of light standing 

perpendicular to the physical body. Even numbered layers, beginning 

with the emotional body are described as having the appearance of 

coloured fluids in constant motion. Descriptions of properties and 

features of the aura in different mood states and in health and disease, 

such as shape, size and colour are generally consistent with those 

described in Theosophical literature. Brennan's work extends on the 

Theosophical model, however, in her explanation of the relationship 

between character structure and auric patterns. Developed over many 

years of therapy practice, her model is based on correlations between 

her observations of energy fields, and the physical and emotional 

problems of her clients. 

Brennan's work is more than just a broad phenomenological account of 

her observations - similar to Theosophy she proposes a comprehensive 

psycho-spiritual model that unifies the body and mind and maps a 

holistic path for healing. Scientific explanations and medical knowledge 

are blended with intuitional insights and information from spirit 'guides'. 

Readers are encouraged to consult both allopathic and complementary 

healers in their search for health, which according to this model is 

essentially the path of spiritual growth and enlightenment. Having given 

up her private practice after the publication of her books, Brennan now 

directs her own healing school in Miami which requires students to 

acquire basic medical knowledge alongside her model, and encourages 

graduates to integrate their practice within mainstream healthcare. 

19 



As can be seen from the above material, the Psychical Model generally 

rests on first and second-hand reports of aura perception which show 

remarkable consistency for both general and specific features. Despite 

such accounts often being dismissed as subjective and therefore of little 

value, this does not preclude this model from profitable study. The 

Psychical Model contributes a wealth of phenomenological material 

which could be reexamined with broader methodological approaches 

and evaluations of validity, and contribute much to the understanding of 

reports of aura perception. 

The Scientific Model 

This model is based on the natural sciences, and according to 

Gissurarson and Gunnarsson (1997, p.42) "gives no reason to 

contemplate, let alone accept the aura hypothesis as no evidence exists 

that suggests than an aura surrounds people at all times ". The 

Scientific Model assumes claims at best are the result of optical illusions 

or unusual meteorological conditions, and at worst are fraudulent. The 

Scientific Model of these researchers differs from Tart's (1972) 'Physical 

Aura' in that it does not discuss the aura in relation to various known 

energies around the body as those described by Tart. These can be 

considered together however, as they share the premise that reports of 

aura perception can be explained by the existing laws and principles of 

the natural sciences rather than requiring spiritual or 'supernatural ' 

explanations. Other material has also been included in the discussion of 

this model where researchers have adopted similar premises, even if 

positing a previously unknown energy type or using new technology. 

Walter Kilner and Oscar Bagnall 

A scientific approach to investigating the existence of the aura as an 

objective phenomenon commenced at the beginning of the twentieth 

century with the work of Dr Walter Kilner, an English medical doctor who 

was head of electro-therapy at St Thomas's Hospital in London. Kilner 

experimented with dicyanin, an organic coal tar dye, hypothesizing that if 

the aura had an objective, external reality it may be visible if viewed 

20 



through a suitable substance. His apparatus consisted of a narrow 

viewing box with a cell of optically ground glass containing dicyanin in an 

alcohol solution . Subjects stood unclothed against a homogenous 

backdrop with light in the room controlled by double blinds. From 1908 

until the first World War halted supplies of the German produced dye, 

Kilner examined hundreds of subjects, recording and publishing his 

findings in a popular press book (Kilner, 1965). 

Based on his observations, Kilner described the aura as a whole as 

having the appearance of a faint mist enveloping the body, but 

separated it into three well defined divisions with a fourth added for 

convenience. The first layer out from the body he labeled the etheric 

double, in accordance with Theosophical teachings on the subject. Kilner 

described the etheric double in healthy subjects as being a dark band of 

uniform width no more than 11.i inch and following closely the contours of 

the body. He initially conceived of this as an optical illusion, but on 

further investigation observed slight changes amongst subjects, and 

across the same subject in different conditions. Next followed an inner 

aura, a blue-grey band of 1 Yi to 3 Yi inches thick which appeared finely 

striated at right angles to the body. The outer aura Kilner described as 

being more nebulous and inconstant, showing greater variance with ill 

health and gender, with descriptions of width ranging between 

approximately 5 and 15 inches. While Kilner also referred to an ultra­

outer layer, most of his observations were confined to the inner and 

outer auras, the ultra-outer being described as a finer layer seen only 

infrequently. He also reported frequently observing 'rays' shooting out 

from various body surfaces while observing subjects. These would stop 

and start suddenly, in some subjects appearing to be located at sites of 

pathophysiology, such as a fibre-adenoid tumor of the breast. In a small 

number of subjects these rays appeared to be initiated by intent and 

concentration, with reports of rays emanating from the nose, nipple and 

fingers on his direction. Changes in colour and size of the aura were 

also consistently reported following the application to the subject's body 

of static electricity, and chemical vapours such as iodine and bromide. 

21 



Kilner reported the properties of auras as being dynamic size and shape, 

degree of brightness, and texture - the latter property referring to the 

apparent fineness or coarseness of the composing layers. Based on 

hundreds of observations Kilner reported no two auras being exactly 

alike, with variance being due to age, gender, temperament and state of 

health of the subject. He documented a range of changes in both the 

inner and outer layers he believed correlated with the health of the 

subject, some being general changes such as reduction in size or 

brightness, and other changes correlating to specific conditions. For 

example, Kilner reported changes in symmetry of the aura occurring in 

epilepsy and hemiplegia which appeared to remain constant, in one case 

27 years after the last seizure, whereas the aura appeared to return to 

normal in more transient illnesses. As an example of the latter, Kilner 

described a subject with herpes zoster infection who had vesicles on the 

abdomen, as having an aura with a 'honeycombed' pattern with vacuoles 

adjacent to the rash, producing a spongy or cellular appearance. Kilner 

also reported consistent changes in the auras in females occurring over 

several years during the onset of puberty; at the onset of menses; and 

within a few weeks of pregnancy. He also noted the absence of an aura 

in a small number of corpses he had examined with his equipment, 

within several hours of death . 

Kilner proposed that the aura arose from the physiological functions of 

the body, and consisted of ultra-violet light frequencies beyond the 

detection of the normal functioning of the eye. He believed that viewing 

through the dicyanin screens produced changes in the ability of the eye 

to detect these higher frequency, shorter wavelength rays in the ultra­

violet spectrum. Kilner cited the consistent effects of the correction of 

longsightedness on those who used the dicyanic screens as supporting 

evidence of such effects. 

Despite Kilner's explicit disclaimer of any clairvoyant or occult 

preoccupation; reports of visitors corroborating his findings at the time of 

examination; and his assertion that replication was possible for anyone 

22 



taking sufficient interest in the subject, Kilner's work met with little 

acceptance amongst the medical fraternity. Initial reviews were distinctly 

skeptical, and many people failed to see the human aura through 

Kilner's devices, although how keenly individuals replicated his original 

observation conditions is impossible to speculate upon. Later reviews 

reportedly met with more sympathetic reviews, including the endorse­

ments of his findings by many reputable doctors (Kilner, 1965). Kilner 

did not live to enjoy this support however, dying in 1920 at the age of 73, 

having achieved little impact on the acceptance of the aura within 

professional medicine. 

The validity of Kilner's work has also been refuted both on the basis that 

he was himself a gifted clairvoyant, and that his findings were the effects 

of optical illusions, although these would appear to be mutually exclusive 

arguments. 'Kilner goggles' are still obtainable, which consist of a pair of 

lenses coated in the dicyanin dye. Tart (1972) credits Ellison (1962) with 

measuring the optical transmission characteristics of these goggles to 

show that transmission was very good in the far red and the far violet 

ends of the spectrum, but cut off almost all light in the middle of the 

visible spectrum. A closer reading of Ellison's work reveals this testing 

was reportedly carried out by 'a colleague', and details of the testing 

procedures are not discussed (1962, p. 361 ). Ellison does describe, 

however, how images correctly focused on the retina for one of these 

bands at either end of the light spectrum will be slightly out of focus for 

the band at the other, due to the eye having a certain amount of 

chromatic aberration. The out-of-focus image will then appear as a 

blurred outline superimposed on the other image, hence producing 

Kilners 'aura', according to Ellison. Despite sounding imminently suitable 

for further empirical study, there was no mention found in the literature of 

any investigations using Kilner's goggles. 

Kilner's work was not completely without impact, and in the 1930's 

another English scientist attempted to replicate his work (Bagnall, 1975). 

Although altering Kilner's original dye solutions slightly, Bagnall reported 

23 



similar findings both in terms of the overall appearance of the auric 

layers, and in changes observed in specific conditions such as 

pregnancy or after surgery. Similarly to Kilner, Bagnall refuted occult or 

spiritual explanations for the aura, and believed it should be a matter of 

scientific interest and subject to science's methods, as well as having 

potential value in the diagnosis of disease. 

Other arguments put forward to explain the aura as an optical illusion 

preceded that of Ellison (1962), although explanations for how exactly 

the illusion was produced differed. Fraser-Harris (1932) explained 

Kilner's etheric double as an optical illusion produced by minute 

oscillations of both the observer's retina and the subject. The erroneous 

perception of an aura, caused by the image of the subject constantly 

moving on the observer's retina is offered as explanation for the absence 

of an aura in a corpse (which doesn't move). Similarly, this could explain 

the wider etheric double reported distally by Kilner, as slight movements 

of the body are more detectable toward the peripheries. Kilner's 'inner 

aura' is also accounted for by Fraser-Harris as afterimage and 'periodic 

retinal darkening', leading the author to conclude that this phenomenon 

is explained by "the principle of spatial or of temporal retino-cerebral 

induction" (1932, p. 184 ). 

Over five decades later the explanation of auras as optical illusions 

continued , with Dale, Anderson and Wyman (1978) claiming to produce 

aura perception under laboratory conditions. These researchers 

presented the outline of a human head and shoulders sandwiched 

between five coloured slides to two randomly assigned groups of ten 

college students, one group receiving a focused image and the other a 

purposely blurred image. Subjects were asked if they saw an 'aura' and 

if they did, what hue it was. In all cased but for the red slide, those 

viewing the blurry image saw the complementary hue more times than 

the group presented with the focused image. The researchers argue 

that blurring the image increased the 'aura phenomenon' as predicted, 

24 



and therefore auras can be explained as a combination of border 

contrast and after-image effects. 

A completely different explanation for some incidents of aura perception 

was put forward by Bryant and Jarmie (1974 ), who describe a 

phenomenon called 'the glory' in which a person's head is perceived to 

be surrounded by a series of coloured halos. This has been reported to 

occur outdoors and at close range in the presence of certain weather 

conditions, when a shadow is projected on a cloud of uniform water 

droplets. A similarly phenomenon has been frequently reported around 

the shadow of an airplane falling on a cloud . 

Kirlian Photography 

No discussion of the history of investigation into the aura would be 

complete without mention of Kirlian photography. Devised by Russian 

scientists Semyon and Valentina Kirlian at Kazakh State University in the 

1930's, Kirlian photographs show colourful fringes of light around the 

borders of living objects, but which are absent for non-living objects. 

This method requires that the object to be photographed be placed into a 

high voltage electrical circuit so that it acts like an electrode as electricity 

flows through the circuit. Arguably the most well known example of the 

Kirlians' work is 'the phantom leaf effect' - Kirlian photographs of an 

intact leaf alongside the same leaf cut in half, but with the latter showing 

a pattern of light remaining on the film where the leaf has been cut. 

Other comparisons made by Kirlian photography show differences in 

'fields' (coronas of light on the photograph) around the edges of subjects 

on whole and junk food diets; around the hands of healthy and diseased 

subjects; and around raw and whole foods versus cooked and processed 

food . 

When Kirlian photography was first brought to public attention in the 

1970's it was hailed as long awaited evidence of the objective existence 

of subtle energy fields (Ostrander & Schroeder, 1970). Initial enthusiasm 

waned, however, as results were variously attributes to movement 

25 



artifact and moisture content of objects (Dale et al., 1978). In a recent 

popular press book dedicated to debunking 'pseudoscience', Hines 

(2003) elaborates on the moisture content explanation for Kirlian 

photographs, and notes that a number of other variables have also been 

shown to affect the nature of the image, such as type of film and 

electrode used. However, no explanation is offered for the 'phantom leaf 

effect' . 

Harry Oldfield 

The work of English biologist Harry Oldfield represents another attempt 

to investigate the aura using the methods and principles of the natural 

sciences. Oldfield was an early pioneer in the use of Kirlian 

photography, and was also interested in the potential of crystals to 

generate electromagnetic fields , which could be used therapeutically. 

Together with Cambridge psychologist Roger Coghill, Oldfield published 

a book for the popular press detailing the history of scientific endeavors 

in this direction, as well as his own work in the use of these methods to 

diagnose and treat disease (Oldfield & Coghill, 1988). Based on the 

many criticisms of the Kirlian technique he went on to invent a three 

dimensional Kirlian 'gun' which could produce a video image of the 

subject surrounded by coloured light, which he called 'Polycontrast 

Interference Photography', or 'P.l.P.' (Soloman & Soloman, 1998). This 

technology was based on Oldfield's idea that if an energy field did exist 

around humans it would interfere with the light in the environment 

reflecting off the subject, which could be measured. P.l.P. measures 

the light in the environment bouncing off the subject, and a computer 

programme colour-codes this information and creates the patterns on 

the monitor. To date, Oldfield reports being able to correlate a variety of 

medical conditions with specific patterns on P.l.P. scans, such as 

tumors, infections, and muscular-skeletal complaints. Unusual patterns 

on PIP have also been reported around subjects preparing to do 'laying 

on of hands' healing. 

26 



Although Oldfield appears to draw on aspects of the Psychical Model in 

constructing hypotheses, his work is still best located within the Scientific 

Model. Despite challenging previous conclusions of this model, his work 

attempts to quantify the human energy field based on the methods and 

principles of the natural sciences. To date no investigations of Oldfield 's 

theories or devices have been published . As an essentially independent 

researcher working without the support of institutions he has been 

advised that the cost of independent controlled trials of his work would 

be prohibitive, although he remains enthusiastic about this possibility 

(personal communication, 2002). 

The material above represents examples of a natural sciences approach 

to the investigation of the aura, but is not exhaustive. A variety of other 

studies and findings have been put forward in support of the objective 

existence of the aura, some by respected mainstream scientists and 

academics (e.g., Oschman, 2000). The scientific background to many of 

the theories and technologies presented above are much more complex 

than can be described here, and evaluation of this work is beyond the 

scope of the present study. How well some of these explanations 

account for aura perception depends on how the aura is defined. Some 

optical illusions can undoubtedly produce 'colours around people', 

however, how closely laboratory produced optical illusions match with 

phenomenological accounts of aura perception such as reported from 

the Psychical Model is arguable. 

The Clinical Model 

This model accounts for the aura as the result of various organic 

pathologies - an epiphenomenon of errant biophysicochemical factors in 

the nervous system. Reports of the aura are assumed to be visual 

hallucinations caused by some form of mental illness; arising from the 

neuropathology causing epilepsy; or the result of some kind of disorder 

of the eye. However, as noted by Gissurarson and Gunnarsson (1997), 

signs and symptoms of these disorders do not map well to reported 

perception of auras, nor do aura reporters appear to suffer from such 

27 



disorders. No literature could be located that exemplified this model, as 

to date no medical disorder or disorders can account for the widespread 

reporting of auras. In it's purest form therefore, this model would appear 

to be rest on explanations that do not stand up to scrutiny and provides 

little promise for furthering study in this area. Given the lack of 

supporting evidence it seems likely this model is based on a belief that 

such a phenomenon cannot occur, rather than an careful consideration 

of reports of aura perception and existing medical knowledge. 

However, within the last decade a small number of studies have 

highlighted various aspects of personality and correlates of pathology 

found in those reporting aura perception and other anomalous 

experiences. These studies can be conceived of as sharing the 

formulation of the Clinical Model and therefore appear to be 

appropriately considered here. 

Alvarado & Zingrone (1994) set out to investigate the relationship 

between claims of aura perception, vivid visual imagery and fantasy­

proneness. A variety of self-report questionnaires were filled out by 19 

self-selected aura reporters and 19 control subjects matched by age and 

sex. Instruments included the authors own Questionnaire on Auras and 

Other Experiences (QAOE); the Vividness of Visual Imagery 

Questionnaire (VVIQ) (Marks, 1989); and the Inventory of Childhood 

Memories and Imaginings Children's Form (ICMIC) (Myers, 1983). 

Results confirmed the two main hypotheses that aura vision is related to 

higher levels of reporting of vividness of visual imagery and of 

imaginative-fantasy experiences. In addition the aura reporters had a 

significantly higher frequency of claims of other anomalous experiences. 

These findings are in conceptual agreement with other studies that have 

found that measures of fantasy-proneness seem to be successful 

predictors of psychic phenomena other than aura vision (Myers, Austrin, 

Grisso & Nickeson, 1983; Wilson & Barber, 1983). 

28 



A number of other studies focusing on a variety of anomalous 

experiences rather than aura perceptions specifically, also appear to fit 

well within this model. Ross & Joshi (1992) highlight that the only data 

on paranormal experiences found in contemporary psychiatric literature 

refers to the association of extrasensory/paranormal experiences to a 

history of childhood trauma and dissociative symptom clusters. To 

determine if the relationship between childhood trauma, paranormal 

experiences, and other dissociative symptom clusters held in the general 

population, these researchers administered the Dissociative Disorders 

Interview Schedule (ODIS) (Ross, Heber, Norton, Anderson, Anderson & 

Sarchet, 1989) to a randomly selected sample of 502 adults in a 

Midwestern Canadian city. The ODIS inquires in detail about childhood 

physical and sexual abuse as well as extrasensory experience, and 

makes a range of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM IV) diagnoses. 

Referring to a 1991 poll (Gallup & Newport, 1991 ), Ross and Joshi 

(1992) noted that extrasensory or paranormal experiences were 

common in the general population, and the rates of such experiences in 

their sample were either the same or lower than for the general 

population, with 65% of subjects reporting having at least one of these 

experiences, and nearly 10% reported having four or more. Results 

showed subjects reporting childhood abuse of any kind had an average 

of 2.3 paranormal experiences per person, compared with an average of 

1.2 for the non-abused group. The researchers concluded that available 

evidence suggested paranormal experiences are dissociative in nature 

and linked to childhood trauma and other dissociative symptom clusters, 

however, they also asserted that paranormal experiences are not 

necessarily pathological in nature, and indeed are often deliberately 

cultivated by psychologically healthy and high functioning individuals. 

They proposed a model in which paranormal experiences are an 

expression of normal dissociative capacity. 

McClenon (1994) also suggests that dissociative faculties and related 

traits regulate the incidence of anomalous experiences, opposing 

previously proposed hypotheses suggesting that religiosity and scientific 

29 



training affect the reporting of these episodes. This latter group of 

hypotheses, labeled 'cultural source theory', conceive accounts of 

anomalous events as wholly the product of the reporters culture, 

resulting from and alleviating existential anxiety or fulfilling other unmet 

needs. The ubiquitous nature of such accounts is seen as reflecting 

social disorders, tension and flaws in the scientific education training. 

Mcclenon tested hypotheses deriving from cultural source theory by 

polling samples of Caucasian-American, African-American, Chinese and 

Japanese college students regarding a range of anomalous experiences. 

While the incidence of reported experiences varied across the groups, 

religious preference, self-reported religiosity and scientific training did not 

predict frequency of, or belief in extra-sensory experiences. McClenon 

proposed that the scattered and meager relationships found between 

religiosity and anomalous reports may be better accounted for by a 

variety of psychological variables correlated with dissociation, including 

hypnotic suggestibility, absorption and fantasy proneness. Drawing on a 

growing number of research findings linking childhood trauma, 

dissociative experiences and anomalous experiences, McClenon 

proposes a model whereby the capacity for anomalous experience is a 

trait influenced by both genetic and cultural variables affiliated with 

naturally occurring psychological capacities. 

Heber, Fleisher, Ross and Stanwick (1989) further explored the 

relationship between reports of paranormal experience and dissociation, 

comparing 12 community based alternative healers with a control group 

of 19 psychiatry residents on the Dissociative Experiences Scale (DES) 

(Bernstein & Putnam, 1986) and the Dissociative Disorders Interview 

Schedule (ODIS) (Ross et al, 1989). While neither group showed 

evidence of extensive psychopathology, the alternative healer group 

reported more Schneiderian symptoms (which include audible thoughts 

and voices; thought withdrawal and broadcasting; and somatic passivity 

experiences); extrasensory experiences; and secondary features of 

Multiple Personality Disorder (now known as Dissociative Identity 

Disorder). In accordance with the findings of the previously noted 

30 



studies, these authors note that these experiences did not seem 

indicative of psychopathology, and in some individuals are even valued 

and sought after. They conclude that dissociative experiences are not 

necessarily indicators of psychiatric disorder in non-clinical groups. 

Persinger & Valliant (1985) found correlations between the number of 

paranormal experiences and the number of temporal lobe signs reported 

by a sample of 99 university students. They concluded these results 

supported the hypothesis that mystical or paranormal experiences are 

associated with transient electrical foci within the temporal lobe of the 

brain, but that the repeated occurrence of these experiences within 

normal individuals may be embedded within a more complex 

symptomatology of temporal lobe signs. 

Neppe (1984) also argued that the logical anatomical correlate for 

anomalous experience is the temporal lobe, and that there is evidence 

that a background trait of anomalous temporal lobe functioning may 

predispose to the occurrence of anomalous experiences. However, 

Neppe argued accounts of paranormal experiences suggest a different 

quality to those of the temporal lobe epileptic, and strengthen the 

possibility that the former experiences do not necessarily suggest 

abnormal temporal lobe firing . 

These studies can be seen collectively as constituting a 'diluted' version 

of the Clinical Model, in that they all are cautious about proposing a 

direct and simple relationship between anomalous experience and 

pathology, or concluding subjects reporting these experiences have 

mental or neurological illnesses. However, they share with the more 

simplistic but unsupported explanations a formulation of aura perception 

as being fundamentally related to internal processes rather than being 

stimulated by an external reality. In attempting to use existing 

understandings of personality and neuropathology or psychopathology to 

suggest individual differences that may distinguish reporters of auras 

and other anomalous experiences from non-reporters, these studies 

31 



offer promise for future understanding of aura perception. However, this 

model also raises a number of important cultural issues related to what 

are considered desirable or undesirable features of personality; what 

constitutes psychopathology; and who makes these judgements. 

The Aura Imagery Model 

This model is proposed by Gissurarson & Gunnarsson (1997) as a guide 

for future aura research as they suggest it may best account for the 

negative results produced by the Doorway Test and it's variations noted 

previously. The Aura Imagery Model is an elaboration of Ellison's (1962) 

concept of the aura as an 'unconscious dramatization' and Tart's (1972) 

concept of the 'Projected Aura', in which the aura has no objective 

existence apart from within the mind and brain of the observer. These 

researchers theorize that on a phenomenological continuum, an aura 

image may range from a feeling to a real perception. At one end of this 

continuum aura perception is an association with colour with what a 

person intuits about others - what they feel , think and experience of other 

people. At the other end of the continuum this information about the 

subject may create a real perception, albeit one which is generated by 

internal neurological processes rather than being externally stimulated by 

an objectively present aura. In this way aura imagery produces a 

wholistic experience of the target person expressed in colours - a 

convenient way in which a variety of information is unconsciously 

processed and presented to the conscious mind. The authors suggest 

that this may explain why their experimental subjects were perplexed 

and frustrated by a lack of positive results, and why they agreed to take 

part in the experiment at all. The participants genuinely believed and 

expected to detect an external aura, however, without full experience of 

the target person they were unable to collect the information that would 

be required to produce the projected aura image. Gissurarson and 

Gunnarsson (1997) concur with Ellison (1932) and Tart (1972;1979) in 

maintaining that the possibility of extra-sensory perception should not be 

excluded, as additional information may alter or form the experience of 

the aura perceiver. The authors add to previous similar explanations by 

32 



suggesting that a variety of information received about others may 

become consciously connected with colours through learning by 

association, or by the more complex and involuntary neurological 

processes involved in synesthesia. 

Certainly one does not have to look hard to find examples of such 

learning - in the process of acculturation and language acquisition there 

are innumerable opportunities for learning such associations. Colour is 

used everywhere as a symbol - red traffic lights signify the danger of not 

stopping and green the safety to move forward; red tap tops signify hot 

and blue or green cold. Social rituals have associated colours such as 

wearing black for funerals and white for wedding dresses, although these 

are obviously not universal and vary across cultures. More specific 

examples of associations between colour and emotional states are 

commonly found in language - people are described as 'seeing red' 

when angry, or viewing the world 'through rose coloured glasses' when in 

love. Envy is often associated with the colour green, as in 'the green 

eyed monster' or being 'green with envy', and depression is often 

described as a grey, blue or black mood (interestingly, these 

associations are all in accord with Theosophical writings on the 

correlations between subjective states and aura colour). 

The proposal that synesthesia may play a part in aura perception in the 

Aura Imagery model requires some elaboration, as this term has been 

used in both general and specific ways. This term comes from the 

Greek syn, meaning together, and eisthesis, meaning perception, and 

has been used to refer to both the tendency for perceptions in one 

modality to suggest those of another, and to an involuntary physical 

experience in which one sensory modality reliably causes a consistent 

perception in one or more different senses. The former can be 

conceived of as including and extending the cross-modal associations 

noted above as being learned, whereas the latter or 'true' synesthesia 

has distinct diagnostic features and can be found in medical literature 

descriptions going back three centuries. 'Coloured hearing' is the most 

33 



commonly reported variety of true synesthesia, in which speech and 

music are not only heard but are experienced with a visual image of 

coloured shapes and movement. 

True synesthesia re-emerged as a noteworthy subject in the medical 

literature in the 1980's due primarily to the work of American neurologist 

Richard Cytowic (1989; 1993), whose study of a group of synesthetes 

led to the development of the current diagnostic criteria. Cytowic 

concluded synesthesia is involuntary but elicited; perceptions are 

projected into the personal space of the synesthete rather than being 

experienced 'in the mind's eye'; perceptions are stable over a lifetime; 

and the synesthetic experience is emotional and memorable. 

Furthermore, Cytowic proposed that synesthesia is familial , and is more 

common in non-right handers and in women with gender ratios ranging 

from 3:1 to 8:1. Synesthetes tend to have superior memory while math 

and spatial navigation suffers. Synesthesia also appears to depend only 

on the left-brain hemisphere, and is accompanied by large metabolic 

shifts away from the neocortex that result in relatively enhanced limbic 

expression. Synesthesia is a rare experience, with Cytowic (1997) 

suggesting his own finding of 1 in 25,000 is possibly too low. Cytowic 

suggests synesthesia is a normal brain process despite being statistically 

rare, and considers it a premature display to consciousness of normally 

occurring neurological processes. His use of 'premature' in this context 

relates to the stages in the perceptual process rather than the 

development of the individual or species. Cytowic proposes we are all 

synesthetes but not aware of this, as cross modal associations for most 

of us occur at unconscious intermediate stages in the perceptual process 

but are not delivered to the final stage of this process as the finished 

product of our perception. 

Synesthesia has been mentioned fleetingly in relation to aura perception 

previously, but had not been built into any comprehensive model prior to 

Gissurarson and Gunnarsson (1997). Kenneth (1932) argued that 

subliminal olfactory stimuli emanated from human and other bodies 

34 



which could be broadcast over a considerable distance, and which varied 

according to general metabolism, nutrition, and emotional or affective 

state. Both underlying neural processes and cross-modal learning 

appear to be proposed by Kenneth to result in colours being perceived 

around the subject. This explanation is unique in it's suggestion of both 

the existence of an objective aura (chemical substances giving olfactory 

stimulus) and a projected aura (learned and true smell-colour 

synesthesia). However, Kenneth draws in part on insect behaviour to 

substantiate his claim, and does not elaborate on how humans could 

discriminate between subliminal metabolic, nutritional or affective 

changes in his proposed chemical aura. No comment or discussion on 

this theory was found in the literature, and Gissurarson & Gunnarsson 

(1997) do not refer specifically to smell-colour synesthesia in their model. 

Peterson also refers briefly to synesthesia in his discussion of aura 

perception in children. He notes earlier psychologists have proposed 

this condition as a developmental stage in childhood, as well as an 

explanation for the ''frequent hallucinations that some children 

experience" (Peterson, 1987, p. 36). However, Peterson disposes with 

this argument by suggesting the opposite is true - that the entire concept 

of synesthesia is likely an elaborate and fanciful way for psychologists to 

claim organic basis for a condition that actually involves childhood 

clairvoyance. Such polarized explanations for aura perception are a 

good example of how dualism may have inhibited progress in 

conceptualizing on this topic. 

It is interesting to note that synesthetes have reported auras around 

objects and people, and some have noted that correlations between 

colours have moods. In Cytowic's (1989) study of 42 synesthetes, one 

subject 'BB' describes the auras he perceives as colours bordering 

objects and people which may parallel a boundary, as coming in 'soft 

splotches' lacking orientation, or appearing as a colour wash which at 

times obscures the object or subject. These experiences are 

accompanied by physical sensations of numbness and flushing, and 

35 



feelings of exhilaration, fear or happiness. The stimulus for these 

experiences is perceived as coming from the subject. BB's description 

of one particular incident of perceiving an aura is worth noting, both for 

his description of what was perceived, and other subjective contextual 

aspects of the experience (Cytowic, 1989, p. 50): 

"There was a very strong feeling and she was surrounded by a dark blue-green 
aura ... I don't know what the emotional feeling was due to because I had only 
met her twice. But there it was. I think there was some sort of bond or some­
thing. I'm not sure which comes first, sometimes I think I see the colour and 
react emotionally; others it may be reversed - I get an emotion and then see this 
colour. I'm not sure. And I don't know what makes it happen." 

Furthermore, in addition to BB and the subject who reported that colours 

have moods, Cytowic notes that in his study sample a further seven 

subjects or 17% reported clairvoyance and other paranormal 

experiences, including precognitive dreams, psychokinesis, empathic 

healing experiences, and a kind of emotional telepathy (Cytowic, 1989, 

p. 236): 

" ... {I] am particularly sensitive to mood vibrations from others. I can walk into a 
room and sense almost instantly what each person is feeling about himself or 
whether there is tension, hostility, 'openness', pretense, etc. " 

Despite being reminded of descriptions of ictal (seizure) phenomena, 

and in particular those associated with temporal lobe epilepsy, Cytowic 

openly acknowledges he does not know what to make of such reports. 

He asserts however, that these descriptions are quite different from "the 

comments of oddballs", who presumably are non-synesthetes reporting 

anomalous experiences (Cytowic, 1989, p. 235). 

Interestingly, some individuals reporting aura perception have also 

reported that sound will result in a visual perception of colour and form 

(Besant & Leadbeater, 1992). This appears to be a somewhat different 

experience to 'coloured hearing' however, as the example given in this 

latter reference describes shapes and colours emanating directly from 

the sound source (in this case a church organ) and reaching quite some 

distance into the air. These 'musical auras' are noted to be complex and 

dynamic, as well as being reliable in that the same piece of music 

accurately played will build the same form, which will appear the same to 

36 



different individuals with clairvoyant abilities on different occasions. In 

contrast to these descriptions, reports of 'coloured hearing' in 

synesthesia note that the shapes and colour are perceived in the 

personal space of the perceiver, never at a distance. For example, 

Cytowic (1995) notes a subject who on hearing music, sees falling gold 

balls, shooting lines, and metallic waves like oscilloscope tracings that 

float on a 'screen' six inches from her nose. Furthermore, synesthetic 

perceptions are generally described as idiosyncratic - the same stimulus 

will evoke different perceptions in different synesthetes. 

The addition of synesthesia in Gissurarson and Gunnarssons' (1997) 

model is thought provoking on a number of levels, whether as a 

explanation for aura perception in itself (i.e., aura perception is a specific 

type of synesthesia) or as a model for a similar explanation (i .e., aura 

perception is not synesthesia, but a similar neurological model or 

process may be implicated). It reintroduces the possibility of a 

neurological substrate for anomalous experience - that aura perception 

may be as much 'in the brain' as 'in the mind'. Contextual aspects of 

synesthetic experiences may also have parallels for that of aura 

perception, in that it is an unshared sensory experience which subjects 

are cautious about disclosing for fear of stigma, it has emotional­

experiential correlates, and is a difficult experience to express in 

language. 

This model is likely to be attractive to many in it's complexity and 

eclecticism, however, the inclusion of ESP as a component of this model 

is likely to make it as unacceptable to mainstream psychologists as the 

Psychical Model. While proposing some new and thought provoking 

material, the Aura Imagery model is concerned with the 'big' questions of 

aura perception, and does not offer specific explanations for the various 

features which have been consistently reported of auras. The only 

attempt in this direction, namely the suggestion that "colours and shapes 

of auras may well be the form in which the ESP material can be 

dramatized for the conscious mind" (Gissurarson & Gunnarsson, 1997, 

37 



p. 46), is a somewhat vague and convenient explanation for these 

features, and has a decidedly psycho-analytic flavour. 

Gissurarson and Gunnarsson's (1997) conceptual framework, with it's 

suggestion of the Aura Imagery model as the most promising for future 

research, provides the most recent theorizing in aura research. 

However, it is interesting to note the continuation of Ellison's concept of 

'unconscious dramatization' in the Aura Imagery model, and his 

admonition 35 years earlier (Ellison, 1962, p. 364 ): 

"It may be that the clues to many of the mystifying things of interest to psychical 
researchers are to be found in perception. Most of our problems might be 
resolved if we thoroughly understood perception of all kinds, both normal and 
psychic. It is well worth while to look further into perception, particularly psychic 
perception." 

1.6 Aims and Objectives of the Current Study 

The construct of the human energy field or aura is an ancient one, and 

reports of belief and experience of auras continue to be widespread in 

the present day. Despite increasing public interest and popular press 

publications, psychology has had little to say about this subject. What 

little academic literature does exist has tended to focus on establishing 

the extent of belief and reported rates of experience, often as part of 

wider studies looking at a variety of anomalous experiences. This 

provides a useful starting point but does little to explicate the 

phenomenon, and according to Alvarado (1996, p. 62) "practically no 

systematic work has been carried out to map the features of this 

phenomenon". 

This aim of the present study is to address the scarcity of psychological 

literature on aura perception from a phenomenological perspective. 

Interpretive phenomenological analysis was employed as a 

methodological approach in order to address three further objectives of 

the study. These were to (i) to seek consistencies and contrasts in 

reports of aura perception by focusing in depth on a small number of 

38 



experients reports; (ii) to elaborate on the construct of the aura by 

considering the contextual determinants embedded in such reports; and 

(iii) to appraise potential implications of these findings in light of previous 

research and conceptualizing on the aura within psychology. As the 

methodology selected for the present study attempts to set aside 

suppositions and avoid presumptions as much as possible, there were 

no expectations held or hypotheses proposed for findings related to 

either reports of the phenomenon itself, the contextual determinants, or 

any possible arising implications. 

39 



2. METHOD 

2.1 Methodological Rationale 

As noted above, despite there being a number of models and theories 

put forward to explain reports of aura perception there appears to be a 

lack of studies which systematically map features of accounts, or 

consider these alongside proposed explanations. In particular, no 

descriptive or thematic studies could be found in the literature which 

might explicate the parameters of claimants' accounts, or chart the 

textural aspects of their experiences. A number of research designs 

were considered in order to find one which would fit most appropriately 

with the aims and purposes of this study and fill this gap in the literature. 

A qualitative methodology suggested itself as most appropriate to the 

aims and objectives of the study for the following reasons. Rather than 

attempting to find or predict causal relationships among objective, 

quantifiable variables, the research questions fundamentally address 

personal experience and meaning making, for which qualitative 

methodologies are ideally suited (Willig, 2001 ). Qualitative analysis is 

also suggested as being particularly appropriate if the aim is to capture 

complexity or process, and when an issue is controversial or personal 

(Smith, Harre & Van Langenhove, 1995). Finally, topics which are little 

understood and investigated, such as is the case in the present study, 

are well suited for qualitative analysis, which may generate theory and 

suggest the most profitable theoretical and methodological direction for 

further studies. 

Of a number of qualitative methods in use in psychology research, 

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (1.P.A.) was selected as the 

most suitable for both the study topic and it's aims and objectives. l.P.A. 

was developed by English psychologist Jonathan Smith in the 1990's, 

who characterized this method as "an attempt to unravel the meanings 

40 



contained in ... accounts through a process of interpretative engagement 

with the texts and transcripts" (Smith, 1997, p. 189). LP.A. has been 

applied widely to topics within health psychology, such as palliative care 

(Jarret, Payne, Turner & Hiller, 1999); genetic abnormality (Baillie, Smith, 

Hewison & Mason, 2000; Chapman & Smith , 2002) and sexuality (Coyle 

& Rafalin, 2000; Flowers, Duncan & Frankis, 2000; Duncan, Hart, 

Secular & Bigrigg, 2001 ). The growing popularity of l.P.A . has seen it's 

application extend to clinical and social psychology, particularly in the 

United Kingdom (e.g., Jarman, Smith & Walsh, 1997; Knudson & Coyle, 

2002; Larkin & Griffiths, 2002). Despite LP.A. being a relatively new 

qualitative method in psychology, it should be remembered that similar 

interpretative phenomenological approaches have a long history in 

medical sociology (e.g., Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Goffman, 1968). 

Despite being a recent approach developed within and specifically for 

psychology, l.P.A. has theoretical roots in the branch of philosophic 

thought know as phenomenology, and draws also on the perspective of 

social interactionism. Phenomenology developed from the ideas of 

German philosopher Husserl in the early twentieth century, and is 

concerned with phenomena that appear in our consciousness as we 

engage with the world around us. It aims to 'return to things themselves' 

as they appear to perceivers within particular contexts and at particular 

times, rather than attempting to formulate general laws or abstract 

statements about the nature of the world. Phenomenology's 

methodological implications require suspension of assumptions and 

presuppositions and a description of the totality of a phenomenon 

together with it's associated components, in order to arrive at an 

understanding of the essence of a phenomenon. In modern 

phenomenological psychological research, the research participant's 

account becomes the phenomenon with which the research engages. 

While few would now claim it is possible to suspend all presuppositions 

and judgments in any endeavor, there remains an effort to set aside 

customary ways of knowing while attempting to enter the experience of 

another. Phenomenological psychology is also more concerned with 

41 



diversity and variability in human experience than with Husserl's 

identification of essences (Spinelli, 1989). 

Symbolic interactionism emerged in the USA in the 1930's as an explicit 

rejection of the positivist paradigm beginning to take hold in the social 

sciences. While being influenced by phenomenalism, symbolic­

interactionalism argues that the meanings individuals ascribe to events 

should be of central concern to the social scientist. However, it also 

considers that those meanings are only obtained through a process of 

interpretation, and that it is only through social interaction that meanings 

occur and are made sense of. This perspective has only recently begun 

influencing the field of psychology, and is an integral part of discursive 

approaches (Denzin, 1995). 

l.P.A. weaves together both these theoretical strands by aiming to 

capture the quality and texture of individual experience. It holds with a 

realist approach to knowledge production in that it starts with an 

assumption that peoples' accounts say something about their private 

thoughts and feeling, and these are implicated in their experiences. It 

recognizes that these thoughts and feelings mediate experience of 

external 'objective' conditions, meaning the world can be experienced in 

radically different ways (Willig, 2001 ). Indeed l.P.A. does not make any 

claims about the external world, or seek to determine whether 

participants' accounts may be 'true' or 'false' in terms of their 

correspondence to an 'objective' reality, and in this way subscribes to a 

relativist ontology. l.P.A. is also reflexive in so far as it acknowledges it's 

dependence upon the researcher's own standpoint, as well as the nature 

of the interaction between researcher and participant. 

These theoretical positions make l.P.A. particularly suitable to the aims 

and objectives of the current research, which are explicitly not to argue 

for or against the proof or truth of the aura as an objective reality. l.P.A. 

appears to provide the most suitable method with which to consider in 

depth a small number of detailed accounts of aura perception, in order to 

42 



consider phenomenological findings against existing theories and 

models. Using this methodology accounts of aura perception constitute 

the phenomenon in question, rather than the aura itself (as is the case in 

the Psychical Model). 

Given l.P.A. is a relatively novel method in psychology it is useful to 

position it by reference to a more familiar qualitative approach. l.P.A. is 

noted by Jonathan Smith and others to share much in common with 

Grounded Theory (Smith, Flowers & Osborn, 1997; Will ig, 2001 ). Both 

proceed by systematically working through a text in order to identify 

themes and categories that are progressively integrated until higher­

order units ('core categories' in Grounded Theory; 'master-themes' in 

LP.A.) are established that capture the essence or nature of the 

phenomena under investigation . Both start with individual cases which 

are then integrated to obtain a composite picture that tells us more about 

the cognitive map that represents a person's or a group's view of the 

world . However, while Grounded Theory aims to identify and explicate 

contextualised social processes which account for phenomenon in order 

to yield theory, l.P.A. was designed to gain insight into the nature or 

essence of phenomena itself by gaining insight into individual 

participants' psychological worlds, and so is specifically a psychological 

research method. 

2.2 Steps in Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis 

2.2.1 Development of a Semi-Structured Interview Schedule 

Once the aims and objectives of the study had been decided and the 

choice of a methodology made, a semi-structured interview schedule 

was designed (Appendix A). In accordance with guidelines on semi­

structured interviewing (e.g., Smith et al, 1995; Willig 2001 ), the 

schedule is used to guide the interview rather than to dictate direction 

and content. To this end questions were designed to invite participants 

43 



to discuss areas suggested by the researcher, while allowing freedom to 

probe interesting issues that arise and follow the participants' interests or 

concerns. While the same areas of questioning are therefore common 

to each interview, their order and the degree of detail or departure from 

the question may vary across interviews as this process proceeds. 

Schedule questions were arranged in an order that was anticipated 

would follow the natural progression of the interview, beginning with the 

nature of what was perceived, followed by the contextual aspects of the 

experience and concluding with meanings made of experiences. 

Opportunity for the participants to comment on any other aspect not 

already discussed was also provided in the schedule. Questions were 

phrased to be open, neutral, and to use participants' own language, with 

further prompts being added to encourage participants to elaborate. 

The initial version of the interview schedule was revised several times 

due to certain terms and phrases potentially precluding some categories 

of response. For example, the initial title of the study and wording in the 

interview schedule referred to 'seeing' the aura, but this was replaced by 

'perceiving'. It was felt the former term might frame perceptual 

experiences in an exclusively visual mode, and exclude accounts that 

were experienced in other ways. Another issue arising was whether to 

use the terms 'aura' or 'energy field ' in the opening questions. There 

was concern this might infer to the participants that the researcher held 

certain epistemological and ontological assumptions about the 

experience (i.e., that by using a noun this reifies the experience, 

suggesting it had an objective reality and that it can be 'known' about in 

certain ways), and that only responses which concurred with these 

assumption were desirable. An alternative was to draw on features of 

auras widely reported in popular descriptions and ask if the participant 

had perceived light, colours, energy or anything else around the body. 

The latter was potentially equally problematic, as it essentially implies the 

same thing. After some consideration it was decided that the study 

required accounts by participants who had already labeled their 

experiences as incidents of perceiving what was possibly an aura or 

44 



energy field, and both questioning approaches were therefore combined. 

It was hoped this left the question open enough to be answered in a 

variety of ways, with the option of offering a range of explanations or 

attributions for experiences. These initial challenges in designing a 

schedule increased mindfulness about the discursive aspects of 

language and issues of epistemological reflexivity, and ongoing efforts 

were made to remain conscious of these reflections throughout the 

schedule and during the interview process. 

2.2.2 Recruitment of Participants 

Participants were required to be adults (defined as 18 or older) and to 

have had at least one experience in which they perceived something 

around the human body which they labeled as an aura or energy field. 

This represents purposive sampling in that participants were selected 

according to criteria of relevance to the research question and known in 

advance to be homogenous to the extent that they reported the 

experience in question. The Information Sheet (Appendix B) 

accompanying the Consent Form (Appendix C) asked any prospective 

participant not to volunteer for the study if their experience occurred 

during a period of mental illness or immediately following the ingestion of 

drugs. This exclusion was included in order to protect participants, and 

to exclude reports of experiences that may be directly related to these 

circumstances. 

Participants were recruited via acquaintances, colleagues and referra