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Chapter 1 
Introduction 
Recent Treaty of Waitangi settlements negotiated between several iwi 
(Kaitahu, Tainui, Nggti Awa and the Sealords deal) and the Crown as well as 
the claim made by a member of the tribe of WhakatTihea against the New 
Zealand government (Wai 87), provide a timely opportunity to investigate 
how Maori women participate in the decision-making processes of a tribe. 
Maori women's experiences of; barriers to participation, along with 
strategies to overcome these barriers, will be a major focus of this study. 
Chapter two reviews the literature relevant to WhakatTihea, WhakatTihea 
women, and Maori women in tribal socio-politics. It also discusses the role 
that p&eha writers have played in perpetuating the Victorian male bias in 
their constructions of Maori people and especially Maori women. It argues 
that the increase in the number of historical accounts by Mgori generally, and 
in particular, Miiori women scholars serve to deconstruct Euro-centric views 
about Mgori women. Some of the recent materials published by Maori 
women provide the theoretical basis upon which the experiences of 
Whakatohea women and their participation in tribal socio-politics will be 
anal ysed. 
Chapter three aims to outline a MSiori centred research methodology based 
on Maori philosophical understandings of the research process that 
recognises appropriate principles and guidelines for conducting research into 
the lives of Whakatijhea women. 
The theoretical perspective of a Maori worldview upon which this study will 
be malysed is outlined in chapter four. Insights into a Maori worldview are 
found through an analysis of the cosmological narratives. 
Chapter five focuses on the customary narratives about kuia tipuna of 
Whakatiihea and provides a fwther reference point of analysis for the seven 
women participant's life experiences and views of Whakatahea socio- 
political affairs today. 
The women's experiences and views of participation in whaau, hapii, and 
iwi social and political affairs will be discussed in Chapters six, seven, and 
eight. Their views and experiences of their early years, work, marae, and 
more recently their involvement in tribal political affairs will be discussed. 
Strategies that the women employed to overcome barriers to participation in 
iwi socio-politics is also addressed. Chapter six will focus on whakapapa, 
identity, and the part that the home-place plays in developing a secure 
identity as Miiori and as Wakatiihea. Chapter seven explores the study 
participants experiences and views as they relate to mana-wiihine and mana- 
whenua. Cnapter eight investigates the women's experiences and views 
about participation in hui and decision-making. 
The concluding chapter draws the threads of the study together and suggests 
areas for Eurther research. This research makes the point that cosmological 
narratives and the lessons contained within them provide insights into the 
ways for how Whakatiihea women can more .fully participate in tribal social 
and political affairs today and in the hture. 
Chapter 2 
Literature Review 
Introduction 
Studies specific to VuThakatGhea and in particular Whakatshea women are 
reviewed. An historical overview of writings about VVhakatijhea men and 
women and their participation in iwi, hapii or whiinau, is presented. Miiori 
participation in decision-making is examined with a focus on the role that 
colonial constructions of Maori people and Miiori women perpetuate 
Eurocentric views in contemporary writings by non-Maori. 
Recent publications which have been written or edited by Maori women 
scholars present critical analysis of Eurocentric constructions. Finally, 
studies and reviews by indigenous women are included to provide critical 
analysis for Western constructions. 
While research on Maori Women in general is burgeoning, there is as yet, no 
published material written by a WhakatTjhea woman about Whakatohea 
women. 
Literature about Whakatbhea 
One published book covers the history of Whakatijhea (Lyall, 1979). Lyall, a 
pikeha married into the tribe and lived among Whakatohea. The majority of 
his research material comes from the evidence presented by mainly male 
representatives for Whakatiihea and Ngai Tai hapii in Opiitiki Land Court 
Minutes (ibid). He includes an account of the events during the 1870s which 
lead up to the invasion of Whakatijhea by Imperial troops, and the subsequent 
confiscation of Whakatijhea lands. The book provides a comprehensive 
description of Whakatbhea history. However, from his writings, one could 
be forgiven for assuming Whakatiihea to be a tribe of men who were 
constantly at war. Whakatijhea women are very rarely acknowledged in the 
stories. Even in the tables of whakapapa only the early female progenitors or 
later women who were linked to prominent male lineage are visible. After 
Muriwai, the eponymous ancestress of Whakatbhea, women's deeds, are paid 
the honour of mention, when they are associated with a well-known warrior 
or leader, more often a puhi; or through ones death at the hands of a man.' As 
a p%keha and male, Lyall has interpreted Wakatijhea tribal history from a 
male bias as evidenced by his use of male only informants. 
Whakatbhea women can be found in other historical accounts written by 
Lyal1(1979), Stirling (1 979), Walker (1 990), Mead (1 994) and Tarakawa 
(1 894). Acknowledgement is made of two women of influence. The first is 
the ancestress Muriwai from whence Whakatijhea have taken their name, and 
1 See Uhengaparaoa p. 106, and Te Atakura p. 107 Chapter 5. 
the other is Wairaka the daughter of Toroa, Muriwai9s brother. Muriwai is 
acknowledged as the woman who saved the Mgtaatua canoe (Lyall1979) by 
Whakatbhea and other iwi such as Te WhZinau-a-Apanui and Ngiiti Porou 
(Stirling, 1980). Whilst acknowledging Whakatiihea's version, Mead (1 994) 
of Ngiiti Awa recognises Wairaka as the ancestress who saved the Mgtaatua 
canoe from floating out to deep sea. However, Mead (1 994:30-3 1) honours 
Muriwai with possessing priestly, and healing powers inherited from her 
father Irakewa. Muriwai performed the act of reciting incantations to 
establish a tuahu, which became known as Ye manuka tii tahi'. She was and 
still is revered for her priestly powers that she used to protect her iwi 
throughout her lifetime (ibid). Her protection continues to be called upon by 
her descendants. Muriwai was given the sacred task of saving the talisman of 
the canoe, which Mead asserts was the ritual heart and of greater importance 
than the physical canoe (p. 3 1). 
The priestly gifts that Muriwai was endowed with are, said to have been, 
inherited from her father, Irakewa, who was also a priest (Mead, 1994). 
However, there is confusion over whether Irakewa was in fact her mother or 
her father (Mead, 1994; Tarakawa 1984; Best 19527 1 1-7 13). Tarakawa 
(1894:66-68) refers to Wairakewa (or Irakewa) as being the mother of 
Muriwai and her father as Hi~aroa. Iviead (i 994:3 i -32j instead attrhtes 
Muriwai's priestly gifts as being passed down through a male descent line, 
and not a female descent line and rationalises that consistent with a Maori 
world view of gender roles, the chiefs sister would have an important ritual 
role in the affairs of the iwi. Mead (p. 32) cites whakapapa included in Best 
(1 952), and Lyall(1979), to support his interpretation, which shows her 
father as Ir&ewa and her mother Weka-nui. Mead (p. 32) theorises that 
Tarakawa's interpretations may be founded in his difficulty in accepting that 
priestly gifts could be passed down from a male line to a woman. Mead's 
rationalisation for his view could also be seen as male bias due to the fact that 
he does not acknowledge that through female lineage women may receive 
spiritual powers but instead gives examples where women do so through 
association with men (Mead 1994: 3 1-33). It is my belief that priestly 
powers that have their roots in genealogy are passed down through male and 
female lineages. 
As well as paying homage to Muriwai, Mead (1994:29) also acknowledges 
the achievements of his ancestress Wairaka, as an explorer evidenced by the 
names of landmarks covering the whole of the North Island, of note 
Owairaka in AucMand and a rock in Wellington called Wairaka (ibid.). 
Other historical accounts focus on the period and events surrounding 
conflicts between Whakatijhea and Government forces, and is pertinent to the 
present Raupatu Negotiations between the Crown and Whakatbhea, a topic 
that forms the background to the present study. Biographies of two 
Whakatbhea men, Mokomoko, Tuakana Aporotanga, are written by one of 
their descendants, Amoamo (Orange, 1993). Mokomoko was accused of 
killing the missionary to Opijtiki, Carl Volkner, on very thin evidence, and 
was consequently imprisoned, tried, and executed in Auckland. Tuakana 
Aporotanga was a follower and fought for Te Kooti for a short time. He also 
possessed healing and priestly powers. I-le is said to have found through a 
vision, the lost adze Waiwharangi, which was important in presenting 
evidence in a Court sitting for ownership of lands at Waiaua (Amoamo in 
Orange, 1993). The lack of biographies about Whakatbhea women and their 
participation in Whakatbhea traditions in the early editions of the New 
Zealand Biographies (Orange (1 993), is an indication of the low status 
attributed to Whakatrjhea women by the historians writing for this 
publication. 
A report that was cornrnissioned by the Treaty of Waitangi Policy Unit, and 
written by Gillings (1 994), presents a largely state institutional view of events 
surrounding the confiscation of Whakatbhea land. His written sources were 
drawn from letters, government officials, and church documents, as well as 
published works. He does not marry up the various names given to tipuna, 
and places. Perhaps, this is an example of the limitations of working only 
from written sources. Of note though are accounts of the callous disregard of 
the governtnent soldiers for their own law, when they indiscriminately 
plundered and destroyed property, and raped WhakatGhea women. Overall, 
the report provides an analysis of the Government motives, in tile colonial 
invasion of the 1860s and 1870s, which an be attributed to the de-franchising 
of Whakatrjhea from its tribal lands and the resulting damaging breakdown 
in Whakatiihea's traditional social structures. 
The history of WhakatGhea is found in the stories of other tribes (Mead, 
1994; Binney & Chapman, 1986; Binney, 1996; Best, 1952; Mahuika A, 
1969; Taiapa J, 1980). Literature about Whakatohea history is mainly dealt 
with in documents about Treaty of Waitangi claims, and the fiscal envelope 
and their effects on WakatGhea (Durie, 1998; Gardner, 1995; Graham, 1998; 
Sinclair, 198 1 ; Walker, 1997). Graham (1 998), the Crown Prosecutor and 
Minister of Treaty Settlements, writes largely from a p&eh& parliamentary 
minister's perspective, with the p&eh% electorate in mind. His focus being 
to the pikeha electorate his justification for the need to address Maori claims 
under the Treaty of Waitangi. 
In his book, Gardiner (1995), of Whakat6hea descent also writes from the 
stance of a Crown representative. The audience he aims at is Maoridom. 
While providing relays of events leading up to, during, and the aftermath of 
the Fiscal Envelope Hui held around the country during 1995, the reactions 
of Maori, the personal attacks and Gardiner's analysis of these experiences 
makes this book a valuable historical resource for Maori m d  p&ehZi as well. 
Gardiner capitulates in his postscript when he acknowledges that the call at 
the second hui at Hirangi, for Maori to determine their own ideas before 
talking to the Crown, may have credence for Maori development and may be 
a worthy framework for Maori-Crown discourse. This book provides the 
background information for the present study. 
Walker (1 997), of Whakatiihea descent, served as a Whakatiihea negotiator 
for Whakatcihea9s Raupatu claim (Wai 2 17). This article provides a contrast 
to that written by Gardiner. He outlines a historical framework for analysis 
of how MBori have and continue to be dealt with by the Crown. He warned 
of the risks inherent in the notion of direct negotiation, using the Whakatiihea 
negotiating process as an example. 
The problems faced by VVhakatcihea according to Walker, were internal as 
well as external. The internal problems were to do with dispersal of the 
skill-base, as well as a loss of recognised leadership. Walker attributed the 
internal strife to the erosion of traditional social structures, which have lefi 
Whakatiihea without the leadership based on lineage, such as Waikato has. 
Walker also rationalises that mother problem heed by Wtkatbhert is that 
75% of the skill-base lives outside the traditional rohe. With the lack of a 
skill base, Whakatiihea were not on an equal playing field with the Crown 
negotiators, who had access to the best lawyers, as well as the public purse. 
Walker's article emphasised the state of power-relations between Crown and 
iwi, as being unequal, based on access to financial and hwnan resources. 
There is no discussion of the part of Whakatcihea women within the 
negotiation process. It may be that Walker includes women when referring to 
'WhakatGhea. It may also indicate the lack of representation, participation, 
and consultation that Whakatiihea women had in the negotiation process. 
Walker's article highlights the possible problems that Maori may encounter 
in direct negotiations with government. 
Durie (1998), an astute political observer, in his book on Maori Politics and 
Maori self-determination, makes scant reference to Maori women and their 
roles in modem political discourses. This is in my view, a fbrther reflection 
of how little Maori women in general have had in being heard at the political 
level. Alemein ICoopu, the first woman from Whakatohea to make it into the 
parliamentary chambers is given small mention. 
Matiu Ratima (1999) presents a Whakatohea insider's view of the 
Whakatbhea Raupatu claim, in his unpublished Whakatbhea case study 
entitled "Mana, WhZnau and Full and Final Settlement". The thesis 
considers the implications of the process of direct negotiation with the Crown 
on whbau and hapti. Ratima draws from contemporary literature and recent 
government or independent reports regarding Treaty of Waitangi claims, as 
well as the views of seven participants involved in Wakatohea's negotiation 
process about the structure and process for Whakatbhea and the Crown Deed 
of Settlement Offer. He discusses h e  issues of membership to modem iwi, 
hapii and whanau, leadership and representation, mandate, the values of mana 
and utu (pp 43-56) as well as the roles of five key Whakatbhea groups 
involved at various stages of the negotiations of the claims. Those groups 
were: The hap0 of Whakatbhea, the Mokomoko whihau, the Whakatbhea 
Miiori Trust Board, the Whakatijhea Raupatu Negotiating Committee, and Te 
Tgwharau o Te Whakatijhea (p. 144). 
Although, not central to his study, Ratima mentions that WhakatTjhea women 
as well as Rangatahi had not been consulted widely in the Whakatijhea 
Raupatu Claims process. He gave examples of a similar pattern with other 
tribes, for instance Waikato and Ngaitahu (p.147). He referred to Wairemana 
Mokomoko who, as the eldest surviving descendant of the tipuna Mokomoko 
received on 15 June 1992 a government pardon at Waiaua marae (p. 14'7). 
Ratima9s study provides valuable insight into the views of members of 
Whakatijhea, from a tribal perspective. 
It is very difficult to find in stories about Maori Women by Maori Women, 
inclusions about or by Whakatijhea women. However, the book 'He 
Timatanga Tatou Tatou: The stories from the founding members of the 
Maori Women's Welfare League9, is one source that does. It documents the 
lives of sixty-six foundation members of the Maori Women's Welfare 
League, including a kuia of WhakatTjhea descent, Katerina Maxwell. Her 
leadership in the establishment of branches of the Maori Women9 s Health 
League in and around the Opijtiki district is recognised and is written entirely 
in the Miiori language (Rogers & Simpson, 1993). 
This narrative demonstrates the relevance and value of "insider99 research2, 
and the use of Maori language as the medium. K2tarina9 s story is part of a 
collection of stories that provides a rich resource about a generation of Maori 
women who through strong cultural and spiritual ties swvived the colonial 
process of dispossesion of land, language and resources. 
The narratives of two Whakatiihea women are found in the book "Opbtiki the 
Women's Stories: Nga pur&au a ng8 wainen. This is a Women's Suffrage 
Commemoration booklet edited by three p&eh5i women Connor, Allen and 
Olliver (1994). Unlike the League Anthology, these stories do not have the 
same depth. Allen is the editor of the local newspaper, Connor is a woman 
who has wide knowledge of the people of Op6tiki and Olliver is a 
Councillor. The sources for the book include female descendants, family 
records, newspaper clippings, and the Opbtiki Museum (ibid.). This book 
provides real life experiences, and faces to the p&ehSi settlers. It is a 
valuable historical compilation of the birth of the township of Opbtiki. 
The cover of the booklet, shows a photograph of a MBori woman, Kgterina, 
set amongst kowhai flowers, (perhaps symbolising the pre-European name of 
the township Opbtiki which was PSi-kbwhai) which gives the impression that 
local Maori women's stories are a major feature. However, out of more than 
thirty biographical and autobiographical stories of prominent Opiitiki women 
spanning the last 100 yeass, the booklet includes only two narratives 
2"lnsider" meaning shared identity and experiences, belonging to the same organisation as opposed to 
featuring women who acknowledge Whakatiihea descent. Four Miiori 
women identify with other iwi. K&terina was the only woman who has been 
recognised by the authors as being Maori, to have registered to vote in 
OpiStiki 1893. The narrator of Kiiterina's story is her granddaughter. The 
story covers the period from before Opijtiki was settled by p&eha to 
Katerina's death at the age of 103. Ksterina grew up beside the Opijtiki 
wharf where trading ships visited Opiitiki to transport crops grown by 
Whakatiihea. KBterina married William Gundry who had been part of the 
armed constabulary, which invaded Opijtiki. They had three children. After 
his death while fighting in the Taranaki, she later married an Englishman 
named George Matchitt (ibid.). 
The two WhakatiShea women were Remana Taia (Wairemana Mokomoko) 
and Ani Chrisite, both descendants of Mokomoko, the tipuna who was 
accused of killing the Anclican minister Carl volkner in the 1860s. 
REmana9s story provides examples of the destructive colonial influences 
European had on -W%&atGhea and therefore -~%&at6hea women. For 
example, after being dispossessed of her fertile lands, Whakatohea, became 
servants of the dispossessors to work on lands which once belonged to her. 
They also contracted diseases introduced by the new settlers and schools 
became the means of assimilation. 
Connor and others (1 994) cover the story of Ani Christie, and their sources 
are K. Coleman, W. Rewharewha, and 'Opotiki 100 years' (p. 64). Ani's 
'Outsider', someone who has not been part of the organisation, therefore does not share first hand experiences 
story spans from her birth in 1902 to her death in 1976. Ani is presented as 
a sports-woman of note due to her determined character, but other than this 
the majority of the narrative is dedicated to the telling of her fathers work as a 
sailor, and his shipping and commercial endeavours. Ani helped her father 
who was an Opijtiki harbour pilot by taking soundings using a pole on the 
scow (ibid.). Although the narrative is of value in its description of the part 
that shipping played in the commercial development of Opbtiki, Ani is 
merely an add-on to her father's story. 
The biographies of two more women of Whakatijhea descent, Mereana and 
Heni (Jane) Topia, are found in Volume 4 of The Dictionary of the New 
Zealand Biographies (1 998533-534), co-written by Janie Topia and Agnes 
Daley. The biographies cover their life experiences during a very volatile 
period of Whakat6hea9s history that included the confiscation and Te Kooti 
periods. Jane's story runs on from her mothers, and both stories are told as 
one. Jane became a carver and also taught carving, roles which in traditional 
MZiori society, were normally reserved for men. 
The story of Rea Waitauhi Nikorima of Whakatijhea and Te Whiinau-a- 
Apanui, is part of the biography of George Gage written by Tairongo 
Amoamo of Whakat6hea in Volume 4, of The Dictionary of New Zealand 
Biographies (1 998: 188-1 89). Waitauhi married John Gage of Nggti 
Maniapoto and together they had at seven children including George. 
Waitauhi was a tapu woman of rank. She and her sisters Ngarori and 
Mokeke were the matriarchal figures of the local senior families. Waitauhi 
knew Te Kooti and held office in the Ringatu church where she was 
responsible for discipline, organisation, and ministering to the sick. She was 
regarded as a tohunga or healer and had an important influence on the life of 
her son George (1 895 - 1961) who became a tohunga 'faith healer', in his 
own right. 
The publication 'Nga MTjrehu The Survivors' (Binney & Chaplin 1986), 
documents the herstories of eight Miiori women who tell of living in 
communities of the Bay of Plenty, East Coast, and Poverty Bay. Their stories 
span period from late 1800s to 1980s. The authors, both non-Miiori recorded 
their stories without alteration the women's words. The uni@ing theme for 
the book is the Ringatti Church. This is an invaluable herstorical resource. 
Maaka Jones, the grand-daughter of Ngarori Arihia's (Waitauhi9s sister) tells 
of her memories and experiences of living in a Ringatti family. Maaka was 
born on 8 November 1 927. Her paternal grandfather Te Kohi Belamere 
bought Te Kooti and his teaching to Te WhZinau a Apanui. Maaka grew up at 
Whitianga where her father Paul Delamere a tohunga of the Ringatu Church 
was a great influence in her life. We taught Maaka the karakia, prayers, in a 
traditional way in their home. She attended the Easter c q s  her father set up 
to teach all the children, and often travelled with him to the RS, the Ringafii 
gatherings held on ritually important days for Ringatu (Binney & Chapman 
1986:72-73). 
Maaka worked in Wellington as a teacher of Maori at the Correspondence 
School (where she became my first teacher of te reo Mgori). While living in 
Wellington she was widely consulted on many aspects of Maori knowledge 
and was sought out as a tohunga by Maori. Her healing power took the form 
of directing people to look into themselves and she sought to reinforce sense 
of pride in being Maori. She believed in the importance of the family and the 
fmily  kaitiaki, guardian forces that were transferred from one generation to 
the next. 
Msori women 
The following writings by Maori women provide an analysis of how 
colonisation has influenced the values and relationships between Maori men 
and Maori women generally. Kupenga, Rata & Nepe (1 990) for example 
provide historical and linguistic evidence to show that Maori women in 
'traditional times', possessed and exercised power and authority within 
Maori society, at whaau,  hap$ iwi and waka levels. Mana wiihine was 
different, but complementary, and not inferior to male authority. They 
(Kupenga et. al) show that clearly defined gender roles were the basis upon 
which effective and harmonious tribal, hapti, and whaau  affdrs were 
conducted. 
Selby (1996:27), of Ngati Raukawa descent, investigated Maori women's 
success in tertiary education. Selby (1996) recorded the oral narratives of six 
Mgori women, who at the time held positions of responsibility and decision- 
making in various educational institutions and agencies. A major part of the 
study looked at what the participants considered essential to, as well as their 
visions for, future Maori development. Concepts of wairua, whakapapa, and 
ingredients of Miioritanga such as aroha, tautoko, whanaungatanga, 
manaakitanga, which includes courtesy, hospitality aid te re= Miiori were 
identified as essential elements for Mgori women to succeed. One of the 
factors identified by Selby as leading to the women's success was the 
influence of successful older women and whiinau role models. The study 
found that other factors which included commitment to whiinau, strong 
whihau support systems, and holding fast to the best aspects of te ao Maori, 
also contributed to the participants' success. Therefore, her study gives 
sound indices that Maori women may achieve success in their lives with 
support fiom within traditional social structures of Mgori society that is the 
whihau, hapii, and iwi. 
A study by Tomlins-Jahnke (1 996) of Maori women in education focuses on 
the strategies the participant women employed to affect and deal with change, 
and their visions for future education of Maori people. This study showed 
how the participants adapted the expectations placed on their roles within 
their edur,.tioaa! institution, tc? satisfy the expectations of the place md role 
of a woman of a certain tribe. Tornlins-Jahnke's study also found that strong 
older female relatives were role models of success for her participants. 
Supportive whiinau, and strong attachment to ancestral land were important 
factors as well. Tribal protocol, was found to be transferred into the 
workplace. Where MBori women were not permitted to speak on their marae, 
the tradition was transferred into the school context. Speaking rights was 
seen as a non-issue in one case, due to the belief that men speak as women's 
representatives. However the real political power stayed with the women 
who held the higher position within the school structure. Karanga and its use 
in work places is another issue which Tomlins-Jahnke9s (1996) study also 
raises. The appropriateness of transferring marae practises into work places 
is questionable. This study is valuable in the examples of how Maori women 
deal with the issues that may arise in the workplace. 
The selected writings on Maori Women's Art, Culture and Politics by 
Ngahuia Te Awekotuku (1 991 a) paint a glum picture of the effects of 
colonialism were MZlori women have lost, or been deprived of, economic, 
social, political and spiritual power. Maori men changed they way they 
related to MZori women after taking on paid employment. This has lead to 
the erosion of the status of Maori women @p 19-21,45-47). The European 
construct that places the value of roles in an economic framework has been 
detrimental to the relationship between Maori women and Maori men. 
Since the 1993 Commemoration of Women's Suffrage, writings about Maori 
women increased. Prior to 1993 there was very little literature by Maori 
women about Maori women in leadership roles. Tania Rei (1 993a), in her 
book 'MMBori Women and The Vote9, gives a chronological Time-line of 
activities of Maori women in politics between the years of 1890 and 19 10, up 
to 1993. Rei points out that as well as caring for family needs, some women 
of Rangatira status represented their people in tribal politics. They were also 
landowners. Waitohi, Rangatira of NgZiti Toa Rangatira and Ngati Rau, 
persuaded a section of her iwi to settle in the Horowhenua, where they 
remain today on land designated by her. Rei provides examples of Maori 
women who had authority to make decisions for iwi and to fight in wars. An 
example being, Heni Pore of Te Arawa, who fought against the British troops 
in support of the Maori King at Gate Pii (ibid.). 
From 1865, Maori women continued to represent their iwi in land matters 
presented to the Native Land Court. Maata Te Taiawatea of NgBti Awa was 
one such woman, who devoted forty years to seeking the return of 
confiscated tribal lands. In the 1880s MBori women along with Maori men 
made direct petitions to the Crown urging fulfilment of its obligations as a 
Treaty paxtner. Maori women supported the idea of a separate Maori 
parliament, which promised more opportunities for representation, than the 
existing system (ibid.). 
Rei fusther points out that nineteenth century MZiori women became faced 
with restrictions on them from European society that was dominated by men. 
Until 1884, when a woman married, any land she owned passed through the 
Native Land Court became the property of her husband (ibid.). The 
restriction on women to speak on marae became reinforced by the influence 
of European attitudes to women (ibid.). MZiori women then sort alternative 
ways of retaining their political voice. These included the establishment of 
the Maori Parliament, and the WCTU. With compulsory primary education 
Maori women became literate and aware of the processes of government. 
From 1886 to 1896, Maori women continued to represent themselves and 
their iwi, and presented at least forty petitions concerning land issues to 
Parliament. Maori women sought an independent voice in political 
institutions by supporting the vote (ibid.). 
The political voice fought for and won by these women in the Maori 
Parliament ended in 1902. However the Women's committees continued 
operations on most marae up until the Second World War (ibid.). After the 
First World War, Maori women brought their organising skills to local 
societies such as the Country Women's Institute, where they joined in with 
P&eha women. The first separate Mgori Institute was formed in 1929, in 
Hawkes Bay. In the Bay of Plenty League, MSiori women together with 
Nurse Cameron founded the Women's Health in 1937. As a response to 
Mgori women moving into urban areas, the Maori Women's Welfare League 
was formed to give women a forum to discuss and act on political issues of 
concern to them. Maori women continued working to regain their tribal 
lands. Te Puea Herangi in the 1930s and 1940s set up land development 
schemes and worked to re-establish the Waikato people economically and 
culturally (ibid.). 
In the protest movements of the 1970s and 1980s, women such as Eva 
Rickard spoke out in defence of their land rights and used direct action to 
illuminate the injustices they suffered. Although women were given the right 
to stand for Parliament in 1893, it was not until 1935 before the first Mgori 
women, Rehutai Maihi stood for candidacy. She received criticism from 
older Maori who believed women should not enter politics. The first Maori 
woman to win a seat in the New Zealand parliament was Western Maori 
candidate, Iriaka Ratana in 1949, after her husband, the previous member of 
that seat, had died. She held the seat until 1969. During this time she 
received opposition fiom Maori, who asserted that it was not possible for a 
woman to represent them adequately, especially as she was a mother of a 
large family. Other women who were to contest seats were faced with the 
same criticism. The first Maori woman to hold a Cabinet portfolio was 
Whetii Tirikatene, in 1967. Others, such as Georgina Te Heu Heu, Donna 
Awatere-Huata, and Alemein Kopu of Whakatohea have become 
parliamentarians since. 
The Women's suffrage was about gaining the right for women to vote in 
elections and to create opportunities for women to speak (ibid.). This 
historical overview by Rei (1993a), highlights the struggle by Maori women 
to retain and regain a political voice for Maori women as a whole. 
Berys Heurer's (1 972) book about the role of Maori women in Mgori society 
draws on material fiom P&eha male historians, ethnographers and 
economists from last century. The book focuses on societal attitudes towards 
Maori women, marriage, their role in procreation and socialisation, property 
ownership and their ritual functions. 
Her analysis of MSori women reflects the P&ehS male-centred view, and the 
few M2ori sources are used to support this construction. She affirms the 
Victorian interpretations of women by emphasising the association of 
negative and destructive elements with women. Women are described as 
passive and the receptacles for the dominant male spirit. Men are the 
providers, and women are the property of men. Children are either legitimate 
or illegitimate in terms of h l l  inheritance rights (Jahnke 1996). Heuer fails 
to recognise tribal and regional differences in her analysis of the role of 
MBori women in society. Heuer imposes a Western philosophical framework 
to describe MBori society and Maori women, and as a consequence her 
writing has only served to perpetuate the stereotypical view of MBori women, 
as passive. 
Indigenous Women 
Other Indigenous nation's experiences with colonisation and how the events 
have been recorded mirror those of Mgori. 
Mariana Jaimes (1 993), in an essay, exposes the Eurocentric constructions of 
Native American culture and in particular the roles of men and women such 
as subordination of women and the 'myths of male dominance', which are 
portrayed in books and movies, anthropology, and leftist and rightist political 
ideologues. Jaimes counters these views with evidence that women were the 
'backbone' of their societies. She highlights the effects of colonial 
domination that Native American women confront in the context of the 
Native American experiences. These included the disempowerrnent and 
oppression not only as women but also importantly as Native American 
women. Some of the women she writes about were involved in politics of 
indigenous struggle, the politics of the feminist movement. 
According to Jaimes, "Women of colour in general tend not to favour the 
notion of 6'politics" which would divide and weaken their communities by 
defining "male energy" as "the enemy9', (p. 335). This essay provides 
valuable insights into the realities of the detrimental effects of the colonial 
experience on an indigenous nation and its women, which shares some 
parallels with the experiences of Maori and Maori women. 
Conclusion 
This chapter has shown that there are very few studies written by Maori 
women that focus on Maori women and their participation in politics. There 
is even less material about Whakat6hea women. Contemporary p5ikehZi 
writers (Graham 1995; Heurer 1972) continue to perpetuate the Victorian 
male bias in their constructions of Maori people and especially Maori 
women. The increase in the number of historical accounts by Maori 
generally, and in particular, Maori women scholars, serve to deconstruct 
Eurocentric views about MBori women. Some of these recent written or 
edited published materials, by Maori women provide the theoretical basis 
upon which to the experiences of Whakatahea women and their participation 
in tribal socio-politics will be analysed. 
Chapter 3 
Research Methodology 
The following chapter outlines theoretical issues surrounding research into 
Maori communities. These provide the basis for the process of the present study 
that follows. There are several significant issues involved in undertaking 
research involving an iwi, hapii, or whbau. They include whakapapa; waiiua; 
the researcher; the participants and their knowledge, all of which intertwine and 
impact on each other. Royal (1 993) describes the ultimate aim of tribal research 
as the preservation of knowledge in pursuit of the advancement of the iwi, hapii, 
or whaau as well as the individuals who are participants of any particular study. 
An appropriate research methodology, which is based on a historical Maori- 
centred perspective should therefore include all the above aspects. 
This study is concerned with identifying significant themes or issues within the 
contemporary socio-political experiences of seven Whakatiihea women. It is 
based on a historical perspective of MBori research that assumes that a MBori 
worldview is valid and legitimate. A MBori worldview is located in 
genealogical, cosmological, historical, and geographical life experiences that 
give value to Mgori knowledge, language, and culture. An appropriate 
methodology therefore, would encompass principles of mana, mauri, mahitahi, 
and mararnatanga as outlined by A. Durie (1997). It would also include 
principles and practices that underlie two developing approaches, a MBori 
Centred Approach (Durie M., 1997) and the Kaupapa Maori Approach (Smith, 
Lo, 1995). 
The principles of mana, mauri, mahitahi and maramatanga are significantly 
important when carrying out research with MSiori (Durie A., 1992; 1993). 
Recognising the pre-existence of mana and ensuring that mana of all 
participants including the researcher is maintained throughout the research 
process is paramount. Closely aligned to mana is the recognition of tribal mauri 
that is invested in intellecmal property and that requires respectfbl negotiation 
with Maori authorities. Mahitahi (working together as one), and monitoring the 
process provides the means through which mana and rnauri are maintained, and 
maramatanga (understanding of the project at hand) is achieved (Durie, A., 
1993). 
Linda Smith (1995) defines Kaupapa Maori research as research in which Maori. 
maintain control of the concepts, design, methodology, and the interpretations. 
Maori research then should be carried out 'by Mgori, for Maori,' and 
importantly 'with Maori' (ibid: 1). 
Durie, (M, 1997: 10) identifies three principles that underpin a Maori centred 
approach, (i) whakapikitanga - enablement, (ii) whakatuia - integration, and 
(iii) Mana Maori - MZiori control drawing on the concept of tino rangatiratanga; 
Mgori self-determination. 
The first principle proposes that research 'should aim to enhance people so that 
either their position improves as a result of the research or they are better 
equipped to take control of their own futures'. The second principle recognises 
a holistic world view that combines well-being, culture, economics, social 
standing into a matrix that recognises the individual, the collective and the 
complex interactions between past and present. The third principle locates the 
locus of control of research involving Maori, or aspects of Maori society, 
culture, or knowledge with Maori. Associated with this principle are issues of 
intellectual property rights, guardianship, and management of research design 
and processes (ibid.). All the above assumptions are the basis for which the 
present study will proceed. 
There is very little research, literature, or guidance for Maori researchers to cawy 
out research within their own communities (ibid:8). An accumulation of the 
views and responses to research issues of those Maori scholars and academics 
engaged in the process of research in regard to Maori people, forms the basis for 
the assumption that Maori knowledge exists and is valid (Stokes, 1985; Te 
Awekotuku, 199 1 ; Bishop, 199 1 ; Bishop and Glynn, 1992; Durie, A, 1992; 
Royal, 1993; Smith L.T., 1995; 1996; 1999; Soutar, 1995; Tomlins-Jahnke, 
1996; Waitere-Ang, 1997). Similarly, there is very little research, literature or 
guidance for researchers of indigenous or minority groups carrying out research 
within their own communities (Smith, L.T., 1995:8, Smith, L.T., 1999). 
The present research was completed by a Maori woman with other women of 
her tribe. It is hoped that it will contribute to the body of knowledge and 
understanding about Indigenous research, and in particular Maori tribal research. 
According to Tomlins-Jahnke (1 996:30-35), traditions relating to Maori 
research and Maori as researchers have their foundations in the stories handed 
down through the generations. Therefore I will begin with a brief overview of 
recorded customary narratives and the association between these stories and 
Maori research to provide background to the present study. Literature about the 
Maori research issues and philosophical understanding will be discussed in 
relation to Western research methods. The methodology for the present study 
draws on Kaupapa Maori Research as described by Linda Smith (1 999), and the 
principles of conduct in a Maori context as presented by Arohia Durie (1 992), 
and Te Ahukarmu Royal (1 993). 
Since p&eha first came to New Zealand information about Maori knowledge 
and Miiori society has been recorded (Royal, 1993) but their involvement in 
research has usually been as the researched and not as the researcher (Durie, 
19922). However, prior to European contact Maori were researchers, as 
revealed in the customary narratives. 
As noted in the literature (Tomlins-J e 1996), an examination of the 
cosmological narratives provides lessons for Maok research. The first example 
is ~2ine's~ journey to the twelfth heaven to gain nga-kete wiinanga, the three 
baskets of knowledge (Smith, 199 1 :49). The lessons learned fiom this narrative 
are that firstly Tiine sought knowledge on behalf of everyone else; and secondly 
each basket contained different types of knowledge, each essential to the well- 
being of the whole tribe (ibid.). 
Tibe's search for the uha (the female principle essential for the creation of 
humankind), provides another example of MSiori in the researcher role. T a e  
carried out the search on behalf of his brothers, and was motivated to fulfil the 
needs of the group (Buck, 1977:450; Jahnke 1996:3 1). T b e  experimented to 
extract that knowledge and consulted with his brothers during the pursuit, and 
finally created the first human, Hine-ahu-one (ibid.). 
These nan-atives provide a framework for investigating the lives of 
contemporary Maori, may be carried out. A recurring theme in the T b e  
narratives is that research comes from a collective need, not an individual self- 
interest, and is therefore carried out on behalf of others (Tomlins-Jahnke, 
1996:31). The process is consultative where the researched are actively 
involved in the research, just as T%ne consulted his brothers (ibid.). The 
authority, control, and ownership of the research is located in the researched 
whihau, hapti, or iwi, and the obligation is on the researcher to ensure that the 
expectations of the researched are met (Durie, 1992:4). 
Perseverance and commitment are qualities required to meet the needs of the 
collective. T b e  demonstrated these qualities in successfully procuring the 
baskets of knowledge and finding the uha (Tomlins-Jahnke, 1996:32). 
The concepts of collective accountability and collective benefits have their roots 
in MSiori attitudes to knowledge, such as accessibility, sanctioning, preserving, 
' Go to Chapter 4 pp70-77 for the narrative that includes Tane. 
and protecting of knowledge for the benefit of the tribe or whbau4 (ibid: 33). 
The three baskets retrieved by T b e  are the blueprint for how knowledge is 
valued, graded, and specialised (ibid). The kete tuauri contained knowledge of 
goodness, peace, and love; kete tuatea contained knowledge of prayers, 
incantations and ritual; and kete aronui - war, agriculture, woodwork, 
stonework, and earthwork (Buck, 1977:449). Knowledge necessary for 
everyday living 'kauae raro' was available to all. Knowledge pertaining to 
whakapapa, tribal law, and kawa 'kauae runga' was entrusted to a select few. 
They in turn taught by kaurniitua or kuia, and they in turn became the tribal 
repositories of that knowledge. Tribal knowledge was preserved and sanctioned 
through ritual and protected by laws of tapu (Smith, 1991 :50). According to 
Pewhairangi (1 98 1): 
When you learn anything Maori, it has to be taken 
seriously. It involves the laws of tapu: genealogies, 
history, traditional knowledge, carving, preparing flax, 
in fact, nature itself. Tapu is something that teaches 
you how to respect the whole of nature, Because Maori 
things involve the whole of nature. 
OP, 8) 
Taha wairua or the spiritual dimension is part of being Maori, and has its 
expressions in tapu and mauri, and wairua. Rangihau (1 98 1 : 12) warns that if 
knowledge is not used in the right way, then the effects of the misuse may be to 
damage the mauri or the prestige of other people. Mgori as the researched have 
been damaged by inferior research based in philosophy, practices, and 
methodologies, which are Western. The interpretations of the research data, 
4 
'Whanau' may be several family units who share a common near tupuna (up to four generations back); whanau also refers to a 
family unit consisting of parents and children. 
'Hapu', may be several 'wh2nau' who have a common tlpuna (more than four generations back). 
'Iwi', is a larger social organisation consisting of at least one hapfi. 
validity, and the beliefs, which underpin the research process, have tended to 
misrepresent Maori (Smith, 199 1 :5 I), and Miiori have developed mistrust for 
research, due to its exploitative nature. As a result, there have been calls by 
Maori for Maori research to be carried out by Maori only; a view supported by 
Bishop and Glynn (1 992) who point out that: 
Insisting that researchers should have MGori ancestry 
was not seen as 'biological essentialism' but rather as a 
safeguard against facile exploitation of Maori material, 
and as a means of guaranteeing accountability ofthe 
researcher to those being researched. 
(p. 128). 
Although Stokes supports the view that Maori have not been served well by 
non-Maori researchers, she does not regard the problem as racial but one of 
skills. She believes that a researcher who is bilingual and bicultural, and is 
involved with the issues facing Maori society, and possesses the skills, 
knowledge, or expertise necessary to confront and investigate the issues, is of 
more concern than whether the researcher is Maori or Pikeha (1985:9). 
Bishop and Glynn (1992; 1995) also believe that there is a place for non-Maori 
researchers and their expertise. They believe that a methodology that employs a 
collaborative and interactive between the researcher and researched group 
allows power and control of the research and the process to stay with the 
whiinau of whom the researchers are accountable to. However as Tomlins- 
Jahnke (1 996:36) maintains this approach ignores a very basic fact, and that is 
that Miiori researchers are differentiated according to iwi, hapii, or whiinau 
links, and therefore the relationship to the researched would always be different 
to a P&eha. Other issues such as age, gender, in the research process, and the 
association between authorship and authority are of concern, especially if a non- 
Maori may become regarded as a mouthpiece for Maori (Tomlins-Jahnke 
1996:36). 
These are issues for a Maori researcher. Considerations of the researcher's 
knowledge of tikanga, tribal affiliations, age, gender, and knowledge of te reo 
Maori needs to be taken into account. They must have the necessary skills 
required to carry out research of hapii, iwi, on whaau, who view knowledge 
that as a taonga (precious gift). Informants need to feel the taonga5 they have 
will be cared for in the best way possible (Royal, 1993). Other important skills 
would include an ability to get on well with people; sound written and oral 
skills; ability to use recording equipment; and commitment to seeing a job to its 
completion (Fyfe & Manson, 199'7; Royal, 1993). 
A good command of Te reo MBori (Maori language) is another important skill. 
Embedded in the MBori language is the MBori worldview. Maori speaking 
kaumi%ua (elders) would be more comfortable speaking to a researcher who has 
a basic knowledge of te reo, rather than someone who has none. Ability to 
speak Maori opens up access to a whole body of knowledge that is still not 
translated, such as manuscripts, and some court minutes. Understanding Te reo 
means a researcher is likely to engage in social practices conducted in Te reo 
Maori. It is important to be proficient in Te reo, in order that the integrity of the 
philosophies inherent in Te reo is maintained. Being able to speak Te reo is an 
advantage when participating in tribal research (Royal, 1993). 
Traditionally, knowledge was passed down fiom parents and elders to children 
in informal and formal learning situations by word of mouth. Sitting with 
kaumatua and other knowledgeable people is where we usually begin to learn 
about our own history. Here, the seeds of curiosity and enquiry are laid for the 
spiritual journey (Royal, 1993). Sitting, listening, and questioning my 
grandparents about the lives of my ancestors and ancestress, has given me a 
sense of depth and perspective that other media such as books, or films could 
not do. 
Research into the lives of Mgori, requires caution, and consultation with the 
family or tribe. Iwi, hapu, or whaau  who become subjects of research must 
control, the question, the process, and the distribution of the knowledge gained 
fiom the research. Consultation with the researched community must occur all 
through the research process (Awekotukutuku, 199 1 b). A kuia or kaumgtua 
who provides support and advice on customs associated with this deeply 
spiritual journey; point out which tribal historians may be useful. They are also 
a sounding board for directing the research. In this supervisory role kaurniitua 
are also available to discuss and give advice on how to present research 
findings, and teach things that an outsider6 cannot. Kaumgtua provide the 
authority necessary for iwi research to be valid (Royal, 1993). 
61 Insider' meaning, someone who meets at least the minimal prerequisite of whakapapa links to the particular whanau, hapu or 
tribe. 'Outsider' therefore is defined in this instance as someone who is not of the particular whanau, hapu, or tribe according to 
whakapapa or marital links. 
Finding someone who will help guide or supervise a research project such as a 
mentor or kaumiitua is essential (Royal, 1993; Smith, L., 1996). An important 
role of kaumiitua is to look after and attend to the formal, ritual, and spiritual 
dimensions, which are associated with the research. Some forms of knowledge 
are regarded as tapu, therefore access to these forms of knowledge is restricted, 
and even when access is given, it must be treated with utmost respect and care. 
Research into tribal history is research which touches on the domains of tapu. 
Tribal histories and traditions are founded in the spirit world. Even books that 
contain tribal histories become tapu and restricted, and must therefore be treated 
in a special way. A kaumatua will advise a researcher about how these taonga 
must be treated. Just as our ancestors prayed before any activity, in order that 
good spiritual and thereby bodily health was maintained, is a practice which 
researchers of hapii, iwi, and whiinau must adopt to gain full advantage of the 
taonga of our tipuna (Royal, 1993; Smith, L.T., 1996). 
Under the framework of western research, the researcher becomes the owner of 
the knowledge that is collected, and often little recognition is afforded the 
contributing Maori informants. A great deal has been written about Maori, and 
a large proportion of it by p&eh% researchers. Some have made successful 
careers out of being experts on Maori, but Mgori have not benefited much from 
the process (Durie, 1977; Stokes, 1993). For kaupapa Maori research, it is the 
hapii, iwi, or whiinau who should always be recognised as the primary owners of 
their history, and therefore the knowledge should remain with the researched 
group. 
Although there are a growing number of publications that include Maori telling 
their own versions of history, and tipuna (Amoarno, (1 990); Rogers & Simpson 
ed., 1993; Walker, (1 990)), these are still few in number. Each of these versions 
is a perception of history from the stance of the particular iwi, hapii, or whbau 
group of the respective researcher. Inherent in Maori research are values of 
those at the centre of the research. Their loyalties and biases are issues that need 
to be acknowledged. In Kaupapa Maori research this is accepted as inevitable 
(Soutar, 196654). A whwau, hapii, or iwi perspective can only be told by a 
member of the group. An 'outsider' researcher (that is, someone who has no 
kinship ties whether through whakapapa or marriage with a particular whbau, 
hapti, or iwi) can not hlly understand the views of those on the 'inside9 (those 
who are of the kinship group) (ibid.). As Soutar (1996), points out; 
... the non-Maori can[not] fully penetrate the psyche of the tribal 
member or fblly appreciate the intricacies which explain the views each 
hapii holds. (p. 55). 
Whakapapa deternines access to knowledge. Traditionally, knowledge of tribal 
history has been handed down through certain families. Kaumgtua who are 
repositories of tribal knowledge are more likely to be co-operative in passing on 
tribal whakapapa knowledge if the researcher is directly related (Soutar, 1991), 
Royal (1993) points out the importance of whakapapa in tribal research: 
Tribal history is family history, and it is rooted in whakapapa. 
Historical traditions explain to the descendants who they are, how they 
came to be and why they are as they are. Therefore, anythng to do with 
tribal history is a spiritual matter and must be treated with much respect 
and humility. 
(Royal, 1993:42). 
Whakapapa can be defined as the most hdamental  way Maori think about and 
learn about the world (Rangihau, 198 1). Whakapapa is therefore a way of 
thinking, learning, and is also a means of holding and debating knowledge. 
Whakapapa is part of almost every aspect of how MBori perceive the world 
(Smith, L., 1996). Learning about our ancestors involves the knowledge of our 
language, customs, habits, and philosophies (Royal, 1993). Whakapapa is the 
means by which a MBori person may trace their identity through access to land, 
to marae, thereby establishing their tiirangawaewae. It is through whakapapa 
that MBori make connections with other iwi, the physical environment, and the 
wider universe. Much of the way MBori see themselves in relation to all else is 
encompassed in the concept of whakapapa (Smith, L., 1996). 
In traditional MBori society, those with talent were trained and became expert in 
that particular field whether it was, in retaining history, weaving, or agriculture 
(Stokes, 1985). It is also of major import that a person of today participating in 
research of whhau hapti, and iwi, will have the appropriate attributes and skills. 
In MBori society maturity has always been linked with knowledge (Soutar, 
1996). Therefore it is important that a young researcher should gain the support 
of a kaurn5itua so that the target audience - the iwi, will accept the tribal history, 
written by the researcher. 
Histories in general including Maori histories have been told with a male bias. 
Even the cosmological versions have a heavy male bias, to the point where an 
ancient story of a female ancestor may become a male ancestor in some modem 
versions (Smith, L., 1996). 
Gender issues are important for Maori researchers to consider. There are some 
practices within Maori society, based on gender, which disadvantage women. 
Some of these practices may in fact not be traditional, but recent additions 
which have become more entrenched with new personally insecure male iwi 
leadership. For instance, Te Awekotuku (1991a) gives an historical account of a 
woman teaching taiaha, when it has generally been thought that the teaching of 
taiaha was the domain of men. It has also been thought that the handing down 
of whakapapa knowledge was the domain of men. However, the cosmology 
narratives provide evidence that women held knowledge. For instance, Mahuika 
gave Maui the knowledge of fire. Women in their nurturing roles have been in 
the position to hand down the knowledge of whakapapa. Many oriori have been 
written by women, and included in these waiata are whakapapa. Therefore, 
MBori women need to tell the stories of their tipuna kuia, as well as their tipuna 
koroua, to present a balanced view of history so that future generations of 
women may not suffer further subjugation through ignorance. 
Ultimately, the research should be presented orally and in written form to those 
who own it, and preferably in te reo Miiori. The oral tradition is the way of our 
ancestors, however, in the modern world MBori are learning more and more 
through the written medium. The inherent danger is that some recorded 
infomation that contains errors may be treated as accurate. As whiinau, hapii, 
or iwi, ultimately own the information, the choice of publishing should be 
discussed at hui, and decided by the respective group. Therefore, in order that 
correct information may be passed on, publication of tribal histories and 
traditions should remain in control of the tribes. This should be done in 
conjunction with the establishment of hui wananga system whereby all 
descendants of the tribe learn to access the knowledge that may never be 
published. By contrast, the Western belief is that authority lies in the written 
word. In MBori society, authority belongs to people. Therefore that authority 
should be actively protected (Royal, 1993). 
As Durie maintains, Maori research that is carried out by Maori is more likely to 
be conducted more appropriately, as a MBori person will have: 
... an in-depth understanding of Maori values, attitudes and 
mores necessary for a successful outcome, as is the 
probability of an understanding and willingness to abide 
by a MBori system of ethics and accountability. 
(1 9924). 
A methodological approach, that abides by a MBori system of ethics and 
accountability that I as a MSiori woman of Whakatiihea descent will employ in 
this study. It is an approach that has validity and accountability, and is more 
likely to be acceptable to a Maori research community, and audience, that is my 
whbau, and tribe. 
Western, positivist methodology and interpretation within western scientific 
research practices have been rejected by MSiori as inappropriate for undertaking 
enquiry into the lives of Maori people and their communities (Stokes, 1985; 
Smith, 199 1 ; Durie, 1992). The concerns expressed by Maori in regard to 
appropriate methodology for conducting research of MBori, parallel the concerns 
expressed by proponents of qualitative research, and feminist studies. 
Qualitative research covers a broad spectrum of research techniques - but central 
are observation, interviewing, and documentary analysis (Punch, 1994:84). 
Types of interviews may involve open-ended questions, oral histories, and life 
history approaches (Delamont, 1992:Y; Tomlins-Jahnke, 1996:40). Positivist 
methodology is regarded as inadequate to explaining the unpredictable nature of 
human actions and experiences. Qualitative research on the other hand has the 
potential to empower by taking account of research views of the participants, 
their perspectives, opinions, prejudices, and beliefs (Delamont, 1992:Y; 
Tornlins-Jahnke, 1996:40). Research methodologies that seek to empower the 
researched are an area of convergence between feminist research and Maori 
research, informed by experiences of marginalisation and oppression. For 
Maori women such oppressions constitute multiple marginalisations; as women; 
as Maori; and as MBori women. Maori women, although being ignored, were 
free to "get on with their own business without interruption" (Tomlin-Jahnke 
1996:41). 
Feminist research came to employ data-collecting techniques, which were 
qualitative (Middleton, 1988: 127). The semi-structured or unstructured 
interview technique is favoured amongst feminist scholars, for the participatory, 
interactive, and inclusive nature between the researcher and the researched 
(Reinharz, S. 1993 : 1 8). These techniques allow interaction between the 
researcher and interviewed, and does not rely on long periods of contact, 
rninirnises any intrusion. Open-ended questions, which are employed, permit 
the interviewee to respond in their own words and the researcher to generate 
theory by exploring people's views of reality. 
An inductive analysis of the data is usually employed, and is seen by many 
feminist writers as an important part of the interview technique and is regarded 
as important for the study of women by women as a remedy to years of women 
being ignored or having their lives told by men (Reinharz, 1992: 18- 19). In very 
much the same way, Maori have been ignored or had their stories told by non- 
Mgori. Therefore this technique could remedy this by Maori learning from 
Maori. Further, the skills usually associated with the 'traditional feminine role9 
leans to the open-ended questioning technique (Reinharz, 199220). Other 
feminist ideas that have been applied to the interview process are based on the 
understanding of how women develop a sense of connectedness with others 
(ibid: 20). Feminist research can be credited with changing the term of the 
'subject9 to that of 'participant', which also changes the way one thinks about 
the relationship between researcher and researched (ibid: 22). These examples 
and views converge with some of the principles by which research in a Maori 
context may be carried out (Tomlins-Jahnke 1996: 43). 
Concepts of mana, mauri, mahitahi, and maamatanga are the principles that are 
integral to the construction of an appropriate methodology as defined by Durie 
(1992:7). M e n  the individual and collective mana is enhanced; and when 
acknowledgement of the responsibility for the mauri of tribal intellectual 
knowledge is accepted and upheld; when shared monitoring of the process, and 
co-operation between researcher and researched is maintained through the 
principle of mahitahi, and a positive contribution to the needs and aspirations of 
Mgori, are accomplished through miiramatanga, then the collective and 
individual well-being of all involved will be enhanced (ibid.). 
Within a Maori context is embodied the principle of mana tangata, in which the 
dignity of a person is paramount. This concept can be applied to any research 
carried out on Mgori, by any man or woman. The physical and psychological 
welfare of MZiori must be ensured so that "... the outcomes of the research do not 
cause physical or mental harm by trampling on the mana of the Maori individual 
or collective and thereby lessening it9' (Durie, 19927). Therefore the well being 
of all involved throughout the research process is improved. 
Embodied in the principle of mahitahi is the concept of 'connectedness' 
(Tomlins-Jahnke, 1997:43). Mahitahi is a concept, which provides for co- 
operation in monitoring and establishing the terms and methodology of the 
research. 'Connectedness9 is found in whakawhanaunga and through other 
hapu, iwi, or pan-tribal networks (ibid.). Durie (1992), asserts that making 
connections requires work on both sides, and that iwi should be informed of any 
research activity proposed for their area, ""whether the participants are tribal 
members or not, avenues for iwi and hapii groups to interact with the research 
group be established" (p.7). 
Clearly the research group is not only accountable to the research individuals, 
but also the wider Maom community, therefore the research group acknowledge 
iwi leaders and their collective responsibility of the mauri of tribal intellectual 
knowledge (Durie, 19923) in order that the control is retained by the research 
community, that is the individuals as well as the providers of the knowledge - 
the tribe. 
Just as a feminist framework includes the power to name and rename and to 
define terms the same applies to a kaupapa Maori research framework(Tom1ins- 
Jahnke, 1997:43). Maarnatanga may be enhanced through Maori controlling 
the meanings and theories, by ensuring that research findings are accessible in a 
range of oral and written forms to make the knowledge accessible and easy to 
understand for the non-M8ori audience as well as the Maori (Durie, 1992:8). 
Tomlins-Jahnke (1 997), defines Mana wiihine, as an identity that encompasses a 
philosophy and value system that is based on a Maori worldview. Central to the 
Maori worldview is whakapapa, and connections to mountains, rivers, and lands 
of Aotearoa, a concept different to mainstream feminism. Tomlins-Jahnke, 
presents a framework based on the cosmological narratives as a way to illustrate 
the differences in position, status and role of women prior to colonisation. The 
narratives reflect the norms, ideals, and philosophy of a culture. They provide a 
framework for the Maori worldview of power relations between men and 
women and the role of women in customary society that continue to have 
relevance in contemporary society, and which in t m  may assist in defining 
possibilities for future directions. The principles underlying the narratives are 
those of a complementary and interdependent relationship between MSiori men 
and women, which are apparent in certain cultural contexts, and domains both 
inside and outside traditional contexts. Tomlins-Jahnke, states the framework 
will allow for Maori women to assume control over the interpretation of their 
lives both within and outside whaau,  hapii andlor iwi contexts and cultural 
sites such as marae, and hui. The challenge she cautions is in how links to the 
past relates to defining and redefining the roles of both Maori men and women 
for future Maori development (ibid. 35). Such a framework of analysis of Maori 
men and women's roles in customary society needs to be applied within a 
specific tribal context as each tribe has their own versions and own historical 
perspectives of events. Also participation of women and the strategies used to 
participate in tribal politics vary according to tribe and therefore tribal structures 
and tribal customs. 
Conclusion 
Research seeks out knowledge, and one of the aims of the present study is to 
gain knowledge that may benefit the daily lives of WhakatShea people. 
Research into whwau, hap4 and iwi, touch on important questions such as 
whakapapa; gender; wairua; skills of researchers; te reo; consultation; and 
ownership of knowledge. These are issues necessary in developing a Maori 
centred framework and should encompass the principles of mana, mauri, 
mahitahi, and maamatanga. (These are the principles that the present study 
embraces). An appropriate framework for analysis of power relations between 
Maori men and women is based on tribal interpretations of the cosmological 
narratives that reflect the norms, ideals and philosophy of the tribe prior to 
colonisation. Such a framework also embraces the principles that underlie the 
narratives, principles that reflect a complementary and interdependent 
relationship between Maori women and men and is found in the developing 
Mana waine  theory as proposed by Huia Jahnke. Research into whaau, hapii, 
and iwi should be to the ends of benefiting the researched as well as the 
researcher, and that is the goal of the present study. 
All of the above factors are necessary requirements for carrying out Maori 
research and forms the framework on which this study is based. 
Research Aims 
This study is unique, timely, and significant. 
It is unique because it provides an opportunity to investigate how women 
participate in the decision-making processes of an iwi with a Treaty claim 
against the government (Wai 87). It is timely given the Tainui, Ngai TAU, 
Ngati Awa and Sealords deal, as well as the Treaty of Waitangi claim by 
prominent women (Rei, in Du Plessis and Alice, 1998). It is significant, as the 
study provides an example of socio-political experiences, views, perceptions of 
Maori women, which will have bearing on future Iwi development. 
Very little has been recorded about the experiences of Maori women in regard to 
whaau  hapii or iwi socio-politics. This remains a valuable area of study. Just 
as in the past, MBori women of today contribute in all aspects of Maori 
development, and will continue to become future leaders. However, since 
contact with colonialism, politics external to the iwi have been in the main the 
preserve of Maori males (Cox, 1993 : 130- 13 1). Crown and iwi negotiators of 
the recent Fisheries and Raupatu claims have been principally male, and 
consultation with MZiori women has been minimal (Rei, 1993a; Ratirna, 1999). 
As a result there has been a call by Maori women to have more input into tribal, 
inter-tribal, and external iwi politics (Szaszy, 1995). The inequalities 
experienced by Maori women in iwi socio-politics due to colonist influences 
makes this another important area of concern for Maori women, and a study like 
this which focuses on these issues, is timely. 
There is little literature about Whakatijhea, and the numbers of stories about 
Whakatbhea women are, extremely nominal. Durie (1996) asserts that tribal 
research when carried out by outsiders lacks the depth and quality of 
information that could only be obtained by someone belonging to the tribe. 
Therefore, research on Whakatijhea women can be given greater justice, through 
WhakatGhea women researchers (Szaszy, 1993). 
By focusing on the experiences of Miiori women who acknowledge connection 
to Whkatijhea who are recently and currently associated with a VVhakatGhea 
marae as well as focusing on the historical context in which these experiences 
are grounded it will be possible to gain some important insights into their roles 
as members of a whiinau, hapti, and iwi. The emphasis of this study was on the 
gains, and the strategies Whakatbhea women employed to affect and deal with 
socio-political decisions within whbau, hapii or iwi, and in some instances 
cultural contexts outside of Maori domains. 
In terms of practical applications, such insights aim to provide valuable 
information for iwi development and future participation of Whakatbhea women 
in iwi socio-politics at all levels. Given the nature and timeliness of the topic, 
this project will provide a catalyst for further research. 
The present tribal research is a spiritual pursuit and aims to be rewarding for the 
researcher and of benefit to Whakatijhea as a whole. It is an original study, and 
is distinct from any other tribal research, because its focus is specifically on 
seven Wakatijhea women and their views and experiences of the socio-political 
affairs within their iwi of Whakatijhea. I wanted to draw out significant themes 
or issues identified within the historical and contemporary experiences of the 
women. My focus is influenced by my personal history and experiences as a 
Whakatijhea woman. I grew up in a household of parents involved in the social 
and political affairs of marae, whaau,  hapii and the iwi of Whakatijhea who 
then moved away from the tribal boundaries. My curiosity about the publicised 
Fiscal Envelope and Raupatu Claim was aroused. This research project is an 
attempt to return to the home fires, ahika, and to make sense of the issues facing 
Whakatijhea from the view and experiences of the women. A mana wSLhine 
approach (Jahnke 1997) that is based on principles of mana tangata, mauri, 
rnahitahi and maramatanga (Durie, 1992), provides the framework for this study. 
In order to investigate the experiences of the women in line with mana w f i n e  
principles, I decided on a qualitative life-history method using a series of 
unstructured interviews. The life history method focuses on both individuals 
and their socio-historical context and "enables researchers to study people as 
creative strategists who devise means of resisting and resolving the 
contradictions they experience" (Middleton, 1988: 128). 
The present study focused on individual biographies and the social context 
organised around three different contexts - the homeplace, the workplace, and 
the marae. Each of the sites was chosen to generate and to organise information 
about the women. The homeplace establishes the women's identity -their 
relationship to turangawaewae, whiinau, whenua, hapii and iwi, which ground 
them and significant aspects of their upbringing which have helped shape them. 
The work sight, provides an insight into the women's personal experiences of 
working in Aotearoa. The marae reflects the complex reality of the women's 
experiences of whihau, hapii, and iwi political affairs within Whakatbhea. 
Information was gained by way of unstructured interviews. 
Unstructured interviews according to Reinharz (1 992) allow for free interaction 
between the researcher and the interviewee with opportunities for clarification 
and discussion. Furthermore, the interview method of generating data was 
considered important for this study because it provided access to the women's 
thoughts, ideas, and memories. The unstructured interview using open-ended 
questions allowed for greater flexibility in the interview process and for the 
production of non-standardised information. 
Research Question 
In order to build on the political gains that Miiori women have made in pan- 
tribal organisations such as the MZiori Women's Welfare League, this project 
aimed to address the following question: 
What are the significant themes or issues .that can be identified within the 
historical and the contemporary experiences of Whakatijhea women in iwi 
socio-politics and the implications these have for future iwi political 
development. 
Objectives 
The objectives of this project were: 
1. To interpret Whakatiihea women's experiences through an examination of 
the customary narratives and traditional stories, and; 
2. To consider the implications their experiences might have for future 
development of Whakatiihea. 
Procedures for recruiting parrtieipalats and obtaining informed consent. 
In selecting the participants a combination of purposive and snowball sampling 
was applied. Purposive sampling allows the researcher to hand pick participants 
in terns of their typicality and relevance (Cohen and Manion, 1989: 103). 
Participants were drawn from whiinau, hapii, or iwi members who were actively 
involved in the socio-political affairs of marae, whiinau, hapii, or iwi of 
Whakatohea. An invitation to become part of the study was extended to all 
suitable and interested potential participants. A minimum of seven participants 
was sought, and all suitable candidates were welcomed (Cohen & Manion, 
1997). 
With the help of a kuia, a list was drawn up. I initially sought out and obtained 
the support of my v\rh%nat; =d a kuia for this project to proceed. The k;ia was 
actively involved in marae social and political activities. She regularly attended 
hapii meetings, and was ahika at the marae for her whaau. The kuia was also 
involved in the Miiori Women's Welfare League. The kuia is also my mother. 
She provided guidance about how to proceed throughout the process of the 
research. She provided practical and spiritual guidance. For instance, I initially 
planned to attend all the hapii meetings and to approach the iwi authority 
formally to get approval to carry out this research. She, thankhlly, gently 
suggested that it would take me all year to begin to get started, if I was to 
proceed in that manner. She instead suggested I approach the women 
individually, thereby, implying if they decide to give their stories, who would 
dare stop them anyway. My Massey supervisor agreed with her. This wisdom 
saved me a lot of unnecessary effort and time. My mother has been able to keep 
in contact with the informants throughout the process as she lives within 
Whakatohea. She has guidance me through the research, advising on the 
spiritual aspects of dealing with whakapapa knowledge and tapu associated with 
research. 
Procedures in which, research padicipants were involved. 
My mother and I wrote out a list of people who met the criteria. The list was 
long. Some of the women I knew personally, and others my mother knew 
personally. An informal approach was made to potential participants to discuss 
the project and to seek their consent to participate. The initial approaches were 
made in some instances by phone and on other occasions face-to-face. I took 
the opportunity to approach participants as the opportunity arose. For instance I 
attended a hui held at the Opape marae, and took the opportunity to approach 
women while there - three participants resulted from this method of approach. 
Potential participants were given an overview of the research aims and goals and 
advised that participants for the project would be recruited in the near future. 
They were contacted by telephone to M e r  explain the project and an invitation 
was extended to meet with Mum and me to answer any questions they had about 
the project. Information about the research, the terms and conditions, ethical 
considerations such as the participant's rights to decline or withdraw from the 
research activity at any time, and issues of confidentiality, were discussed. 
Unfortunately, some candidates did not return their approval in time, and due to 
time constxaints on my part, I was not able to include them in the present study. 
Others, who initially showed interest, withdrew, by either telling me directly, or 
by simply not making themselves available. 
Following the face-to-face meetings, information reiterating their rights as 
participants and consent forms were given or sent to each participant to obtain 
their written agreement to take part (ibid.). Consent was given in writing and 
also recorded at the start of some interview taping (Fyfe & Manson, 1997). 
After obtaining the informed consent of the participants, a time was arranged for 
a formal interview. The choice of location was given to each interviewee. Most 
interviews were intended to last between two and three hours so as to generate 
an optimum amount of data without being too intrusive on the lives of 
participants. Interviews were unstructured (Cohen et. al, 1997973). Pre- 
interview formalities and post-interview formalities ensured that proper 
protocols occurred. The sessions were audio-tape recorded. Respondents were 
informed to expect a copy of the transcript, this was to allow them to restate 
something they may have wished to clarify, or ask for omission of data they felt 
uncomfortable about which may be excluded from the analysis. They were also 
informed that feedback from them on the researcher's analysis of the data was to 
be sought. 
Procedures for handling information and materials produced in the course 
of the research. 
The participants received information through written, telephone, and face-to- 
face communication. All of the audio-tapes I transcribed. Permission was 
sought of the participants to use quotes. Modifications or any editing of the 
transcripts was a collaborative undertaking between the interviewee and the 
researcher. This ensured that the researcher's interpretations were in line with 
what the interviewee intended (ibid.). Each was sent a copy of her transcribed 
copy, along with a copy of the tape. They were also asked to correct or change 
any incorrect information or to take out anything they did not wish to have 
quoted. I also agreed to hand all information back to the women at the 
conclusion of the study along with a copy of the thesis. 
ConfidentialiCy 
From the outset, the women were made aware of their right to decline or 
withdraw from the research activity at any time, and their rights to privacy and 
confidentiality. In terms of identity, the choice of confidentiality or disclosure 
lay entirely with the women. All wished to be identified using their own names. 
Transparency and being upf'ront was something that the women valued. Where 
necessary I collaborated with the women. Names of some close whbau 
members were removed and replaced by "name removed where the information 
provided may impinge on the privacy of another whiinau, hapii, or iwi member. 
This concern related to ensuring that the mana of a group was enhanced and 
acknowledged the mauri of tribal intellectual knowledge (Durie, 1992). 
Equipment 
An equipment kit was assembled prior to doing the interviews. Tape cassettes 
were the type (C-60) recommended for oral history interviews (Royal, 1993:48). 
Each cassette was named, dated, and filed after each interview. 
Intelsviews 
The interviews were carried out in either my or their whiinau home, or a meeting 
room of the Whakatshea Trust Board. Interviews preceded or followed sharing 
of food. On most occasions, whhau were not far. I was introduced to the 
women's immediate wh-au, husbands, children, or mokopma before, during, 
and after the interviews. My husband and children were also introduced to some 
of the women and their whhau. My mother was present and participated in six 
of the interviews. Her presence I believe helped the women feel more at ease so 
that information flowed .Freely (three ways, between all participants including 
me). Children and mokopuna were present at the homes, but very few 
interruptions to the flow of the interviews occurred. Occasionally they listened 
in or went on quietly with their own activities. Their kuia or mother's stories 
were also their stories. 
Most interviews lasted two to three hours. Some were interviewed twice. The 
interview process followed principles of mahitahi or co-operation and 
collaboration (Durie, 1992). The interviews were a means of generating theory 
collectively (Middleton, 1988: 132). As well as the interviews the women were 
involved in reading and responding to the transcripts and the analysis. 
Grounding their experiences within a Maori worldview and allowing the women 
to check and assist my analysis of their life histories minimised any dangers of 
misinterpretation. 
Data Analysis and Writing Up 
In analysing the data I loosely followed the colour coding system of analysis 
(Middleton, 1989: 134) adapted by Tomlins-Jahnke (1 997) to extract major 
themes and categories fiorn the transcripts. This was done in two stages. 
Firstly, a hardcopy book of all the transcripts and written each transcript was 
read and common themes as they emerged from the discourse. Then all the 
themes were arranged into seven colours. Secondly I used colour pen to outline 
the data according to theme. I then created a file (computerised) with each 
theme and worked through each woman's computerised transcript, moving the 
information to the particular file. Several times there were sections of the texts 
coded with more than one colour. These were easily pasted into the appropriate 
files. There is an electronic file for every category. Some files were much 
lager than others, e.g. Whenua. This was further broken down into themes and 
categories, repeating the above two procedures. The major themes formed the 
basis of the Chapters for analysis. 
Te Reo Maori 
In order to preserve the integrity of the information provided by the women 
participants in Te reo Maori, direct English tr.anslations would not be given. 
The discussion and analysis surrounding the information given by the women in 
Te reo Maori, provides the non-Maori speaker with an understanding of the 
meaning as it relates to the topic of discussion at the time. Translations are 
given for frequently used Maori terms throughout the thesis. 
Canelusion 
This chapter has been concerned with outlining a Maori centred research 
methodology based on Maori philosophical understandings of the research 
process. This methodology recognises principles whakapikitanga - enablement; 
whakatuia - integration; and Mana Maori. This is research by Maori, with 
Maori and for Maori - people. - Also included are the principles of rnana, mauri, 
mahitahi and miiramatanga that provide guidelines for conducting the research 
into the lives of seven Whakatijhea women. The theoretical framework upon 
which this study is based is outlined in chapter four. 
Chapter 4 
Theorgi and MSSori women 
Mana WHhine: He Kaupapa Whakaaro e tipu ana. 
Theo ry... at the very least ... helps [MiZori] make sense of 
reality. It enables us to ~nake assumptions and predictions 
about the world which we live. (Smith L, 1999:38) 
Research is linked to theory and is generated from theoretical understandings 
(ibid.). Many of the theories that inform indigenous research have come in 
the main fi-om Western imperialist scholars (ibid.). The development of 
theories by indigenous academics that attempt to explain indigenous people's 
existence in contemporary society has only just begun. Linda Smith 
(1999:28-29) argues that academic theories about indigenous worlds have 
been constructed through the eyes of Western academics that have effectively 
silenced the indigenous voice. J a h k e  (1997) adds to the argument that not 
only Mgori as the tangata whenua of New Zealand but particularly Maori 
women have been largely silenced. In order for the voices of Maori women 
to be heard clearly the theories by which their realities are interpreted need to 
become decolonised 
1 (Smith 1999:39). Smith (ibid.) however does not advocate total rejection of 
all Western theory but rather that Maori scholars should know and 
understand theory and research, from a Mgori perspective, for the purpose of 
MiZori development. 
'~ecolonisation has been described by Smith (1999) as a process, which engages with imperialism and colonialsim at multiple 
levels. For researchers, one of those levels is concerned with having a more critical understanding of the underlying 
assumptions, motivations and values that inform research practice. 
According to Smith (1 999:38) theory helps Miiori people make sense of their 
reality. Theory contains methods for selecting and arranging, for prioritising 
and legitimating, what Maori see and do. Furthermore, theory enables Miiori 
to deal with contradictions and uncertainties and provides space to plan, to 
strategise, and to take greater control over their lives. Theory also helps in 
interpreting what is being told and predicting the future consequences. A 
good theory allows for new ideas and ways of looking at things to be 
incorporated constantly without the need to continuously search for new 
theories (ibid). There is a growing body of knowledge developed by Maori 
women leaders and scholars (for example Waitere-Ang 1999; Jahnke 1997; 
Selby 1995; Je&ns 1992; Mikaere, 1995) that attempt to explain the lives of 
MBori women in contemporary society. Through the accumulation of 
research about. Maori women's life experiences, a theory of mana w&ine is 
developing. It is hoped that the present study will also add to that body of 
knowledge. 
Te Ao Mgori - A Mgori worldview 
Insights into how Miiori view the world are contained within the Maori 
cosmological narratives. They also provide clues about the power relations 
between Miiori men and Maori women. The narratives have been orally 
transmitted from one generation to the next and continue to apply to the 
every day experiences of Maori today (Metge, 1976:267). Ranginui Walker 
(1 978) for example, argued that the origins of contemporary practices and 
beliefs are found in the traditional narratives. Jahnke (1997) asserts that: 
[Tlhe narratives customarily did not perceive power relations 
between men and women in terms of gendered hierarchies that 
privileged men over women. She argues that it is therefore 
appropriate that any study of power relations between men and 
women should begin with the cosmological narratives as they 
provide insights and strong messages about the position, status 
and role women held in prior to colonisation. (p. 58). 
Embedded in the narratives are cultural values, beliefs, attitudes, and 
practices that may still be applied today (Walker, 1990: 19-23). They 
reinforce the position, status, and role of women as powerful, autonomous, 
independent, and as bearers of knowledge (Jahnke 1996:58). These themes 
are transmitted through generations by both men and women through the 
mediums of tribal histories, whakapapa, waiata, whakatauki, and korere 
tBwhito (ibid.). The themes that are identified in tribal histories may still be 
applicable to MBori women working and living in contemporary society; 
"The way they experience their lives, how they see themselves, how they 
understand themselves in relation to different groups of women and men, and 
how they seek solutions to problems arising fiom their diverse realities 
within the dualistic worldviews of te ao MBori and te ao PZlkehB" (ibid.). 
This perspective provides a basis upon which to examine the lives and 
experiences of MBori women today. 
Gender Roles and Cosmogony 
I 
A discussion of the roles of women and men according to MBori customary 1 
J 
practices must begin with the creation stories. Mgori cosmogony not only 
provides the key to an understanding of how traditional Maori viewed the 
world and their place within the world; but also informs Maori views about 
themselves. It therefore continues to shape MBori practices and beliefs. 
Clues about gender relations are also found within the cosmological 
1" 
narratives. 
Central to Maori cosmogony is whakapapa, the genealogical connections 
through which humanity and the spiritual forces are joined and from which 
the world was created. The allegorical expressions within the cosmological 
genealogies clearly assume that both male and female elements are essential 
to the continuation of whakapapa. Whakapapa is the currency upon which 
women and men established their individual relationship to the land, kinship 
ties, and status within Maori society (Sinclair, 1975:89; Walker, 1990:70). 
Greatly significant within the traditional narratives is the absence of 
patriarchal notions about male domination and female subordination. In 
western Greek tradition, for example, Tertillian argues that in the sperm the 
whole h i t  was present (Cox, 1987:4). In contrast, throughout the Maori 
genesis stories, the female reproductive organs, and the birthing process are a 
central feature. Inherent within the narratives is the notion of 
complementarity's that provide the blueprint for gender relations within 
Maori tribal social structures. The foundations of traditional Maori social 
structures are based on the collective well being and complementary gender 
roles. An in-depth examination of the cosmological genealogies and 
narratives is required to provide some answers to questions about the nature 
of gender relations. What do the narratives reveal about the relationship 
between the genders'? This study will attempt to answer these question of 
whether these same principles are relevant to the lives of contemporary 
Maori women and men, and more specifically WhakatTihea , in a today's 
world? 
The majority of accessible material of MBori history, has either been recorded 
by white male anthropologists and ethnographers (e.g. Elsdon Best and Percy 
smith120r has been based upon their work-. Nevertheless, it is asserted that a 
re-examination of available sources, through the eyes of a Miiori and a 
WhakatTihea woman will present a new perspective, one which is not located 
within a Western patriarchal framework. 
Te Kore, Te P6, T e  Ao Mr;irama 
Maori divided the phenomenological world into three sequential states of 
existence over aeons of evolution moving from Te Kore (the void), to Te Pi3 
(the dark), and finally Te Ao MFtrarna (the world of light). Although Te More 
signified space, it contained in its vastness the seeds of the universe and was 
therefore a state of potential (Simmons, 1985: 17). Te PTi was the celestial 
realm and the domain of gods. This was the source of all mana and tapu. Te 
Ao M a m a  is the world of light and reality, the dwelling place of humans 
(Walker 1990: 1 1). 
Mgori cosmogony begins with Te Kore, which is frequently translated as "the 
void" (Buck, 1958~434) and has been described as a period without sound, 
light or movement (Kahukiwa & Grace 1984: 16). More than a state of 
'nothingness' the first state of existence, Te Kore, is described as "the realm 
between non-being and being, that is, the realm of potential being" 
(Simmons, 1985: 17). Te Kore contains the first impressions of the 
complementary nature of the relationship between male and female elements 
(Jahnke 1996:62). Allegories of growth and procreation are found in the 
waiata whakapapa recorded by Te Kohuroa of Rongoroa and published in 
1855 by Reverend Richard Taylor, 
Na te kune, te pupuke 
Na te pupuke te hihiri 
Na te hihiri te mahara 
Na te mahara te hinengaro 
Na te hinengaro te manako 
(Taylor, 1 855: 14) 
Te Kore is described as the development of ideas: 
"KO Te Kore koia tena te timatanga mai o te whakaaro nui. 
Ehara i te mea, e tipu ana ng6 muingota i roto i taua ao ... Whai 
muri i Te Kore, and ki te ao Miori e hara i te 'void', ehara i te 
'korekore ', he timatanga hou, ne, he timatanga hou mo te 
whakaaro nei. See? Koia ena ke te tikanga o Te Kore. Kai reira 
ng6 muingota tdhurihuri e whati ana, e tuhono ana, e mahi ana d 
rlrtou rnahi. E roa, e roa, e mahi ana i aua mahi E kore taea te 
kite-a-kanohi neiH3 
Marsden (198 134) describes Te Kore as containing all the elements of 
creation: 
2 ~ e  Awekotuku, N He Tikanga Whakaaro: Research Ethics in the Maori Community (1991) 9,  refers to the dominance of 
p a e h a  writers in the recording of M50ri knowledge. 
I-Iinehou Campbell, personal informant and one of thc participants of the present study. 
Te Korekore is the realm between non-being and being: 
that is, the realm of potential being. This is the realm of 
primal, elemental energy or latent being. It is here that the 
seed-stuff of the universe and all created things gestate. It 
is the creation from which all things proceed. Thus the 
Maori is thinking of continuous creation employed in two 
allegorical figures: that of plant growth and that of 
gestation in the womb. (Marsden, 1 98 1 :34). 
Campbell (1 997: 32) further defines the significance of each phase of 
creations development in Maori, building on Best's (1976:69) interpretation 
of the genealogical tables given by Nepia Pohuhu of Te Wairarapa to White. 
Te More (te ao o te whanaketanga) (signifies nothingness, chaos) 
Te Po (te ao o ng8 atua) (signifies night, darkness of unknown) 
Te Rapunga (te ao o ng8 whakakitenga nui) (signifies seeking) 
Te Whaia (ko ng8 torohanga) (signifies followed or sought) 
Te Kukune (te whakat6 i te k8kan0, te rea) (signifies growth) 
Te Pupuke (te whakarahi, te puku hapii) (signifies increase, swelling & c.) 
Te Hihiri (hikaka, pukg hihiko) (signifies desire, energy) 
Te Mahara (te whakaaro nui) (signifies thought) 
Te Hinengaro (te mahara) (signifies mind) 
Te Manako (te wawata, maimai, aroha, maioha)(signifies longing, desire) 
Te Waanga (te k8rerorer0, te whakawhitiwhifi whakaaro) (signifies occult knowledge) 
Te Ahua (te ata, te aria, te hanga) (signifies form) 
Te Atarnai (te mGhio, te maramatanga) (signifies knowing, readiness) 
Te Whiwhia (te whakawhiwhia, te here naku ake) (signifies possession, 
acquisition) 
Te Rawea (he tino pai, ngata, manawa, maona) (signifies satisfaction at possession) 
Te Hauora (te tiaki, te atawhai, te poipoi, te aroha, te manaaki) (signifies welfare) 
Atea (te wiitea) (signifies space) 
A second phase follows: 
Te P-5 (ie piitake) (origin, cause, root) 
Te Weu (ng8 tGritoritotanga whirokiroki noa nei) (rootlets) 
Te More (te take matua, te piitake nui) (taproot, cause) 
Te Aka (nga torohanga akaaka) (small roots, vines) 
Te Tipuranga (te rea) (growth) 
Taketake (te take, te tino take) (base; also firm, lasting) 
Te Kune-iti (iita whakatipu) (lesser growth) 
Te Kune-rahi (te tere whakatipu) (greater growth) 
Te Ahunga (te ata, te hanga, te ariii) (forming) 
Te Aponga (te kohikohi, te kato, te aohanga atu) (collecting) 
Te Ngarue (te nekeneke, te rui) (movement) 
Te Ngaoko (te nukunuku, te ahi tere, tangi) (movement) 
Te Piere (te hii, te koromamao, korohii) (fissure) 
Te Ngiitata (te whakatiiwhera, te piiare, matata, tihore) (opened or split) 
Te NgSiwhii (puea, piiase, pahii) (burst open) 
Te Kiita (iimanga, kikorangi, uaua, mare) (firm or fast) 
Tamaku-rangi (te rangi ngahuru ma tahi) (the second of the twelve 
heavens) 
Rangi-nui (te rangi ngahuru mr? rua) (the first of the twelve heavens). 
(Campbell, 1997:32). 
Kahukiwa and Grace (1 984:135) also liken the period to time spent in a 
womb with their reference to Increase, Consciousness and Te Po being born 
out of Te Kore. So Te Pb was born from the "infinite realms" of Te Kore 
(Marsden 198 1 : 135). Te Pb was a period that lasted for an unimaginable 
length of time, as stressed by the reference to the numerical sequence of at 
least ten P6 (Buck, 1982:434; Walker, 1990: 12). The darkness of Te P6 was 
similarly unimaginable: 
I am aged in aeons, and I am Night of many nights, Night 
of many darkness's - Night of great darkness, long 
darkness, utter darkness, birth and death darkness; of 
darkness unseen, darkness touchable and untouchable, and 
of every kind of darkness that can be. 
(Kahukiwa & Grace, 1 984: 1 6). 
Te P6 has also been likened to a womb within which both PapatuFmuku, a female being, was 
the earth and Ranginui, a male, was the sky. According to ?ere (1979), these prhievai 
parents of humanity were created by a series of forces, both male and female. A Whakat6hea 
version of this narrative (Hinehou Campbell) refers to each stage in creation as possessing 
elements that are either distinctly male, female, or both, starting with Te  ore:^ 
"Taua wii, he wdhine tena ki te ao Miiori he tararuapea, 
wahine-tiine ... Kaputa ko Te Pd, he wdhine ano tena, nu te 
mea i whiinau mai nga Atua, kaputa ko Papa-matua-te-kore, 
me lo-matua-re-kore. Mai a Papa-matua-te-kore moe a Te 
- 
4 Throughout this thesis, primary sourced quotes will be italised. Quotes from secondary written sources will not be. 
Aoaonui. Na raua, ka puta ko Papatuanuku ma, ko wai ake, 
ko wai ake. Nu, &re he uri o Po-matangaro, engari a Papa- 
matua-te-kore. Hei aha, ko he wahine Te Pd, ana ko ngd 
wehenga, ka puta ko Te Maramatanga-iti. I roto i Te 
Maramatanga iti, ko ngd timatanga mai o te Mdrama, o ~ g d  
whetii, o te aha, te aha ... Te Miramatang-ili he wahine ano 
tend. Ara te ao Mdori ko Rdna te rnea ki wetahi he tiine, ki 
wZtahi he withine. Whakapiimau ana au, he wahine. Whai 
muri i tena, ko Te Awatea. KO ia anahe te ao tane. KO Te 
Awateaputa ki Tamanui-te-rd. Ena, ko te wii o te kaha mdhio 
tzna. Ka pi? ao. Whai muri o tzna, ka whiinau mai, ko e Ao 
Tiiroa, me wana tuakana, teina, ko Te Muriwai-hou. Ka ki a 
ko Raro wahine an6 tzna.'" 
Te Kore possessed elements of both sexes. Each stage is assigned one of the 
elements - male, female, or a combination, and the different stages are as 
follows: 
"KO Te Kore, he tararua, ko Te P6, he wdhine, ko Te 
Maramatanga-iti, he wdhine, ko ire Awatea, he t h e ,  ko Te Ao 
Tiiroa, he taharua ano, ko Te Muriwai-hou, he wahine. 
Accordingly, male and female elements from the very beginning of creation 
through to the present are elements essential to life. Best (1 996:743) in 
Tuhoe the children of the mist, mentions a version by one of his Mgori 
informant's which recognises an original pair, Te Rangi-matinitini 
representing the original male element, md Te Ao-matinithi the original 
female element. From the sexual union of these two original beings came Te 
Pu and Te More, male and female offspring; who in turn produced male and 
female offspring, Te Weu and Te Aka, and so on, each pair reproducing 
another pair. Another version recognises the bi-sexual nature of each stage, 
each capable of reproducing itself (Best, 1996:742). 
Personal informant, and study participant, Hinehou Campbell. 
Whatever, bi-sexual or  distinctly male or female, clearly the male and female 
elements are recognised in Maori cosmogony as essential elements. Best is 
more specific about the origin of power relations between the two sexes, one 
which is equal in nature; ". .. Te Pu and Te More, they were male andfemale. 
Te More is the lower, Te Pu is above. But these names are really one, the 
upper part is male, the lower part female. These two became united, and 
were of equal rank and importances. Such was the origin of sex, of male and 
female. " (Best, 1996944-5). 
The cosmological narratives, orally transmitted through the generations 
contain messages of the Maori world-view of power relations between 
women and men. They reveal the equal importance of male and female 
elements to existence. Therefore the cosmological narratives provide the 
blueprint for power relations between women and men - a relationship that is 
equal and complementary. 
Te Whlnau Atua 
Some versions of the creation story (Buck1 982: 438; Smith 1997: 1 17) 
describe the sexual nature of the relationship between Papa and Rangi in 
terms of power relations. According to Buck (ibid.) on observing 
Papatuibuku lying naked on her back facing upwards, Rangi desired her and 
descended to mate with her. This description places Papatuauku in a 
passive role, a patriarchal view, which neutralises the sexual power of the 
ibid. 
primeval ancestress. Rose Pere, however, describes the relationship between 
Papatuiinuku and Rangi as one, which was equal and complementary: 
The union of the primeval parents as one deity was one of 
both a spiritual and physical nature. The primeval parents 
embraced and clung together as one deity for aeons of time 
producing many children. Papa and Rangi found great 
fulfilment in their union as one, for them it was a natural 
beautiful relationship. (Pere, 19827) 
Rangi and Papa through their procreative powers brought into being seventy 
male only offspring, which included sons Tiinemahuta, Tangaroa, 
Tawhirimatea, Tumatauenga, Haumia-tiketike, Rongomatane (Walker, 
1990: 12; Best, 1976:75-85). Through aeons of time, the children of Papa and 
Rangi lived in darkness, clasped between the bodies of their parents, 'the 
most roomy parts between the breasts and under the armpits of their mother' 
(Buck 1982438). The embrace of the primeval pair prevented light as well 
as knowledge from entering the lives of their children (Walker, 1990: 12). 
The children came to resent their cramped and dark existence and longed for 
independence and light. They met together to seek a solution to their 
insufferable situation. Six of the male children of Rangi and Papa, 
Tiinemahuta, Tangaroa, Tawhirimatea, Tumatauenga, Haumia-tiketike and 
Rongomatane were prominent in the discussions. Tumatauenga proposed that 
the parents be killed. The pros and the cons of this suggestion were 
discussed at length. After a while T a e  placed before them another proposal. 
He suggested that it would be better if they are rendered apart, Rangi pushed 
away into the distance, and the children remain below with their mother. 
After much discussion, it was concluded by the majority of the siblings, 
Tumatauenga included, that separating their parents would be the answer to 
their desire to no longer live in darkness and ignorance. Tswhirimatea, who 
feared that he would lose power over his kingdom of storms and winds 
should his father be forced into the sky, kept silent about his disapproval 
while abstaining from taking part in the separation. Each of the five 
remaining sons in turn attempted to separate their parents. Rongomatiine, 
Tangaroa, and Haumietiketike in turn were unsuccessful. Ttimatauenga the 
god of war leapt up and hacked at the sinews that bound the Earth to the Sky. 
This act caused blood to flow, giving rise to ochre, or red clay. Despite all 
this fierce effort and great physical exertion, Tiimatauenga was still unable to 
separate his parents. 
It was TWe MZihuta who eventually managed to force them apart by standing 
on his head and using the strength of his legs to push his father upwards. In 
TWe's first attempt he used his arms to push them apart, but was not 
successfid. Afier much thought and reconsideration, TWe decided to place 
his shoulders against his mother the Earth and his feet against his father, the 
Sky. He strained upwards with the strength of his legs. After prolonged and 
patient effort, Rangi and Papa eventually began to yield. They protested and 
pleaded with their children, and asked why they wished to destroy the love of 
their parents. T h e  thrust with all his strength and the sinews that held Papa 
and Rangi stretched and ripped (Alpers 1985: 17-1 8). As Papa and Rangi 
continued to grasp one another's arms, it was necessary for their limbs to be 
severed with the axes Te Awhio-rangi and Te VVhiro-nui. Tihe then propped 
his father up on four posts, thereby rendering the separation of the primal 
parents permanent. The falling rain and rising mist symbolise the perpetual 
grief of the primary parents at their enforced separation (Walker, 1990: 12; 
Alpers, 1985: 15-27; Buck 1958:445; Smith 1997: 121). 
The incidents surrounding the separation of Rangi and Papa explain the 
origins of human emotions. Rangi and Papa and their offspring experienced 
feelings of love, and longing for each other. Papatuhuku experienced 
feelings of protection towards her children. Rangi too demonstrated feelings 
of love and longing toward Papatuanuku, but experienced feelings of 
revenge, fear, anger, towards their children. 
After the separation between Papa and Rangi, war broke out amongst the 
children. TBwhirimiitea, the God of wind and storms was fearful of losing 
control of his kingdom and also jealous of the prominence that T h e  held in 
separating their parents (Alpers, 1985: 15-27). Tiiwhirimgtea who had 
opposed the separation but held his breath rose up and vented his anger, 
striking out with great gusts of wind and storms at his brothers. He caused 
great devastation and destruction, uprooting children of Tsne, and throwing 
children of Tangaroa to shore to perish. Haumietiketike fled to shelter with 
his mother. All but one of the remaining children, Tiimatauenga, fled before 
TZiwhirimSitea. Tbatauenga, god of war, also represented unborn man 
(Buck 1982:456), regarded his brothers' conduct as cowardly and he also 
turned against them, using their offspring for food and implements. He made 
snares out of plants of Tibe, which he used to catch and eat the birds of T&e, 
the fish of Tangaroa, the kumara of RongomFitiine and the fern root of 
Hamietiketike. 
Even then, the children's di%culties were not over. So intense was their 
parents9 grief at having been separated that they wept continuously. Rain, 
hail and snow poured down from Rangi, while Papa's tears rose in constant 
mist and froze on her body as frost. The children discussed the best course of 
action and decided to turn Papatui3nku over on her face so that she and 
Ranginui could no longer see one another's pain. Papa looked instead upon 
Rarohenga, also often referred to as Te Po7, the place where the spirits of the 
dead go. PapatuWuku, despite the anguish of separation, protected her 
children against the wrath of Ranginui, who wished to destroy them, 
insisting: 
Leave them to me. Let them return to rest with me. I 
brought them forth into the world of life; let them come 
back and rest with me as spiritual children for us. Though 
they rebelled against us, yet they are still my children. 
(Best, 1976:53)' 
While the children were now able to move freely, and had escaped the 
extreme darkness of their former existence, it is said that their world was 
dimly lit. The sun and moon were therefore affixed to the sky to provide 
light during the day and night. Due to the fact that the moon did not provide 
adequate light throughout the length of each monthly cycle, TGne gathered 
and fixed the stars on Ranginui's breast. According to Buck (1 982), the 
world had "passed from the darkness of Te Pii into the light of Te Ao 
' ~ e  P6, here, refers to the realm also known as Rarohenga rather than the state po. 
'&?st, E Maori Religion and Mythology (1976). 
Marma." (p.441). The progression from Te Kore, through Te Po and on to 
Te Ao MSirarna is an ongoing cycle of conception, development within the 
womb, and birth. 
To proceed with the narrative, Turnatauenga (Tii) sought utu revenge, from 
his brothers for leaving him to face Tgwhirimatea alone. First, he attacked 
the children of T h e  and asserted his mana by debasing them and converting 
them to common use. From trees and vines he fashioned spears and snares to 
kill and trap The 's  birds. He also made nets and canoes to catch the 
children of Tangaroa. By his actions of using the children of his brothers as 
food and common objects, Tumatauenga negated their tapu, thereby making 
them noa. In this way the basic dichotomy in Maori life between the sacred 
and profane came into being. Tu's assertion of mana over his brothers was 
the rationale for the superior position of human beings in the natural order 
(Walker 1990:13-14). Tu the god of war is described by Alpers (1985:22-23) 
as man in spirit and not body, as man was not yet made, as there was no 
woman. T h e  with the help of his brothers was to fix this. 
Tibei Mauri Ora: Tbe  Creation o f  Humankiind 
The story of the creation of humanity provides clues about how to proceed in 
decision-making processes of whihau, hapii, and iwi and gender power 
relations. 
According to Walker and Best, Rangi and Papa are said to have produced 
only male offspring, although there were supernatural females present in the 
world at that time (Walker, 1990:14; Best 19'76:75). It became apparent to 
the brothers that a union between one of them and one of the celestial 
females could not result in hwnan life, as the uha (human element) was 
missing. T b e  and his brothers, who were of ira atua (divine principle), 
searched the natural world for ira tangata, (the human principle). Tane led a 
restless search trying his procreative powers on various elements in nature, 
bringing forth trees, birds, and insects. The brothers concluded from these 
results, that ira tangata could not be derived from ira atua. A separate act of 
creation was needed for human beings. Moreover, 'Sane's attempts to 
produce human life with a number of other females present in the natural 
world were unsuccessfbl. His actions with Hinewaioriki produced the k2hika 
and the mgtai trees, his attempts with Mumuhanga produced the totara tree, 
his efforts with HinetGparimaunga produced the personified form of water, 
and so on (Buck 1977:450). 
Hineahuone 
The brothers sought advice from their mother. She told them to go to her 
pubic region, named Kurawaka. It was there, at Papatu&uku9s most fertile 
region, that T b e  found the necessary female element, the uha, to 
complement his maleness and create humanity (Walker, 1990: 14). Along 
with his brothers, Tibe shaped Hineahuone from the red clay. Each brother 
took part in the creative process, contributing knowledge and resources, 
deliberating over each anatomical formation at Kurawaka. The brothers 
considered and discussed in length the way to assemble the various parts of 
the female sex organ. Tihe was delegated the task of breathing life into the 
inanimate form to create the ira tangata. From this work of cooperation 
between the brothers, the first human, a woman named Hineahuone, was 
created (Buck, 1977:450, Walker, 1990: 14). With the first breath, 
Hineahuone sneezed exclaiming 'Tihe Mauriora ', 2 sneeze - it is life!' 
thereupon producing the first human speech (Stirling, 1980:13). It is this 
saying which is used by speakers on the marae to begin a whaik6rero speech, 
which carries the connotations of Now it is my turn. Here I stand. I am 
about to speak. Hear me.' (King, 1978: 1). From this incident it is evident 
that, a woman was the first human created, and it was a woman who spoke 
the first words ever spoken by a human. 
Hinetltama 
Although the most sexually experienced of all the brothers, T h e  seemed 
ignorant of how to reproduce with Hineahuone. He entered the various 
orifices in her body, producing tears, wax, mucous, saliva, sweat, and 
excreta. It was not until he entered her vagina that T b e  met with success; 
T b e  felt a tremendous force from within Hine, a powerfid 
force, such as he had never experienced before. All that 
T b e  had sought and hoped for he found in his relationship 
with Hine; together they brought forth humanity 
(Pere, 19829) 
T b e  cohabited with Hineahuone and brought forth Ninetitama, the Dawn 
Maid. He then cohabited with Hinetitama, to produce other children. In due 
course, Winetitama asked Tale about her father. His evasive answer telling 
her to ask the posts of his house drove her to the inevitable conclusion that 
her own husband was her father. 'This discovery appalled Hinetitama, who 
fled fi-om Tihe in the direction of the underworld of Rarohenga. As she 
entered the portal to the underworld, she turned to Tane, who had followed 
her, and bade him farewell, saying, ‘The, return to our family. I have 
severed connection with the world of light now and desire to dwell in the 
world of night.' She commanded him to return to care for their children in 
their earthly life, telling him that she would prepare a place for them at 
Rarohenga, and there care for them once more as a mother, in death. 
Thereupon she descended into Rarohenga, where she became HinenuitepiS, 
the ancestress to whom all her human descendants go upon death (Best, 
1952:89; Walker, 1990: 14-1 5). HinenuitepiS, protects her descendents spirit 
soul fi-om complete extinction in the afterlife: 
.... the wairua or spirit survives death, and occasionally 
returns to this world. It was Hine who prevented the death 
or destruction of the human soul, and who still protects it. 
(Best 1976: 129) 
On the surface, the story of Hinetitma and The may serve to suggest a 
natural abhorrence towards the act of incest in Maori society. However, there 
is not an equivalent word for incest in Maori and there are many whakatauki 
or proverbs that subscribe to the merits of close relatives marrying (Mahuika 
198 1 :77) that indicates, at least for some tribes, no taboo at all existing in 
pre-European times. For exampie the whakutauki "Me moe to tungane", or 
'Many your brother (or cousin)', encourages marriage between cousins for 
reasons such as to keep quarrels and land within the whdnau family group. 
Also, an examination of many whakapapa genealogies show, that it was not 
uncommon for first cousins; uncle and niece; or other close relatives to co- 
habit and produce children (ibid.). However, I have not discovered any 
whakapapa lines that admit to offspring fiom a father-daughter or same 
parents brother-sister relationship after T2ine and Hinetitama, which suggests 
that indeed pre-European Mgori society did not regard the union between 
immediate relatives as acceptable. 
Walker (1 982) absolves the choice of T a e  to take Hinetitama as necessary 
stating that; "[iln a creation myth that begins with a single pair, incest in the 
next generation is inevitable for the establishment of the human line." 
However, Tu is said to be man in spirit (1985:22), or the God of man 
(Walker 1990: 13). It is my view that he should not have been kept out of the 
procreation loop. Incest between Twe and Hinetitama was not necessary to 
the continuation of humankind if The had stood aside and given his first 
human female offspring Hinetitama to Tu the god of man. It is my view that 
incest was not the primary reason for Hinetitama rejecting her husband when 
she learned he was also her father. 
A study of Maori social values provides incite into the root of shame felt by 
Hinetitama. Greed is a vice greatly deplored in Maori society, evidenced in 
the many whakatauki which express disgust of acts of self-indulgence 
(Brougham, Reed & K2iretu 1992:43), and extol acts of generosity 
(Brougham et. al, 1992:41). T2ine had already fathered many offspring 
including Hinetitama, and had Hineahuone the first woman as his wife. He 
was in a powerful position in the father role, and misused that power in 
denying Hinetitama the choice of another husband. Therefore it is asserted 
here that Hinetitama did not turn from T8ne entirely because she was 
ashamed of the sexual relationship, but out of despair and disgust at his 
misuse of his power by taking more than he was entitled to. Tiine through his 
greed had denied Hinetitarna the opportunity to procreate with another. 
Emotions of abhorrence to acts of greed are reflected in Maori practices and 
belief systems which discourage acts of greed but encourage manaakitanga 
(sharing) aatawhaitanga (caring) most evidenced at large hui (gatherings) 
and hdkari (feasts) where pride is at stake, and generosity is measured by the 
greatness of a guest's koha (gifts), and the quality of the food and care given 
by tangata whenua (hosts) to their guests. 
As incest was not considered a real issue in pre-European and traditional 
Maori society it is asserted that the emotion of shame experienced by 
Hinetitama was more directly associated with abhorrence to the act of greed 
and misuse of power on The ' s  part, rather than simply incest. This creation 
narrative, illustrates the importance of equal and complementary relations 
I' 
i 
1 between male and female elements. The creation of humanity came about I$, 
\ 
\ 
through the combined efforts of male and female, thus highlighting the , i 
complementary nature of the two sexes. Without the female element, the 
male offspring of Rangi and Papa were powerless to create humankind. They 
were aware of their limited knowledge and power and sougl~t o overcome 
this by carrying out a search. The process of their search and decision about 
the outcomes and conclusion they reached to create a human form provide a 
blueprint for how women and men may become involved in the socio- 
political affairs of whhau,  hapii and iwi. 
Evidence of the complementary nature of gender relationships is found 
throughout the creation narrative. The separation story reveals the female 
power of Papatu2inuku 'The Earth Mother' over humankind (Jahnke 
1996:66). PapatuWuku possessed the essential ingredient for the creation of 
humankind, the female element uha, (Buck, 1982:450-1). Also Papatuiinuku 
had the potential power to provide an environment for nourishment and 
sustenance in the event that humanity should procreate. "Located within the 
sanctum of her body were the realms of each of her sons, the deities of the 
major resources of the universe" (Jenkins, 1992:39). Twe in his search for 
the uha female element experimented with various inanimate objects and 
even ideas which were personified as females but were not human (Buck 
1982:450), in so doing together with Papatuiinuku, T2ne created an 
environment fit for humankind to live. Papatu2inuku possessed the female 
element 'uha ' and T a e  the life principle ira tangata, both essential elements 
for the creation of humanity, thus illustrating the complementary and 
interdependent nature of male and female. 
Tapu and noa 
According to Miiori worldview, the state of 'tapu9 refers to restriction and 
control, whereas the state of 'noa9 refers to practices and beliefs that are 
unrestricted and open to public usage. One state complements the other. 
Also, each state has a spiritual as well as a physical dimension (Rangihau, 
1992: 12). Under certain circumstances women are considered either boa' or 
'tapu'. The narrative about the search for the hwnan element illustrate the 
place of 'noa' and 'tapu' for M2ori women. 
The task of searching for the uha and of creating the human form by, 
contributing knowledge and resources, also illustrates the importance of 
getting things right and of having the appropriate ingredients (Jahnke, 
1996:66). The story acknowledges a woman's reproductive organs, as a most 
tapu area of the body. The power of a woman's reproductive organs are 
syrnbolised in the pare (carved figure on the upper door frame) of a tipuna 
whare (meeting house). On entering into a tipuna whare, a ritualistic re- 
enactment and process of transformation from one state noa, into another 
tapu occurs that confirms the importance of women. The pare, is a carved 
female figure above a external door. It represents the origin of the life of the 
tribe and acts as a protection against harmful intentions by any who might 
enter. It honours an ancestress (Mitchell, 1972236; Jahnke, 1996:67). Pere 
emphasises how women as well as men were considered tapu when she says: 
He tapu, he tapu, he tapu rawa te wihine. 
(Pere, 198223) 
Women were considered most highly tapu during menstruation and 
pregnancy. Menstrual blood was considered 'the flow of ancestral blood' 
and critical to continuation of life (Pere, 1982:22). Therefore as Pere 
contends, the notion of women as 'unclean9 or 'contaminated' during 
menstruation is inconsistent with a Maori world-view (ibid). Women's role 
as whare tangata (houses of humanity) was regarded as important and 
observances of tapu ensured that pregnant women did not jeopardise their 
unborn child in any way. Thus, within a MBori worldview, menstruation 
signifies both life lost and the potential for life and women's role as the 
potential receptacle of existence and non-existence. 
Mfiui and his kuia 
The descendants of Hineahuone increased until the time of Maui. His mother 
Taranga, dwelt in the earthly world by night and in Paerau, one of the 
domains of the underworld, by day. His father, Makea-tiitara, dwelt 
permanently at Paerau. Taranga in her old age gave birth to a premature 
child and thinking the baby to be stillborn, cut off her topknot, then wrapped 
child in it and set him adrift on the sea. Taranga did not take the usual 
ceremonial precautions associated with an aborted child to ensure that the 
spirit was laid to rest rather than remaining as a possible source of future 
trouble for the living. However her choice of wrapping for her child 
provided powerful protection for him. The head and hair are considered a 
most tapu sacred part of the body. From this early incident, M5ui came to be 
known as Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga, M2ui of the topknot of Taranga9and 
M2ui-p6tiki 'M2ui the last-born' (Walker, 1990: 15). Wrapped in the tapu 
protection provided by his mother, MBui was cast ashore on a clump of 
seaweed that saved him fiom drowning. 
Mfiui and his koroua 
M2ui was rescued fiom the sea by one of his koroua tipuna male ancestor, 
Tama-nui-ki-te-Rangi who revived and then raised him (ibid.) in the celestial 
realm. It is significant that the child Maui was raised by a male elder. In 
MBori society koroua as well as kuia play a significant role in the care and 
upbringing of mokopuna grandchildren. 
Tuakana Teina - The sibling relationship 
Status and succession in customary Mgori society were based on order of 
birth9, and MBui aspatitti last-born came low in the family hierarchy (ibid.). 
As are many last-born, MBui was also very precocious and indulged, 
particularly by his kuia to whom he sought assistance and advice from. They 
recognised him as a gifted child and indulged him. Maui possessed the basic 
personality traits idealised in MBori society. He was quick, intelligent, bold, 
resourceful, cunning and fearless (Walker, 1990: 15- 19), a precocious child 
"... who push[ed] against the wind, challeng[ed] the incoming tide and 
ask[ed] questions that probe[d] behind questions never asked before" 
(Brailsford 1994:37-38). He was also a clever trickster who used guile and 
cunning to deceive particularly his kuia, and it is from this practice that he 
earned the name M2ui-nukwau-tangata (Walker, 1990: 15- 16). Mgui serves 
as a model for how teina younger siblings and in particular the last-born with 
determination and character may succeed in life (ibid.). 
Miiui and his search for knowledge 
Women as repositories of knowledge, feature in the MBui narrative. M%ui 
sought to be rejoined with his family but on appearing in their midst. MBui 
was challenged by his brothers and mother, then identified himself as Miiui 
tikitiki a Taranga, whereupon his mother Taranga immediately welcomed 
him home realising the child whom she had aborted had indeed survived. 
She invited Maui to stand on the ridgepole of his ancestress I-Iinenuitep6's 
house (Grey 1953: 17), a sign of his membership in that family. Taranga also 
gave him a favoured place in her affections by allowing him to sleep in her 
bed. His elder brothers resented M2ui because of this. 
The lessons in this narrative have relevance in contemporary Maori life. 
Abandoned by his mother at birth, MBui returned to claim his heritage by 
providing the appropriate proof of whakapapa, and on doing so was rewarded 
with full rights of membership. In addition, his status was raised above that 
of his tuakana (Walker, 1990: 16). This narrative provides an example of 
how those who move from the haukainga home-place obtain rights and 
privileges through whakapapa ancestry. They must have knowledge of their 
whakapapa which needs to be validated by a person of power and status. The 
narrative also demonstrates the independence and power that women possess 
as holders of whakapapa knowledge. Within Maori society women possess 
the power and independent authority to hold and pass on knowledge of and to 
validate whakapapa connections. 
The role of women as repositors of knowledge of whakapapa complements 
the knowledge and authority that men possess. The next phase in M2ui9s life 
story highlights this. Taranga disappeared at t:night. MSiui sought to find out 
where she went, and who his father was. He followed her to the underworld 
where his father lived. Taranga introduced him to his father. Maui's father 
9~ender,  and age are also criteria, but I concenhate on the teinaltuakana relationship here. 
Makeatutara performed the tohi ritual of purification that cleared the tapu 
away fiom Mgui that surrounded his birth. Unfortunately, Makeatutara made 
an error reciting karakia, which left Miiui open to possible misfortune and 
death. However the ritual ceremony also served as a public legitimating by 
the father of his son. 
Walker (1 990) observes that the theme of a child such as Miiui searching out 
his father is repeated throughout traditional tribal narratives. He rationalises 
that it was customary for temporary liaisons between visiting chiefs and local 
women to occur which meant that ex-nuptial births were common (ibid). 
Women were left to raise children without the biological father. However, 
kuia and koroua were involved in raising and educating their grandchildren. 
The above narrative provides evidence of the interchangeable and yet 
complementary nature of women and men's gender roles. Men as well as 
women take primary responsibility for raising children. Men as well as 
women have the power to nulli@ tapu to a state of noa. The narrative serves 
to provide evidence of the importance of the male and female parenting roles 
in the care and protection of children. It also demonstrates the importance of 
following correct procedures and the dire consequences should one fail to do 
so. M5ui would not have learnt who his father was if not for Taranga 
divulging that knowledge. Therefore the Miiui narrative reinforces the notion 
that women are powerful as repositors of genealogical knowledge. The Miiui 
narratives illustrate the complementary and the interdependence of men and 
women within Maori society. 
Kuia as repositors of knowledge 
There is oilen an ambivalent relationship of tension and indulgence between 
young and old in MIiori society. It is evident in the encounters between Mgui 
and his ancestress, from whom, he sought knowledge. His kuia ancestress, 
possessed knowledge that MIiui wished to acquire for humankind. Maui 
needed to tread carefully and with guile to gain the information he wanted, as 
his kuia had primeval powers that could destroy him should he irritate them 
(Walker 1990: 17). 
MSiui sought to acquire knowledge for humankind. As his kuia possessed the 
knowledge he required, MIiui set out to acquire the knowledge through 
deception. Maui wished to possess the enchanted jawbone of his kuia 
Muriranga-whenua She was old and blind and dependent upon her relatives 
to take her food each day. W e n  he visited her home, he tried her patience 
by hiding her food from her. Yet despite the teasing, which could have ended 
with Murirangawhenua devouring him, MIiui was able to placate her. As 
soon as she recognised her mokopuna, she favoured him and capitulated 
allowing him to keep her enchanted jawbone (Walker, 1990: 17). 
Murirmgawhenua knew that the magical qualities of her jawbone would 
benefit Mgui and her descendants (Brailsford 1994:38). 
This narrative provides instruction for rangatahi about the virtues of patience 
and perseverance in seeking favours Erom elders. It also provides and 
example of the power that kuia have as holders of knowledge and the 
conditions under which they are prepared to pass it on. 
In a similar episode to the encounter with Murirangawhenua, Msui obtained 
the knowledge of fire from another of his kuia named M&uika. Over a 
period of time, M3ui tricked her into giving up one fingernail and toenail of 
fire at each visit until the very last one. He destroyed each flame. On the 
tenth and last visit, Mgui found he had pushed the patience of his kuia too 
far. M&uika threw the last to the ground and called upon Whaitiri, the 
goddess of lightning to send down b&ng coals. M3ui nearly perished in the 
fire that resulted and cried to TSwhirimStea to save him, who responded with 
rainstorms (Best 1982:348-35 1 ; Walker, 1990: 17). MBhuika took pity on her 
human descendants and threw her final few sparks into the kaikomako, 
mahoe and taraire trees (Best, 1952:47; Walker, 1990: 17). It was a salutary 
lesson that tampering with primeval forces could destroy the world. M3ui 
provoked Miihuika's anger, but survived to reveal the secret of fire to human 
beings. MSiui is the source of knowledge for the method of generating heat 
and fire by friction between two pieces of timber from the rnahoe, taraire or 
kaikiSmako trees. This narrative reinforces the notion that kuia are repositors 
of knowledge. However, M&uika in giving up her knowledge to Msui also 
gave away power. The narrative provides examples of the direct connection 
between knowledge and power and provides a rationale for the traditional 
practice of the knowledge holders keeping back some knowledge for their 
own protection and surviva~. '~ 
In MBori society, kuia often set the limits for behaviour of mokopuna. 
However, MBui the precocious mokopuna pushed the boundaries one too 
many times when he took on Hinenuitepii the sister of Mahuika (Best, 
1982379). Miiui's final encounter with the goddess of death, Hinenuitepii, 
as predicted by the ill omen of his tohi, ended with MSiui's death (Walker, 
1990: 19). The last and boldest challenge endeavoured by MZiui was his 
attempt to gain immortality for mankind by reversing the birth process 
(ibid.). When MBui was only halfway in the birth passage, his bird 
companions laughed out-loud. This woke Hinenuitep6, who crushed MSiui to 
death between her thighs thus ending his quest for immortality (Best, 
1982:378-9). 
The story of Hinenuitepo and Mgui reinforces the theme of the potent power 
of the female sexual organs and their potentiality for the creation of new life 
or the destruction and denial of life. In Msori society the duality of this 
power is well recognised in the two sayings which refer to women's sexual 
organs; te whare aitua the house of death, and te whare tangata the house of 
humanity. Humanity exists because of the sexual power of women. This 
narrative also serves to illustrate that mokopuna, must take care to choose 
their battles wisely. Wanting something from kuia that would only cause her 
and her descendants harm pre-empted his loss. Hinenuitepii serves to protect 
'Osee Ngoi Pewhairangi pp8-10 and John Rangihau pp10-13 in King M, (ed), 1981 Te Ao Hurihuri The World Moves On for 
her descendants on entering death and not to harm them. The encounter 
between her and M&ui provides a lesson of how kuia give mokopuna what 
they need and not necessarily what they want. 
Tungane Tuahine - Sibling relationships 
The story of Rupe illustrates the close bond between male and female 
relatives. Rupe, a brother of Mgui went in search of their sister Hinauri. 
Mgui had turned her husband Irawaru into a dog after a fishing trip in which 
Irawaru had caught fish and Mgui none. This incident illustrates how 
dangerous and capricious the brother-in-law relationship is. Hinauri was so 
berefi by the loss of her husband that she tried to commit suicide by throwing 
herself into the sea, but she was cast up on to strange shores. Rupe extended 
his search right up to the tenth heaven, the realm of Rehua. Rupe's search for 
Hinauri, like MSiui9s search for his parents, indicated the primacy of the bond 
of affection for a female sibling. 
Conelusion 
The analysis of cosmological narratives, provide insights into the nature of 
power relations and theoretical understandings about the position, status and 
role of women in customary society, which continue to have relevance today. 
The next chapter focuses on the customary narratives about kuia tipuna of 
Whakatohea. The cosmological narratives provide a reference for an analysis 
of contemporary WhakatOhea socio-political affairs today. 
examples 
Chapter 5 
Ng2 WHhine Kaihauta o Te WhakatSibea: 
Navigating the tides of time. 
Introduction 
The following compilation of customary narratives of Whakat6hea tipuna 
kuia demonstrate how cultural values, beliefs, attitudes, and practices 
pertaining to women's status and influence within vvhwau, hapti, and iwi 
socio-political affairs is applied today. The tipuna kuia of Whakatohea 
provide examples for contemporary Whakatiihea women and men, of the 
important role that women can play in the socio-political affairs of 
Whakat6hea. 
Muriwai 
Muriwai is the eponymous ancestress of WhakatGhea, has had enduring 
influence over many generations of her descendants as illustrated in the way 
that she is remembered through certain practices, cultural beliefs, md 
attitudes that continue today. It is fiom Muriwai that all members of MZiori 
Whakat6hea are descended fiom (Walker, 1990:62). The influence of 
Muriwai is acknowledged to the present day in many ways. It is evident in 
the way many geographical sites and social groupings are named and in use 
today. A number of tribes (Te Whiinau a Apanui, Ng&i Porou, Ngilti 
Kahungunu) attribute kawa associated with women, and tikanga associated 
with men and women's practices, to Muriwai (Stirling, 1980:84). Muriwai 
was not constrained by a gender role but met a need as it xose, calling upon 
her talents and strengths. Muriwai possessed priestly powers that she used to 
guide her people. Muriwai was a woman of strong character, commanding 
respect from men and women alike during her lifetime up to today. Muriwai 
is an example of how women influence iwi social and political affairs. 
Muriwai is remembered through the practice of naming. Social groupings, 
geographical locations, and tribal constmctions are named after her. Muriwai 
is associated with how the tribe of Whakatiihea came to be named. The name 
of the tribe of Whakatbhea is attributed to a saying that highlights the strong 
and stubborn disposition Muriwai is said to have possessed.i9 
While on a fishing expedition with his brothers, Tiine-whirinalu, the second 
son of Muriwai, was drowned when their canoe capsized at sea (Mead, 
199423). On returning to Whakatke they were mistaken for a war party 
approaching and an alarm was raised "Muriwai e! He tam!" Although the 
call was repeated several times Mupiwai remained in her cave. This angered 
the person calling, who in exasperation exclaimed, "Katahi te waine 
tohetohe ko tenei", "This woman's obstinacy knows no bounds' (Amoamo, 
1992: 1). From this saying then comes the name of the tribe Whakatiihea 
meaning obstinance or stubbornnessi8 (ibid.).19 The cave is known today as 
17~here  are other versions about how Whakat6hea gained its name, see Lyall(1999) p. 182. 
'* Anoarno, T.W. (1992), Whakatohea and Christianity, 3 lectures given to first year history students at Victoria University 27 
April 1992. 
'MMuriwai's cave9, and is located in the centre of Whakatiine township. The 
wharetipuna at Opape marae is named after Muriwai, and the Wharekai 
called 'Tapairu'. Tapairu is the title given to the first-born female from 
prominent families. Through the practice of naming Muriwai continues to 
influence her descendants. 
Muriwai's words have endured throughout the generations. Practices, 
cultural beliefs, and attitudes are attributed to words she is said to have 
uttered. Muriwai is credited with the act of saving the Mataatua waka, canoe 
from drifting out to sea (Stirling 1980:84, Lyall, 1979:9). This incident is 
remembered through the naming of the township Whakathe (Stirling 
1980:84). whakatiihea20 maintain that it was not the child Wairaka but 
Muriwai, at the time a grown woman, who uttered the famous words ""Kia 
whakatme au i ahaug9 "Let me make a man of myself' (Amoarno, 1992: 1; 
Stirling, 1980:84-5; Lyall, 1979:7). 
Muriwai, along with her brothers Toroa, Puhimoanaariki and Theatua, 
arrived in Aotearoa on the Miitaatua waka that landed at a point on the East 
Coast called Tihirau-mai-tawhiti (a hundred summits from the far-off land) 
(Stirling, 1980:84). The Miitaatua then moved west along the coast and 
"approached Whakatane" where "they could see a beautiful mountain and a 
harbour with a good landing-place" (Stirling, 1980:85). Muriwai was left 
19.4nother ~ ~ t i t i - ~ w a  version is given in Lyall, 1979 p. 182 which says the name should be WakatGhea, describing the argument 
between the siblings Toroa, Rahiri and Muriwai about whether the Mataatua should remain at Whakatae or go North. 
2 0 ~ e  Whiinau a Apanui, NgZiti Kahungunu and Nggti Porou also credit Muriwai with this act. 
with other people on the Miitaatua while her brothers Toroa and Puhi went 
off exploring inland (ibid.). The waka began to drift with the rise of the tide 
out to sea towards rocks. Muriwai saw the need for those men left in the 
canoe to paddle the canoe out of danger and back into shore. A woman did 
not have had the right to navigate a canoe in those times Muriwai 
sought the right to do so by standing in the canoe and chanting special 
prayers asking the gods to give her the right and to open the way for a woman 
to speak and give instructions to the men. 'When she finished her sacred 
chant, she called out - ""Ei! Tena, kia whakat&e ake au i ahau? - Now 1 shall 
make myself a man!" She then ordered the crew to paddle the canoe away 
from the rocks and by doing so saving the canoe abandoned by her brothers 
(ibid.). Muriwai's provides an example of how Whakat6hea woman can 
participate and influence iwi social and politics. 
Women of high-birth from iwi such as Te Whhau a Apanui, Ngtiti Porou 
and Kahungunu, claim their right to speak on their rnarae on the strength of 
the actions and words of their ancestress, Muriwai (ibid. j. However, today, 
the kawa on Wbakatohea masae does not include that women whaikbrero on 
the open space. Was this always the way? The fact that women of rank from 
iwi such as Ngsti Porou and Te Whbau-a-Apanui have spoken and speak on 
the rnasae-a-tea (the open ground in front of the meeting housej based on 
their connection to Muriwai. The connection that is made through their 
2'~tirling E. in Salmond (1980:87) asserts that women would not have ordered men at any time in the days of old to do anything. 
I suspect that this is an over-generalisation. Where waka are concerned I do support his view in regards to navigating canoe. 
~ h a k a t i i h e a ~ ~  lineage indicates the Whakat~hea kawa of today is not 
necessarily traditiona~.~' Pre-European WhakatBhea women and men 
engaged with people from other districts on the marae. 
The large meeting houses of today are a post-colonial introduction to Maori 
communities (Walker, 2000). Kawa associated with speaking rights on the 
marae, adapted over time to where, although there are similarities amongst 
particularly iwi groups, each marae have their own distinct protocols. 
It is asserted here, that kawa of Whakatiihea marae adapted to suit the 'rules 
of engagement' of the colonisers that required that men only speak on behalf 
of their whiinau, hapii, or iwi. The post-colonial meeting houses of today, 
replace the traditional common space. Whakatohea women and men 
participate in decision-making processes of whiinau, hap ii, or iwi in the 
meeting houses (Walker, 1979~22-23), boardrooms or wharekai. The marae 
open is usually reserved for more formal occasions, such as welcoming 
guests. 
The extent of Muriwai's power and mana is demonstrated in the way that 
certain rituals and practices are remembered practiced today. She placed 
a r a u i  (ritual p r~h ib i t i on )~~  on the coastal boundaries of Mgtaatua when her 
twin sons Tiinewhirinaki and Koau drowned. The r a u i  extended from just 
** See Stirling, 1980 p.84. 
23jq - . gat1 Porou and Te Whaau-a-Apanui whakapapa to Muriwai through Uhengaparaoa, see ibid 
before the Coromandel to Cape Runaway ('Mai i ngii Kuri-a-Whiirei ki 
Tihirau"). The fact that such a r a u i  was established and remembered to the 
present day is a statement about the strength of the mana and power of 
Muriwai (Mead, 19943 1-33). 
Muriwai is said to have been a tohunga or high priestess (Mead 1994:3 1-32). 
She provides an example of how women of high birth, assume important 
roles for whiinau, hapii, or iwi, as illustrated in the following sections. As a 
tapairu (eldest daughter in a prominent family), Muriwai possessed special 
gifts and was expected, because of her status, to fulfil a special spiritual role 
for her people. She inherited the role of providing spiritual and physical 
protection for them. Muriwai also possessed priestly and healing powers, 
inherited fiom her father Irakewa (Mead 1994:3 1-32). As the Toroa, the 
chief3 sister, Muriwai had an important ritual role in the affairs of the iwi. 
She used her priestly powers throughout her lifetime to protect her iwi. Her 
protection continues to be called upon by her descendants up to very recently 
(ibid.), as illustrated in the narrative of the manuka tree. This demonstrates 
how endwing her influence is. 
Muriwai performed the act of reciting incantations to establish a tiiau" that 
became known as 'te mwuka tij. tahi'. Saving the talisman of the Mataatua 
canoe was the sacred task that fell on Muriwai (ibid.) Such an act was the 
24 Rahui = tapu, or prohibition against use of  the coastal area for fishing or other activities, for a period of time. 
25 t%.hihu = a sacred place, wehre divinations and other mystic rites are performed. 
'ritual heart' and of greater importance than the physical canoe 
Muriwai noticed a small mbuka tree that she pulled out by its roots, stripped 
its leaves and took it to the sea where she performed a ritual dipping the 
manuka into water. She then took the m&uka to a hill near the Wairere 
waterfall and planted it. Muriwai recited the appropriate incantations to 
establish a tii&hu (altar) that became known as Te Manuka Tii Tahi (The Lone 
Standing M&uka Tree) (ibid.). 
Muriwai's idluence continues today through her coamection to the sacred 
tree. The physical tree played an important role in the rituals of Mataatua iwi 
up until very recently, when it was destroyed. However its spiritual 
significance continues Mataatua. The tree is said to have survived up to the 
early 1800s when it was cut down either by Nga Puhi or p&eh% during the 
land wars (Mead, 195432). The manuka tree is attributed with remarkable 
healing powers, which came from Irakewa through Muriwai. War parties 
always visited Te M b k a  Tii Tahi before embarking out. The warriors 
sought the blessing and support of the deified Irakawa who became one of the 
principal War-Gods of Ng2ti Awa. Warriors returned to the tree for a 
ceremony of ritual cleansing after warfare, to make them socially acceptable 
in the community. Te Miinuka Tii Tahi was also used as the altar where 
individuals of either sex were dedicated to either weaving, net making, 
fishing, gardening, carving, painting, tatooing, canoeing or other task or 
2 6 ~ g a t i  Awa believe Wairaka saved the 'physical' waka Mataatua. Meade makes this value comparison perhaps as a gesture of 
acknowledging the mana of Muriwai. 
career (ibid.), Although the physical tree is no longer, the spiritual 
significance of the tree continues to be important to iwi of Mataaiua today 
Muriwai9s story merges with Tamatea, who arrived from Hawaiki on his 
canoe named Tiiwhenua (Lyall, 1979:50-5 1). Tamatea on his travels up the 
Waioeka river,27 named landmarks, some after his daughters (ibid.). A stone 
shaped like a comb he called "The Comb of Tamatea", and a stone rapid 
where whitebait gathered, he named after one of his daughters, Nggtaierua. 
As a commemoration of his daughter Te Tuhi, he called a stone where red 
ochre was found "Te Karoro o Tamatea" - "The seagull of Tamatea". He 
travelled to WhakatZine where he met Muriwai and they had a son called 
Rangikurukm. Their descendents were to settle in the Opiitiki region. The 
hapii of Nggti-Ira is named afker Irapuae the grandson of Tamatea and 
Muriwai (ibid.). It is here that establishing mana-whenua for Muriwai's 
offspring in the Opiitiki region began. 
Hinei~auia the daughter of Muriwai married a great warrior and leader 
Tiitfimure who is held in great esteem by Whakatiihea up to the present 
27 Waioeka = a river that runs through the township of Opotiki 
(Walker 1980:62). The Wharekai of NgiXti Rua at Omarumutu is named after 
Hineikauia, and the Wharenui is named Tlitwure. 
Hanenepounamu 
Hanenepounarnu was the mother of Tlitiimure and Tamataipunoa. Both of her 
sons are remembered as great leaders. Tamataipunoa is one of the founding 
ancestors of the tribe of Te Aitanga a Mahaki. Tiit&nu-e is the tipuna most 
revered in the Whakatohea hapii of Ngati Rua. The wharenui is named after 
him. 
TUt5imux-e was named after a fishing incident that involved his elder relative, 
Kahunpu.  Hmataimoana and his wife Hanenepounamu lived in Op6tiki 
Lyall, 1979:36-37). Hanenepounarnu was at the time pregnant, and 
Kahungunu asked that if the child was a boy that he be named TDtFimure after 
the incident he suffered (ibid.). Hamataimoana who was a great fighting man 
offered to raise a taua, war party, looking to satisfl the wounded pride of 
Kahungunu. They set off for Tauranga but veered off toward Rotoma where 
they captured a high born man called Ahukawa and returned with him to 
Opiitiki. 
Hanenepounamu was often left for long periods under the protection of 
Ahukawa while Haruataimoana went off on fighting excursions. After 
returning from one expedition Hanenepounamu informed Haruataimoana that 
she was pregnant to her guardian Ahukawa. Hanenepounamu then asked her 
husband to sleep outside their dwelling 'like the dri-ftwood7 lying against the 
wall. When the baby was born he was called Tamataipunoa - ""the 
Drifhvood Son". He grew up and was educated and trained by 
Haruataimoana, alongside his half-brothers Tiitmure and Tiiwairua, to 
become proficient in the skills of warfare (ibid.). 
Hanenepounmta is remembered for her association with her two prominent 
sons. This narrative also provides examples of the important part that 
naming children has in commemorating significant events such as those 
surrounding the naming of Tiit2mt.x-e and Tamataipunoa. 
TIineroa was the beautiful daughter of Hanenepounarnu, and the sister of 
TiitZimure. TSineroa married Rongomainotai and they lived in the Matawai 
area. Rongomainotai was a lazy man, which led to a marital tiff over the 
inadequacy of his food supplies. Tiheroa with Rongornainotai visited 
Tiitsirnure. TIineroa visited with the express reason of showing how prolific 
the food supplies were where she came &om in comparison to those of her 
husband's people. Rongornainotai returned home feeling bitter and 
humiliated by the generous hospitality shown to him.28 Rongomainotai had 
planted a small garden and while he was away in Te Karaka, TIineroa planted 
a large kunara plot. Rongomainotai returned, and soon after, left in shame 
for Maraetaha. Tilneroa followed. At Takararoa Tilneroa was murdered, on 
orders by Rongomainotai. 
Traditional values about woman's choice of husband placed high emphasis 
choosing a man for his abilities to provide adequately for a family. Such 
values are expressed in the whakatauki "E moe i te tangata i te ringa raup8" 
"Marry a man with callous hands" or a man who works hard. However, 
within traditional Miiori society, to be seen to be doing too well, is not 
encouraged, as expressed in the following whakatauki; "He toka tiimoana he 
akinga na ng3 t a r ,  "A rock standing alone is lashed by the tides". This 
narrative indicates the lugh worth placed on the philosophy of hard work in 
traditional Miiori society. Nonetheless the narrative also warns of the 
possible dangers that may ensue, should the results of hard work cause shame 
on those not so productive. The narrative also provides a caution against 
putting work above the emotional needs of those one cares for. 
TatitZimure was very fond of his sister. After his sister had left with her 
husband Tiitiimure was worried about her welfare. When he learned that she 
had been killed he raised a large taua (war party) to satisfy his revenge. This 
narrative provides another example to the Rupe story, of the closeness of the 
brother sister relationship. Just as Rupe worried for the well being of his 
sister, so did T~t2mure. 
The Omarumutu Hall opening booklet in Lyall, 1979:35 
TiititSimuse's campaign continued on to an attack on a pa that was held by his 
uncle Kahungunu. Kahungunu offered his daughter Tauheikusi to Tiitmuse 
as a token of peace. TiitZimuse and his force descended to the beach below 
and meantime Tauheikusi was prepared for presentation. Tauheikwi, 
carsying a stone mere named 'Titi Ngg Punga' as a present for her husband 
was directed to where the two chiefs TiitZimure and Tamataipunoa were 
seated. However Tauheikuri did not know which of the two men she had 
been given to and knelt before the young handsome Tamataipunoa. In alarm 
he pushed her toward Tiitmuse, but she refused and clung to him. TiitWure 
stormed off along the shore until he came to a pool of water to which he 
peered into and said to himself "Te kino koe e TiitZimurem, "What an ugly one 
you are TiitZimure9'. He returned to the couple and told his brother that 
Tauheikwi was to be his but that they were never to return to his home 
(ibid.). 
This narrative provides an example of the traditions associated with utu or 
reciprocity. The loss of T&eroa was balanced vYith the gift of Tzuheikuii. It 
highlights the important political role that puhi (women of rank) have in 
saving their tribe fiom possible annihilation by an enemy. Peace is sealed 
between the previous enemies through the mmiage of the puhi to the 
opposing war party (Walker, 1980:72-73). Taneikuri fulfilled her role as 
puhi but did so on her terns, when she chose which of the taua rangatira, 
chiefs, she was to be married to. Her story thereby, also provides an example 
of how puhi may assert some limited control over their choice of husband in 
the event of a tatau pounamu marriage. 
The daughter of Waiari and Tauwharanui lived before Muriwai. 
Tauwharanui was the headman of a group of tangata whenua who lived a 
nomadic life style round the ~ o t u ~ ~  area (Lyall, 1979: 1-3). Manawakiaitu 
married Tarawa from whom the name of the township of Oplitiki takes its 
name (ibid.). The story of Manawakiaitu tells of a woman who was put in 
the unenviable position to choose between her husband and children. 
Manawakiaitu and Tarawa had three children Tamakoimutumutu, Tamahaua 
and Hine Te Pairangi. Tarawa claimed to have priestly powers and to have 
swum across the ocean to this land. Tauwharanui found Tarawa out to be a 
mere mortal when Tarawa was unable to save himself during a flood. 
Tarawa was subsequently banned from the kainga. Tauwharanui told 
Manawakiaitu that if she was to follow her husband she was not to take her 
children. She left with her husband and the children remained with their 
grandparents. 
This narrative demonstrates that within traditional wh5inau9 kawnatua had 
wide-reaching authority, right down to decisions about the care of mokopuna. 
This narrative also provides an example of the tentative and vulnerable 
'' Motu is to the east of Opotiki within the iwi of Te Whanau a Apanui. 
position of huncxonga (inlaws) as regards to their rights to make decisions 
about the whaau they married in to. 
Rangiparoro 
Rangiparoro of the 0hiwa30 area married Rongopopoia the son of Uetupuke 
and Rongo Whakaata. While Rangiparoro was pregnant with their son 
Kahuki, a relative of hers Tuamutu killed Rongopopoia and others of her 
whaau. Tuamutu was interested to know the sex of the child Rangiparoro 
was carrying. He was mindfbl of the potential danger a male child might 
pose by later seeking revenge for the death of his own father. When Tuamutu 
came to inquire after her health and that of her newborn baby Rangiparoro 
aware of his motivation and the danger to her own life and the baby, 
concealed the sex of the child. She knew that Tuamutu would find out when 
the ritual for lifting the tapu from herself and her child was performed so she 
fled to Kaharoa where she settled and soon married Haeora. Kahuki grew up 
thinking that Haeora was his father until one day at'ter being teased by his 
playmates his mother revealed who his father was and the circumstances by 
which he died. From then Kabuki began training for the day when he would 
exact retribution and utu upon Tuamutu for the death of Rongopopoia. After 
many battles, Kahuki with the help of his maternal grandfather Panekaha and 
others of his whhau eventually did satisfy his revenge, killing Tuamutu 
(ibid: 71-72). 
'O Ohiwa is a harbour area within the boundaries of Whakatoliea. 
Rangiparoro saved her son as a baby from a whiinau enemy, and bought him 
up to avenge their deaths. This narrative provides an example of the 
influence that women in the mother role have in determining the socio- 
political affairs of whmau, hapti and iwi. 
Uhengaparaoa 
Uhengaparaoa was the mokopuna of the great Whakat6hea chief Uekahikatea 
who died at the hands of a war party from the western Bay of Pleng1 
(Mahuika, 198 1 :77; Lyall, 1979: 107). Several generations later his death was 
avenged by Whakatbhea. They were helped by Tamahinengaro and his two 
sons Rakaipikirarunga and Mokaiaporou of Nggti Porou. Whakatohea were 
impressed with the fighting skills of the young warriors (ibid.). In 
recognition of this, Uhengaparoa, wearing the ear pendant Te Paekura, and 
carrying the adzes Waikanae and Katangata, was presented as a bride to 
Tamahinengaro. As he was getting on in years, he presented her to his elder 
son Rakaipikirmga (Lyall 1979: 107). Uhengaparaoa clad in richly 
decorated cloaks, beautifully worked in taniko became the envy of Te 
WhSaau-a- Apanui and Ngiititi Porou women of rank. Intertribal 
competitiveness in the arts of weaving and basketry, carving and canoe- 
building, was influenced by Te Uhengaparaoa and led to high standards of 
work (ibid.). 
j l  It is not absolutely clear which iwi these groups were connected to. 
're Uhengaparaoa had a daughter Rutanga to Rakaipikirmga (Lyall 
1979: 104-8; Taiapa 1980:3). On &e death of Rakaipikirmga, 
Uhengaparaoa married his younger brother, Mokaiaporou (Mahuika, 
1981 :77; Taiapa; 19803). To Mokaiaporou she had another daughter 
Rongomaitauarau. Both daughters in turn became the wives of 
Tomoanakotore of Hicks Bay. The elder Rutanga gave birth to Hinemahuru 
who married Apanui-Waipapa. From this union all Te Whanau-a-Apanui 
descend. Rongomai, the younger sister had two sons; Iwirakau and Ngatihau 
(Taiapa, 1980:3). 
The story of Uhengaparaoa provides an example of the important role and 
influence that Whakatahea puhi had on the lives of their descendants. Her 
story speaks of how WhakatShea women of high birth have increased the 
mana and influenced higher standards of achievement in the tribes they marry 
into. Uhengaparaoa brought into Ngiiti Porou and Te Whbau-a-Apanui the 
chiefly genealogical connection to the ancestress Muriwai (Mahuika, 
1981 :77). It is through Uhengaparaoa of WhakatBhea who married 
Rakaipikirarunga, the elder son of a prominent Ngiiti Porou chief 
Tamahinengaro that Ngiiti Porou and Te Whaau-a-Apanui initially claim 
chiefly descent to the tribes of Mgtaatua (Taiapa, 1980:3). 
Te Atakura, direct descendent of Te Uhengaparaoa, was to influence the 
course of history through her role as a mother. Tfiwhakairiora was born to Te 
Atakura. She descended from Porourangi and Ngatihau, who was the 
grandson of Te Uhengaporaoa. Te Atakura still morning for her father who 
had died at the hands of members of his tribe Ngiiti Rua uttered these words 
when she felt the child moving inside her, "move violently within me, a son 
to avenge the death of my father", thus determining Tiiwhakairiora9s destiny. 
Under the tutelage of Whakatiihea tohunga, Tfiwhakairiora acquired warrior 
and chiefly skills. He left Whakatohea and soon married Ruataupare the 
daughter of Te Aotaki chief of the tribe at Miharekahika called Te Whaau-a- 
Tomoana-kotore. Together with his brother Te Hukarere and support from 
the tribes they married into, they virtually destroyed the tribe of Ngiiti Rua 
that killed his maternal grandfather (Taiapa, 1980:9- 1 1; Lyall, 1979:33). 
This story provides an example of how women influence the political affairs 
of the tribe through their children. The story of Tiiwhakairiora speaks of the 
mother's influence on a son's destiny and purpose in life and how a child 
may be bred to fulfil a mission. Tiiwhakairiora's life destiny even before he 
was born was set by his mother to political purpose. 
Wineiaua and Huinga 
The practice of naming is seen in the stories of Hineiahua and Huinga. The 
misfortunes that befall upon them are commemorated in the naming of 
geographical locations or social groupings. 'Their stories provide examples of 
the practice of naming places or peoples to commemorate the incidences 
surrounding their deaths. 
Ngati Patu, a hapu of Whakatohea, has been named after an incident 
involving Hineiahua who was a ~ ~ a t i - ~ g a h e r e ~ ~  woman of rank (Lyall 
1 979:87-88). She was killed Ng2 Puhi at the mouth of the Waiotahi Ever. 
Titoko, a Whakatohea rangatira, defeated NgB Puhi at the battle of Te 
The Ng2 Puhi warriors knew Hineiahua was related to Titoko, and for that 
reason, Hineiahua was killed. In commemoration her whhau took the name 
Ngsti-Pahunoana, which has been shortened to Ng2ti-Patu today (ibid: 88). 
In Miiori society the actions of one member of the group affects others of the 
group. This narrative provides evidence of the interdependent relationship 
that Whakatijhea men and women share. 
Huinga was the daughter of Maruiwi one of the chiefs of the original 
inhabitants of Waimana also named Maruiwi (Lyall, 1979: 177). A group of 
mainly women went from ~ a i m a n a ~ ~  to Ohiwa to collect shellfish. Because 
of her high birth Huinga had not previously been permitted to take part in 
such activities. However on this particular occasion she felt obliged to 
contribute. She discarded her maro (apron) made of a type of rush called 
kuta at a certain spot but soon found that the other women had already started 
to return home. On her way home she was killed by Ngati-Raka, of Te 
32 Ngati Ngahere = a hapu of Whakatohea. 
"~itoko was the brother of Patutaukiri the grandfather of Hineiahua. 
j4 Part of Whakatohea district. 
Hapuoneone. The name Kutarere derives &om the act of Huiraga discarding 
her mar0 kuta. 
Huinga and Hineiahua are women remembered for their relationship to men 
of rank, and for the violent nature of their deaths. 
The WhakatTjhea customary narratives provide examples of women of mana, 
leaders, remarkable women, who did not allow social, physical, or gender 
boundaries to hinder their choices and actions when the needs of their 
whiinau, hapti, or iwi were of paramount concern. The enduring power and 
influence of these tipuna find their expression in the way that practices and 
protocols are attributed to their example, and social groups, meeting hor~ses 
and geogaphical locations are named after them. The tipuna kuia provide a 
blueprint for how women of today can participate in the socio-political af%airs 
of whhau hapti and iwi. They also provide clues about gender and cultural 
relations within spaces outside traditional contexts. The following three 
chapters explore the relevance of the cosmological and customary narratives 
in the lives of Whakatbhea women and men today, through the experiences 
and views of seven Whakatohea women. 
Chapter 6 
Whakapapa and Identity 
Msori Identity 
Maori identity is linked to customary traditions and values of whbau, hapii, 
or iwi, through specific whakapapa genealogy (Smith, L., 199921 1). 
Identity as Maori is associated with specific geographical locations (Walker, 
1989), and ""[]hrough whakapapa Maori trace themselves and their access to 
certain geographical areas such as to land, rivers, moana, and to 
tiirangawaewae" (Smith, L., 199691 1). As Mgori may claim descent 
through their maternal and paternal lines (ibid.), individuals may identify 
with many tribes. For many, it is to one particular iwi that identity is focused 
(Karetu, 197927). The use of Maori language with dialects and idioms 
specific to certain iwi, or collective symbols such as naming a group 
(whibau, hapti and iwi) after a common or foundation member are used to 
define a group and its members. Since contact with pSikehSi, ethnicity 
became a component of Maori identity, and incorporates "racial traits such as 
skin pigmentation" (Walker 1989). Mgori identity may fall between 
identifying with being Maori and being p&eh2, a reflection of the diverse 
realities of post-European Maori (Durie 1995a: 46 1-470). Specific Maori 
whakapapa provides the collateral for access to the ancestral home-place and 
knowledge about customary traditions and values (Tomlins-Jahnke 
2002503). 
WhakatGhea Identity 
People who whakapapa to the eponymous ancestress Muriwai, through her 
daughter Hineikauia, and TiiLmure (Walker, 1990:62) and affiliate to one or 
more of the hapii of Whakatbhea (Ngati Tarnahaua, NgZiti Ruatakenga, Nggti 
NgZhere, Ngiiti Patu, Upokorehe, Ngiiti Ira, Ngati Muriwai, Pakowhai) 
identi@ as Whakatijhea. Whakatbhea trace their ancestry to many waka 
including the Miitaatua (that Muriwai arrived from Hawaiiki on) and the 
Nukutere. The boundaries of Whakatijhea share borders with several other 
tribes. Beyond the hills of Opape and to the east is Ngai Tai and Te Whanau- 
a-Apanui. Beyond Upokorehe to the western and inland southern boundaries 
are Ngati Awa and Tuhoe (ibid.). Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki lies along the inland 
eastern border. Within the rohe district of Whakatbhea lies the township of 
OpTitiki. 
Whakapapa and connections to the hau kainga (ancestral 'home place') are 
elements that are important to identity as MBori and specifically WhakatGhea. 
In the longitudinal study of Miiori Profiles, Te Hoe Nuku Roa, seven 
characteristics that are important markers of a secure identity, were identified 
(Durie, M, Black, Christensen, Durie, A, Fitzgerald, Taiapa, Tinirau, & 
Apatu, 19966). These are - self-identification, whakapapa (ancestry), marae 
participation, involvement with wh8nau (extended family), access to whenua 
tipu (ancestral land), contacts with Maori people and ability in Maori 
language (Durie et al., 1996:6). Secure identity as Maori, was measured by 
the number of these characteristics a person held as significant in their lives. 
For the purposes of this study, markers for identity as Whakatiihea, are the 
same as above, but specific to 'Whakatijhea. Therefore self-identification as 
'Whakatijhea, whakapapa links to WhakatGhea, participation in Whakatiihea 
marae activities, involvement with extended Urhakatiihea whiinau, access to 
Whakatiihea ancestral land, contacts with Whakatijhea people and ability to 
speak Maori using the WhakatBhea dialect are the maskers for secure identity 
as Whakatijhea. 
In the present study of the early and recent history of seven Whakatiihea 
women, all of these characteristics emerged as significant. 
The following chapter explores the relevance of whakapapa to secure sense 
of identity as WhakatTihea by examining the early and very recent 
experiences of seven Whakatiihea women. Each woman acknowledges her 
connection through whakapapa andlor through marriage to one or more hap6 
of WhakatBhea. The women trace their whakapapa to a hapii or masae 
indirectly through relaying personal experiences, or directly through reciting 
pepeha. Their early familial experiences up to recent raupatu claim hui 
(1990s), provide the context in time. Physical links to land, kcnowledge of 
genealogy, maintaining connections with extended family, marae activities, 
and Maori language, were themes that emerged out of the women's lived 
experiences. Their stories iilustrate the centraiity of whakapapa to identity as 
Whakatiihea. 
TBrati 
Tiisati is the eldest of the women; "I whanau ahau the eleventh, fourth 1924. 
Whiinau ki Opotiki." Both parents had childsen fiom two previous 
marriages, but TSirati is the youngest and only surviving member. Taati 
acknowledges descent f?om three hapii through two sets of grandparents; 
" Taku Papa, Paku Edwards 
35 - 
no NgiFti Rua, taku Mama, Mei Tamihana, no Ngati Nglihere ... My kuia, 
ko Rangiwhiitautau Pohii, i,6 NgZiti Ngahere ... l am a Ngati Muriwai by 
whakapapa ". Ngiiti Muriwai was recognised as an entity of its own right in 
the time of her father. Taati also acknowledges her p&eha ancestry; "My 
grandfathers were plikehas. First pdkehiis that settled in Opotiki. My 
pndfathersfiom both sides. " Although TSirati has genealogical links to 
other iwi she does not feel strong aaliation to them; "Kotahi noa taku hapd 
ko Whakatiihea, although ka kaha au te whakapapa ki ngd hap6 Ngiiti 
Kahungunu, Tainui, aha noa. Not very close, so many generation. So I'm 
just Whakatohea..  " (TSirati). 
The hapfi that Taati most strongly affiliates with today is Ngati NgZhere. 
TSirati remembers her early years. "Iremember very well abclut growing up, 
where 1 grew up. Five years 1 spent my life on a farm at Omarumutu when 
my father was alive. When he died my mother came back to her own people, 
that S at Terere, and that's where my learning started. " The 'learning' had 
to do with developing an understanding of values and practices of 
significance to her whmau that were gsounded in Miioritanga. Taati learned 
j5 Paku Edwards and other WhakatBhea elders, applied to the 1920 Sims Commission to have the Whakatohea Raupatu claim 
heard. 
a sense of belonging and identity based on positive whibau relationships and 
formed a sense of ownership of and bonding to the surrounding environment. 
Connection and identification with the geographical area surrounding the 
marae was initially formed out of dependency on the land and river for 
whiinau sustenance and maintenance needs. "I lived on the marae, with the 
whdnau, in a knuta3! We all were looked ajer by all the whdnau." Despite 
the relative poverty in which she grew up in, T&ati has happy memories of 
living at Terere pa where her mother and other wh5inau members shared in 
her care and upbringing: 
"And we didn't even have a hall in those days, it was just a 
wharenui. But in fiont ofthe wharenui was our p lay~ound  
Now all of the children got together there and of course the 
verandah ofthe wharenui is where the sun is lovely and warm, 
and that's where we all congregated andplayed with all the 
kuia's and koroua 's sitting on and edging us along. .. my 
marae l f e  was a wonderful experience. I found that when you 
look back today, far easier. Although we were poor, we lived 
offthe land, we had our own cow, our own sheep ... even 
though we lived in a hut, mudjloor and no candle, no power". 
The river was important for her whgnau for irrigation, household needs, and 
recreation; "We had to plant our own kumaras and to he@ out to get wood, 
go to the river and collect our wood, and go and collecl water to put in 
barrels - we had no water. We had to bring our barrels; we didn't even have 
tanks in those days ... [ w u r  bathroom was the river, and we ended up 
becoming good swimmers.. ." A sense of ownership of the river developed. 
"And u certain part of that river, no pdkehd were allowed, 'Hey that's our 
area, get back to your own. ' Why? Cause we never owned a log. We all 
36 kar~ta = small usually one roomed sheller, where families lived 
had to swim naked. It was nothing to us. We used to paint our bodies in 
clay. " TiIrati and the other children developed a sense of ownership of the 
geographical area surrounding Terere pa. Working the land, and using the 
river for bathing, playing, irrigation, and household requirements, 
undoubtedly helped TSisati to develop a positive sense of ownership and a 
sense of identity with the river and the land that endures today. 
TiIrati also describes the work relationship that her whbau shared with 
paeh;?; " ... but each whiEnau worked for apakehii. We were surrounded by 
piikeha farmers. Oh they were rich. And each whiinau had their own 
piikehd. It starts from dad, son, grandson, working for the same person. And 
we'd actually claimed them as ours. And those piikehiis claimed that family 
as theirs. And that's because we had no other income, but to work for the 
piikehiis on their farms. But tino pai. " Although Tiirati describes a 
relationship that was mutually beneficial, there is an indication that power 
relations between p8.keha and Whakatohea were not equal. Each Ngati 
Ngaere whbau became the work pool for a PrfJlteha landlord - on land 
previously owned by Nggti Ngaere. Wairama Taia (Connor et.al, 1994) 
also refers to the workerlemployer relationship that her wh%au had with 
local piikeh2 landowners. WhakatTihea lost much of her fertile land to 
colonial soldiers and piikeh2 settlers due to the Confiscation's of the 1870s 
(Giiiings, i 994). As a resuit successive generations of WhakatGhea became 
workers for the beneficiaries of the confiscation of these lands, TiIrati's 
whbau included. 
Tiirati married and had three children. Despite being married to a paehg, 
Tiirati took special care to pass down to the children knowledge of their 
whakapapa and te reo Miiori. Tiirati taught them about their Whakatohea 
heritage and encouraged regular returns to the whikau home: 
"And they always knew their iwi, Whakatdhea because I spoke 
about it in the home, they never forgot it. Gave them their 
whakapapa, knew all their relatives ... and they knew them. 
And they haven 't forgotten. They're still doing it. Come 
home. And even though we lived away, we always came 
home. Every Christmas. So it's am, they haven't forgotten 
their tikanga, ahakoa maybe not too good ki te reo. But te 
mohio te whakarongo. Cause, k6rero Maori au i roto i te 
whare. He pdkehd taku tdne. K6rero Maori tonu au ki a ia, 
kia mdhio oku tamari ki... Kare he K6hanga Reo i tera taima o 
oku tamariki. ... But whakaako tonu au te k6rero Miiori i roto i 
to mdtau whare. Little phrases, 'Katia te kuaha ', 'homai ngd 
kai ', small phrases like that which stuck in their heads. And I 
can koPrero Maori to them now, and they could understand me. 
But E r e  te hoki mai i te Mdori. " 
Tiirati's experiences demonstrate the important role that parents have in 
passing on traditional knowledge such as whakapapa to their children 
through providing opportunities to meet whikau returning to traditional 
lands. 
Tiirati administers grants for five WhakatBhea land trusts. In this role she is 
sometimes called upon to help applicants find their whakapapa links to 
WhakatBhea; " ... we got all these other lands trusts, and now five belong to 
Whakatdhea people ... People asking for their shares, andpeople wanting 
g~afiti;. Young people not knowing their tipuna and we have to do a bit of 
search toJind their tipuna and their succession orders ". She also takes the 
opportunity to keep the links between her mokopuna and Whakatshea alive; 
"I said to him to apply for helpporn our Trust. " 
TZirati explains the important role that kohanga reo attached to marae have in 
helping descendants make connections to the 'Whakatbhea: 
"The dwerence there to other K6hanga reo is they arefiom 
dzferent hapii and they 're from different areas, iwi, married 
into Whakatiihea men, and they have different idea. Whereas 
when on a marae Kiihanga, you t e  got your hapii to back you 
up, to help you. And they got to protocol, or follow the 
protocol of that hapii. Over here they got nothing ... Because 
a lot of them can 't speak MiZori, don't h o w  the tikanga, and 
they haven't got the support. Whereas at Terere or all the 
other places, the children are there, and ifthere is any hui on 
they are watching. Ifthere's a tangihanga they're watching 
and they help to call people on. They're standing there, the 
tamariki are standing there at the wharenui - slightly different 
at the marae ... And the difference with the kohanga on the 
marae, the mothers stay there and they learn as they carry on 
with their children. " 
Recollections of Tarati's early experiences show a "secure identity" as 
Whakatahea. Through work and play on the land surrounding the Terere 
Marae and the nearby Otara River, T%ati consolidated her identity as 
Whakatbhea. She learned first hand about the binary relationship that Maori 
share with p&eh8. Her experiences point to an inequality in power relations 
where p&eha are more advantaged. As a mother, Tiirati has passed on her 
knowledge of whakapapa and whbau links to her children, thereby ensuring 
their identity as Whakatohea. She also passed on WhakatBhea reo to her 
children and mokopuna as a kuia in Kohanga reo. T%ati acts as a source of 
whakapapa knowledge for following generations in her role as administrator 
of educational grants for 'Wnakatbhea land trusts. Identity as Whdkatohea is 
strong and is based on whakapapa and returning and living within the hau 
kainga (home place). 
Peg= 
Peggy is connected to Whakat6hea through her mother and her father, Henry 
Edwardson and affiliates to NgHti Ngaere; "I can connect to Ngai Tama, 
Ngliti Rua, Ngiiti Patu, Ngliti Ira and Ngiiti Nglihere, which is the one which 
I aflliate to. " Peggy is links to Te Whiinau-a-Apanui through her paternal 
grandmother Teaopiki Pirihi, and her maternal grandmother, Polly Delamere. 
She also affiliates to Ngiiti Kahungunu through her paternal grandfather 
Hiipuku who married PHora (Polly). Peggy was born in OpMiki on the 15' 
of August, 1950. 
Peggy often visited and stayed with one of her kuia at Whitianga Bay when 
she was young, but it is the koroua and kui'a of NgZiti Ngaere at Terere who 
hold a special place in her memories: 'Tor some reason or another Ngliti 
Nglihere has always been special for me, always. An old koroua that I'll 
never forget. .. He was one of my koroua's. And a kuia that I always had a 
lot of time for was Nanny Jane, Nanny Jane Tauwhara. " Peggy remembers 
feeling loved and cared for by her many kuia and koroua at Terere pa. "When 
I was young, although I didn't go to the marae very often, we always had a 
lot ofpeople you knew that they cared about you even though [hey used to 
say to you 'Go outside' or 'Get away @om there ', you always knew they 
cared aboul you. " The caring was expressed in the way the kuia and koroua 
activeiy participated in setting boundaries and the way they placed 
expectations on the behaviour of mokopuna. 
Traditionally it was common for mokopuna to be raised by koroua and kuia. 
Grandparents took on the role of educating children and passing on values, 
which they too were taught in their growing years: ""en I was young 
Terere was like a little village. There was a lot of home down there and 
there was a lot oflove down there even though they were witchy witchy 
sometimes, you learned. Peggy placed higher value on what she learned at 
the marae than at school; "I used to go to school every day of the week, Jive 
days a week and the stuflthat I learnt went in one ear and out the other ear. 
But things that I learned at the marae, somehow or other they stuck more for 
me than [school] .... I honestly believe that it had to do with aroha. And yeah 
they really cared about ..." 
Respect for elders is a value that holds great importance in Maoridom. 
Youngsters obeyed them without question. Underlying the respect by 
mokopuna for elders was an understanding that elders knew best and had the 
young ones best interests at heart. Respect for elders was expected and 
reinforced by parents and others within fie whmaar. "They taught you about 
respect and you knew even though they didn't say 'You're not allowed to do 
this because nfsuch and such: ifthey saidyou're not allowed to do it, you 
knew thal you weren 't allowed to do it." (Peggy). Such expectations were 
placed on Peggy by her father; "And that was something that I learned when 
f was really young jrom my Dad, and it was about, ifyour koroua or kuia 
toldyou to do something, you do as you're told', even fyou don't agree with 
it sometimes. " Peggy's early experiences with kuia provide an example of 
positive inter-generational relations. The special relationships that Peggy 
formed with kuia and koroua of Ng5iti NgZihere has contributed to her 
choosing to identify and affiliate with that particular hapii today above any 
other. Peggy's experience demonstrates the important place that kaumgtua 
and kuia have in influencing how mokopuna chose to identifjr with particular 
whaau, hapii, or iwi. 
Peggy acknowledges her p&eh5i ancestry and expresses positive feelings 
about sharing MSori and PZikehii ancestry: 
"As youngsters we were never considered to be Mdori or 
Pdkehii, we were just, we were the Edwardsons, we weren't 
Mdori, and we weren't Pdkeh$ and it'sprobably because we 
were brought up in a European atmosphere, not on the marae 
... Funnily enough even though I wasn't brought up in a marae, 
like we were taken there now and again, but I always had an 
aflnity to my Maori side more than my Pcikehd side and I 
don't know why. And it's always been like that for me. 
Probably more ... than the rest of my brothers and sisters, and 
I've always been proud of that ... I always felt enriched 
because I could always pick up my pdkeha side and I always 
had my _Mcori side. And d always brought my children up 
believing you can take the best of both worlds and make it 
great for you. " 
Peggy and her husband returned to Op6tiki to manage Peggy's family fm 
after pressure from her elders and whmau: "I've always Imown I was gonna 
come home 'cause when I used to come home to tangi and things, my kuias 
would say to me, 'When you coming home Peg? ' and I'd say, 'Not yet, not 
yet '. And when myJirst moko was born it was, 'Never!' because my moko 
lived down there. " However, Peggy's brother did not want to continue 
farming and so he pressured her: "He said to me, 'You said you were coming 
home, why don 't you come home now!' Peggy's experiences demonstrate the 
importance of commitment to whSinau obligations and land in drawing 
Whakatbhea members back to the district. Peggy was drawn to return to 
OpGtiki by family and whbau  land that needed to be worked for the 
extended whbau. 
Peggy discovered at a 'family reunion' that the friends she made while living 
amongst Kahungunu were her relatives. Her experience demonstrates the 
important role that the modern day 'family reunion9 has in informing 
members about their whakapapa connections. 
Peggy's early life experiences helped to develop in her a 'secure identity' 
with being Whakatbhea. Early positive experiences with kuia and koroua of 
Ng2ti Ngihere helped secure in her a strong sense of identity with that 
particular hapti. Although Peggy identifies with Whakat6hea she also 
acknowledges her connections to other iwi and enjoys the whanaungatanga 
that comes with belonging to more than one iwi. She is also comfortable 
with identifying as pakeha and advocates the philosophy of 'making the best 
of two worlds'. A commitment to fulfilling family obligations to care for 
tipuna land has drawn Peggy back to the home place. Peggy's experiences 
provide an example of how whakapapa may be central to sense of identity. 
Pane 
Pane does not identify strongly as WhakatGhea through whakapapa as her 
knowledge about her genealogical ties to -WhakatGhea is iimited. Instead she 
identifies with Whkatohea more strongly through marriage. She is not clear 
about her whakapapa links to Whakatbhea; " ... I always knew we 're 
connected somehow to the NgiFti Rua and Whakatohea. No we were lost 
especially on Mum 's side ... Mum, I don't think she knew much, but if she did, 
it didn 't getpassed down to us. " Pane is in the process of searclung out her 
whakapapa connections to Whakatiihea. She has collected whakapapa lists 
over a period, and is studying them and takes opportunities as they arise to 
inquire of those who may have personal knowledge of whakapapa. Not 
possessing an understanding of her whakapapa connections has affected 
Pane's ability to identify strongly with Whakatbhea. Despite this, she has 
spent the last forty or so years actively participating in hapii and iwi social 
and political life within Whakatiihea. Her involvement has been as an in- 
married member of Upokorehe. She regards Kutarere as 'home ', and 
Roimata as 'our marae ', indicating a sense of belonging and identity with 
Upokorehe. 
Pane identifies strongly with the iwi of Ngai Tai through whakapapa and 
residence within Ngai Tai. She was " .. . born at Torere.. . in the 
homestead.. . . " on the 22"' of January 1934, the 7th child out of twelve. She 
keeps regular contact with her mother and immediate family that live there. 
Pane's bonds to the iwi of Ngai Tai may be attributed in part to positive 
interactions she had with elder relatives as a mokopuna. Her maternal 
koroua H3mi Kingi played a role in nurturing and caring for her as a 
mokopmm.: "Murn 'sfither..  . he used to stay by himseif but we used to 
always love going there and enjoying golden syrup on our bread you know. 
That's what he always used to give to us. " This is an example of the 
nurturing role that men sometimes play in caring for their mokopuna. 
Pane attended Torere Native School, a school founded by her tipuna Wiremu 
Kingi, in 1878. Pane's mother and father attended Torere School. The 
school provides Pane wkth a concrete reminder and a connection to past 
generations. She remembers not being allowed to speak Mzori at school; 
' ' m e  were all told not to speak Maori. Well we just knew that we weren't 
you know, weren't allowed to. " 
Pane remembers as a child not being allowed to go to the marae when tangi 
were on. She explains: "the children weren 't really allowed there because 
the ope there were so many. People came in multitudes really and you know 
the children were just in the way ... The only time we come down was well 
Sunday School. " Pane highlights the practicality behind restricting children 
from certain domains on the marae - children may simply get in the way of 
busy adults. 
Pane also identifies with and maintains regular contact with a number of 
other iwi. Although she is at Upokorehe she occasionally participates in 
marae and iwi activities at Tijrere and other iwi: "There's Ngai Tai, Ngciti 
Kahungunu, we have connections to WhakatZihea, Ngii Puhi, Te JVhdnau-a- 
Apanui, and Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki. " Pane's father encouraged her to 
maintain regular contact with 'ns Ngiiti-Kalnungunu and Ngii Buhi whBnau 
therefore Pane's identity with these iwi remains strong today: "Dad ... he 
kept us in touch with his Nga Puhi and his Ngiiti Kahungunu. In fact he 
always like to take us around ifthere's any do S up there, and he said there S 
no such thing as family reunions - a family reunion is where you go to the 
tangi's to everything the families hold and lhat's how you meet your families 
to get to know them. " 
Pane's first child became whiingai to her parents, as she was at the time 
unmarried. "But someone wanted to adopt my child, but I was prepared to 
stay home and look after him ... In those days there was no such thing as a 
solo benejt.. . Mum and Dad supported me. " 
Grandparents caring for mokopuna, is a role that is evident throughout Maori 
history and one which Pane's parents continued. Highlighted here is the 
important role of whaau  in taking part of the load for those who need 
support for a time. Tama-nui-ki-te-rangi cared for his grandchild Maui, 
when Mihi's mother Taranga abandoned him. Pane's experience 
demonstrates how Mgori tradition of mokopuna being bought up by 
grandparents continues to have relevance today. 
Pane's husband is from Upokorehe, WhakatGhea. Her parents were not 
happy with her choice and Pme believed id: m s  to do with his belonging to 
the religion of Ringam "Mum was very anti Ringatu ". However, Pane 
eloped with him; "That night, we weren 't long home, and Mum and Ngai Tai 
arrived to get me ... she brought a f i w  people along to try and beg me to go 
home. But I didn't ... But when I didn't I was disowned. .. even Dad see he 
wrote a letter that I wasn't to come home and claim [ancestral name] -- 
that S [common name removed] ". Pane chose to live with her new husband 
and his wh8nau: "they were really warm and you felt welcome ihere ". 
About a year later, Pane's mother sent word for Pane and her husband to 
return home. 
According to Pane, the initial opposition by her parents was to do with 
religion and a particular tipuna from Ngaitai. Post-colonial Whakatlihea 
identity has been influenced by religion. Religious affiliations may be 
associated with and thereby become part of the identity of an iwi. The 
religions that had the earliest and greatest influence on WhakatZihea have 
been the Anglican Church (1 834), Catholic (1 840), Hauhau, (1 865)" and 
Ringatti (1 8 6 ~ ) . ~ '  However, the Ringatti Religion has become an integral 
part of the post-colonial history of LVhakatZihea, and forms part of 
Whakatiihea identity. For example, the marae at Opape is a Ringatu marae. 
The kawa and tikanga associated with this marae are based on Ringatu 
beliefs. At Tiirere, an Anglican church sits on the marae. It is an indication 
of the dominance of Anglicanism within the iwi of Ngai Tai. Ngai Tai 
became strong followers of the Anglican Church. During the 1870s and 
188Os, under their chief Wiremu Kingi ~ u t a h u a r a n ~ i , ~ ~  Ngai Tai campaigned 
against Te Kooti, the religious founder of the Ringatii religion. As a direct 
descendant of Wiremu Kingi, Pane's mother continued the s m e  antipathy 
towards the Ringat0 religion up until recently. The experiences of Pane 
provide evidence of the place that reiigion has influencing the contemporary 
identity of an iwi. 
j7 The Hauhau religion, although, contributing significantly to the Confiscations of Whakat6hea lands in the 1870s, had a very 
short existence in Whakat6hea. 
j8 See Amoamo 1992, WhakatGhea and Christianity, an unpublished paper that was the basis of 3 lectures presented at Victoria 
University 27 April 1992. 
" Pane, through her mother is a direct descendant of  Wiremu Kingi Tutahuarangi. See Hayes, D, (19971, Wiremu Kingi 
Tutahuarangi Te Kawau: Rangatira o Ngai Tai, an unpublished research project. 
'The practice of whhgai  continued for Pane. Seven of her nine children 
cany Tipuna names that including; ". . . Te Aururangi , . . . ko Miiora, ko 
Hiimi, .... ko Kapu, ko Maraenui, that's the second one, ko Maraenui again, ". 
Their eldest child died and a younger sibling carried his name as well. 
Another of their daughters is named after Pane. Pane's first child also bears 
the name of a tipuna - Wi Pere. Indicated here is the strong connection 
between naming of children to cement whakapapa links. 
One of their daughters was whhgai to Pane's parents. She was taken as 
whhgai to lighten Pane's load and as a companion for her mother in her 
latter years; "[name removed] wasfourteen months when Mum came to a 
gala here, and she came to take her. I was carrying [name removed] at the 
time. I was relieved as I had too many children to cope with and [husband] 
was hardly ever around. Mum especially wanted a girl so that she would 
look after her in her old age. " Pane in turn was to become matua whhgai 
for the eldest child of one of her sons; "we bought that one up as our own 
... that S the one to his Australian-Tasmanian girlpiend. Well he came back 
with her but she wanted to go home, so we hzpt their son. Since he was horn 
we bought him up. " 
Pane identifies as Whakatbhea through marriage and living the majority of 
her life within Whakatbhea. However, without knowledge of specific 
whakapapa links to Whakatbhea and the dispossession of ancestral lands 
linking Pane to Whakatbhea she is yet, unable to identify securely with 
WhakatGhea. Her experiences demonstrate the important role that older 
whiinau relatives have in passing down knowledge of whakapapa, and how 
not sharing such knowledge may serve to alienate following generations 
fiom connection with certain iwi through whakapapa. Her experience also 
highlights the importance of land ownership to identity. Naming of children 
af'ter whaau and tipuna was an important way of maintaining whakapapa 
links and identity. The practice of w h ~ g a i  is also an important factor in 
establishing and maintaining whakapapa links to wh5inau and tipuna land - 
an important aspect to identity. Pane's experiences also provide an example 
of how religious affiliation may be associated with iwi identity. Pane's 
experiences demonstrate how whakapapa and land are important to 
WhakatTjhea identity. 
Julie 
Nggti Muriwai and NgZiti Rua are the hap6 that Julie Te Urikore Lux 
acknowledges descent fiom through her maternal grandfather Patariki 
Porikapa: 
''KO Nukutere raua ko Miitaatua ngii waka o te taha o taku 
whaea .... KO Miikeo te maunga, ko te Waiiti te m a ,  ko 
Ornnrurnutu te rnarae, ko NgGti Rua te hapii, ko Tiitfirnure te 
tipuna. KO au te Mokopuna o Te Urikore riiua ko Piitariki 
Porikupa ... taku whenua tiituru no Ruariikei. Anei tZra wiihi 
ki te waewae o Miikeo, kei roto i te rohe o Omarumutu. " 
Julie was born the 1 8th of April 1950, and was named Te Urikore after her 
maternal grandmother "the meaning behind her name Te Urikore meaning 
she can't have any uri or no children. However she proved them all wrong 
and had one ". That child was Julie's mother Joyce. Julie provides an 
example of how the traditional practice of naming children after important 
people is a practice that continues today. 
Julie's mother became vvhiingai to uncles after the death of her mother; ".. 
the Waiapu whdnau asked Pdtariki Porikapa ifthey could take their 
mokopuna back. .. My mother was brought up by these men, my grandmother 
died when my mother was quite young. " Julie provides and example of how 
whiingai children were bought up by male whiinau elders. 
Julie is the eldest of thirteen children. Being rnstmua, provided Julie with 
opportunities not readily available to her younger siblings: 
"We still had a lot of our kuia and koroua around at that time 
- always encouraged us to be connected to our marae, to our 
reo, to our whakapapa. However, the ones - that was the 
three of us, me the eldest, the three older ones in the family - 
the rest were not given that opportuni ty... and sometimes today 
d look at a lot ofmy younger siblings, and they have no idea 
about things Mdori because that's how my parents saw it. 
That they felt that it had to be the pdkehii of things to make 
them in 1 fe ... I do see some loss of identity in some ... 
However, they do encourage their children, and that to me is a 
good thing. Because it won't be lost and who knows it may be 
their children or their mokopuna who make them understand 
'hey this is you as a Maori : " 
Julie highlights here the important role that kaumgtua play in shaping 
mokopuna identity. Also, evident is the loss of identity that occurs should 
kaum3tua not be part of the lives of their mokopuna. As the eldest in her 
whbau, Julie was privileged to benefit from her elderly grandparents being 
around and sharing their knowledge of things Maori with her, thereby 
instilling a sense of identity as M3ori. As described by Julie, her younger 
siblings were not so privileged. Julie assumes that this is why they did not 
place a high value on Maori knowledge. With the passing of kuia and 
kaumatua Julie's younger siblings could not benefit from the same 
knowledge and experiences that nurture a sense of being MBori as Julie did. 
Her experiences demonstrate the important role that kuia and koroua play in 
instilling a sense of identity through the knowledge and experiences they 
pass down to mokopuna. 
Julie remembers special moments that she shared with her koroua. She 
remembers being a "etted mokopuna that went around with Nanny on the 
horse, that didn 't have to work. " Julie remembers how during her early 
years, their home made it conducive to encouraging the practice of 
storytelling to occur; "Nanny [Jock] would make us sit around thefire and 
tell us these stories about the old days, about his hunting. ... At the time we 
used to think 'Ah hohir hohd. And I still remember those stories. We were 
privileged to hear all that history (Julie). " The passing down of knowledge 
and values through storytelling by koroua and kuia around the fireplace was 
a practice of past generations and one that Julie was privileged enough to 
experience. Such experiences contribute to her sense of identity with the 
hap6 of NgZiti Rua and the iwi of Makattsjhea. 
Julie recalls learning some of the traditions about food collection and 
preparation through her grandfather's storytelling; "remembering some ofthe 
old traditions that the oldpeople carried out. ... In those days we used to 
cook on an openfire. " Through her grandfather, Julie learned about values 
and customs to do with hunting kereru through her grandfather; "I can recall 
Nanny Jock, every time he used to leave early hours in the morning. He 
would always start with a karakia, then he 'dgo out, do up his horse and he'd 
go hunting. Always had his karakia before he went hunting in the bush. And 
he was well known for, he was the one thatjid the family, he was the hunter. 
He always came back with meat and kai. " She learned through her 
grandfather's storytelling, about traditional whaau methods, beliefs, and 
values associated with food gathering. Evidenced here is the 
acknowledgement of spiritual values associated with hunting. The traditional 
practices associated with hunting or gathering food ensured that the Atua 
were given proper acknowledgement through karakia (Walker 1990: 1 1 - 14). 
Julie's experiences indicate that such practices continued until recently. 
Julie learned about values of conservation through her grandfather. Taking 
care of the immediate culinary needs while insuring that the food source 
would be there in the future was a balancing act that traditionally worked 
successfully. Julie learned about conservation through storytelling and 
practicing it under the guidance of her grandfather: 
" Today you are not allowed to hunt pigeon. What they call 
these days conservation. But my Nanny had a different 
perspective. He said you had to kill some of those pigeons in 
order for the miro berry to be regenerated. The oldpeople 
had their conservation in those days. They only took enough 
for afeed. 'Course you can guarantee there 'd be twice as 
much kererii back there and there'd be just as much miro 
berry. And that was his way of looking at conservation. He 
didn't use guns ... he used to trap the kererii. But he always 
talked to them, andfor some reason or another, when you're a 
little kid looking up in that tree, you're thinking, 'Ah, they're 
talking to one another'. And he would bag about four and 
come home. .. . ". 
Julie's grandfather taught her about traditional practices and values 
associated with food gathering. He taught her about methods which ensured 
that a food source would not be depleted to the point of extinction. She 
learned about restraint and taking only what was needed. She learned that 
conservation was part of being Mtiori. 
The koroua also taught Julie about customs of hunting and gender roles " it 
was always a custom of  hunters that you always gave the$rst one to the 
woman. ... There was no kuia around, but he always gave the first pigeon to 
his eldest daughter. And Isaid to him, 'Why do you do that Nan? ', and he 
said 'The next time you go out, you will be lucky in when you are gathering 
the h i .  "' At an early age, Julie learnt about the special place that women 
held in customary society. Women as te whare tangata were given the 
choicest and most nutritional pieces of any servings of food. Taking care of 
women ensured fertility, and health of the bearers of children, and ultimately 
the survival of the whaau. Julie's experiences provide an example of the 
complementary nature of men and women's relationship in traditional 
Whakatohea society. 
With the change in lifestyle the practice of storytelling became endangered; 
"However, by 1960 the power had come into the valley ". The arl of passing 
on knowledge through story telling may be put in danger of being lost due to 
technological advances. Electric heaters and light replaced firelight and 
warmth, and the television replaced storytelling. Julie's experiences 
demonstrate how technological advancements may endanger certain cultural 
practices such as oral storytelling around a fireplace. Julie's experiences 
indicate that traditional practices to do with the passing down of knowledge 
fiom one generation to another through the art of storytelling may be in 
danger of being lost to future generations. 
Julie identifies with specific locations, thereby establishing a secure sense of 
identity with Whakat6hea. "Part o fmy life, my jrs t j ve  years, I was brought 
up at Riihui. And in those days the Waiapu whiinau were well known in 
RiEhui. And where the old homestead was here. " She is connected to Raui ,  
Opape, Tokomana, through living, playing, and working there: "would get on 
our horses and travel to Opape and gather pipi and bring it home to my 
aunties and they use to dry it on the Pax and it was like popcorn ... The Rdhui 
valley ... was full ofpeople. We used to swim naked and nobody thought 
nothing of it .... Going swimming was the highlight of the week. All down the 
river to swim. Off came the clothes and in you went. ". Working and playing 
around R a u i  and Opape, served to instil a sense of identity for Julie with the 
area surrounding her whhau  homestead. Julie's experiences demonstrate 
how traditional ways of identiming with a particular whwau, hapii, and iwi 
through connections to certain geographical locations such as rivers, 
mountains and beaches continues today. 
juiie learned about customary practices and values through her grandfather's 
storytelling, which helped her form, a sense of identity and belonging to a 
particular whiinau, hapii, and iwi. She also learned about gender roles 
through observing and being taught by her grandfather about the special 
place of women in matters to do with food collection and consumption. 
Julie's gandfather also taught her that an important component of M20ri 
identify was as conservationists. Traditional practices such as storytelling 
which are vehicles used to pass on cultural values (Smith I,., 1999: 145) may 
be in danger of dying out. "Storytelling and the story teller" according to 
Smith (L., 1999:145), "booth serve to connect the past with the future, one 
generation with the other, the land with the people and the people with the 
story". If alternative spaces are not consciously made or alternative mediums 
such as the written form are not used to tell the stories of whbau then 
connection to the past may be severed as is evidenced by Julie's younger 
siblings. They were not as privileged in experiencing a grandparent willing to 
pass down knowledge about traditional practices. Julie attributes her 
younger siblings lack of commitment to things Maori, to the loss of elders 
influence duing their upbringing. 
Julie fiom an early age learned about Maori cultural values surrounding the 
practices of naming, whwgai, storytelling, working and living on ancestral 
lands, and te reo Maori. These experiences contributed to Julie's 'secure 
sense of identity' as Whakatijhea that contributed to her returning to 
Whakatijhea in the recent past. 
Hinehou 
Hinehou too is affiliated through the hapti of Ngiiti Rua to Whakatijhea. 
Hinehou provided extensive whakapapa, which she understands joins all 
Whakattihea: 
"Noho ai te maha o iiku piikeke o tZnei taha, Eneiputa ngii 
ingoa i a au ... koia riitou te Kiihui Ariki o tgnei rohe e kia nei 
ko te Whakatiihea i tznei wd. ... Heke iho mai kiinei tgtahi 
taha iiku, me te maha hoki o Ngati Rua, o Te Whakatiihea 
hoki, heke iho mai i Znei kaumatua .... Engari, ka taea te 6 
ehara tZnei i te whakapapa whiinui, he whakapapa whiinau 
ke, he tuakana he teina ka heke ki ngii Kiihui. Whai iho i a 
riitou ko riitou te KaiEhuiAriki. .. E rua ngii K h a i  nui i rot0 i 
te ao Miiori. KO te taha ki ngii miitdmua, te taha ki ngd 
pekepoho ... Mena, &ore e taea e te tuakana ka riro atu ma te 
teina. Kiire taea te teina, aata noho, waiho mii te tuakana". 
Hinehou highlights the importance of whakapapa in determining the 
relationships and social responsibilities and rights of individuals. According 
to Hinehou all members who share the above whakapapa come from a 
distinguished lineage whether the branch is from the first-born or not. The 
reciting of lineages, with the express purpose of forming bonds and links 
between peoples, is a major reason behind learning and knowing ones 
whakapapa. Hinehou's recitation of her whakapapa serves to form a 
connection between her lineage and that of others in Whakatohea. Such a 
practice continues to be important today as in the past. The knowledge 
handed down to Winehou about her whakapapa connections to Whakatiihea 
indicates a 'secure9 identity with being Whakatiihea. 
Hinehou does not limit herself to exclusively identifying with YVh&atiShea. 
She acknowledges her connections to all the tribes on the east coast 
peninsular -Te Tai Rgwhiti - from Te Aitanga a Mahaki, Ngiiti Porou, Ngai 
'Tai through to Whakatohea: 
" Na iiku mdtua no kiinei o Te WhakatGhea, ka huri, ka huri 
te rohe o Horouta, a Tiikitimu, ko ngii maunga, huri, ki 
Taurangamoana, ka hoki mai ano ki k6nei to riitou mea. KO 
ngii Kiihere; ko Ngiiti Owai, ki Ngati Porou, a, he maha rdtou 
40 The entire recitation is extensive and is reserved for Whakat6hea descendants. 
la huri huri, tae rnai ki k6nei Ngai Tai, tae rnai ki k6nei. Ngd 
Mihaka, ngd Tzlpara, ngd Kohu mii, ra pea, me Etahi atu e hia 
ake. Ara te whdnau Porikapa md, o Karauria md, whanaunga 
kutoa mdtou. " 
Hinehou was born in 1936 in a traditional birth in the rohe of Te Aitanga a 
Mahaki; "I whdnau rnai au i te tekau ma rua o ngd rti o Maehe te tau kotahi 
mano iwa rau toru tekau ma ono ki Tdpuihikitia ki te k6hanga o te whdnau. 
KO au te whakamutunga o rdtou katoa. " Hinehou was born in a kohanga, a 
special whare set aside for birthing. Her father assisted her mother through 
the birth. Kuia provided protection over the birth though karkia; "I 
whiinau whahhiinauhia t6ku Miimd ki rot0 i tEna kohanga. KO taku Pdpa 
te kuiopeope ia a au. KO iiku kuia ngii kaitiaki, ngd kaihoro, ngd kaimanaaki 
ki a au, kaikarakia, me Era i noho atu ki te marae ki te hari ngd karakia. 
RiEtou ka tae i haria ngii karakia miiku i te wii i whiinau rnai au. " Hinehou's 
experience of men and women assisting in the birthing processes in 
traditional hfgori society thereby provides evidence of the complimentary 
nature of women's and men's roles. Also evident is the importance placed 
on the traditional practices associated with karakia, which continues today, 
Hinehou9s birth was difficult. She was born with the placenta around her 
neck. After surviving the difficult birth she was named li-om then on %e 
tamaiti taikaha', a 'strong child9: "Ai ki ngiE k6rero ipula i muri tcna, "He 
tamaiti taikaha koe. " KO Cna te korero o taku kuia matua, na te mea whdnau 
rnai au me taku pito e here ana ki taku kaE. KO Ena te k6rero e puta rnai i a 
ia: "He tamaiti taikaha tEnei, ko Zna pea tana ora. 'Nu,  whakahokia ahau ki 
te area, ku mutu ngd raru katoa ka pd ana ki te whakawhdnau whakahokia 
ahau ki te marae ... ". Being named fiom circumstances and incidents 
surrounding birth is a traditional practice. An example of this same practice 
may be found in the traditional narratives of TVhakatbhea. Hanenepounamu 
named her son Tamataipunoa, after the incidents surrounding his birth4'. 
Hinehou9s experiences demonstrate how such a practice continues today. 
Hinehou grew up in a whiinau that practiced the religion of Ringatu. Her 
koroua were well versed in the rituals and ltarakia of the Ringatu church and 
were priests of houses of higher learning. They prayed over her as she was a 
sickly child: "Tipu ake au i rot0 i te hiihi Ringatu. Tamaiti kaha matemate 
au. Tiakina au e dku koroua, a, he tohunga katoa riitou i roto i te hiihi. He 
tohunga and riitou mai i ngii kura wiinanga. Kiire mdhio i taua wii, mdhio 
he iwi tino miitau ratou ki ngii tikanga o te hiihi Ringatu. " 
Hinehou's koroua and kuia were experts in traditional knowledge and had 
entered the traditional houses of higher learning: 
"Koroua mlitau ki ngii tikanga o te ao kdhatu. PZra ano i i k ~  
kuia a Parewhai Miika, i haere ki te kura wdnanga o ngd mea, 
ko te wwdnanga te ingoa i Pwdkarai ki Uaua. Ana ko taku 
koroua, i noho atu ki te wharewdnanga i rot0 ia ko Mdtaki te 
ingoa. A me etahi atu wiinanga i uru ai etahi o dku kuia. KO 
tZtahi o ratou i noho ki Mahine, ... Itii ki Waerengahika. I 
reira &hi e ake aza ko Ztaht noho kl' Motu, a, ko Ztahi ano ki 
[Opotiw. )' 
Hinehou provides evidence that women and men participated in schools of 
higher learning as pupils and as teachers up until recently. Tohunga were 
required to enter whare waanga, where they underwent extensive training 
that was rigorous, exacting and several years long (Durie, 200 1 : 160). Entry 
requirements took into account tribal accountability, the protection of tribal 
41 See chapter 5 for this narrative. 
knowledge and overall tribal ambitions, and tohunga were afforded respect 
and status. From an early age tohunga were immersed in tribal rituals and 
tradition and largely became the carriers of tribal culture (ibid.). As 
indicated by the knowledge handed down to Hinehou about the 
circumstances of her birth, such practices continued till recent years and are 
still being practiced. According to Durie (200 1 : 157-1 65), traditional healing 
practices continue to have relevance in the lives ofM8ori today. Hinehou 
learned of the equal status that women held with men as holders of traditional 
knowledge. 
In 1966 Hinehou and her husband moved to R a u i  at Omarumutu to work a 
farm. Over that time they became whagai  parents to birth children from 
each of Hinehou's sisters: 
"I tonoa t6ku miimii ki taku tuakana kia homaihia t5tahipCpe 
ki a au. And my sister ... didn't really want to have to give any 
of her children away .... However, my mother insisted that she 
give me a child, then came to see me and said to me, your 
sister will give you a child, don't ever look for one outside 
your family, and the reason for that is lands, the properties, 
that the lands I will leave you will go to your own and not 
outsiders '... the wish of my mother that I will not allow anyone 
else outside ihe,fcrmily to take the properties that she was 
going to leave to me, and that my kuia and koroua will leave 
to me must go back to the family - bloodlines, whakapapa 
lines. " 
Hinehou's tuakana gave birth to a girl, and named the baby Hinehou, but did 
not give it up. The baby died after two months. Hinehou received the next 
child, a boy; "I moved straight in, washed the baby early hours of the 
morning, gave if the next feed and wrapped my baby up and took it back 
home to Omarumutu ". Hinehou's younger sister gave her a daughter. The 
birth father and his wh5inau were not happy about the baby girl being adopted 
out; "And they never really forgave my sister for giving her away. But it 
wasn't a question o f  giving her away, it was a matter of not being able to 
cope. " Sharing the load is a common reason for children becoming whiingai 
(Metge 1995:225). Winehou later on lightened the load for her son by taking 
two of his children as whagai; " My two moko, eldest moko I reared those 
two, because ofproblems that the parents faced. But in Miiori tikanga the 
kuia and koroua should rear the eldest mokopuna anyway ... ". These 
mokopuna have grown up and left home. She was given another to rear, a 
gift from her daughter to keep her company in her old age. She relays how 
an attachment was formed between her and the mokopuna before she took 
him as whSingai: 
"And I used to be in Waikato, and he'd, every time I'd ring up 
he S crying, he S crying his heart out ... I'd sing to him "Te 
tiionga o taku ngiikau ... ", and he 's crying, '... ko taku 
mokopuna e... . ', And he'd stop. And I'd say to him, ' Waiata 
mokopuna ', and he'd end the song offwith me .... KO te reo 
Miiori anahe tana reo i taua wii. And it was beautiful 
MGori .... A, ka hoki mai ki Whakatiine, haere ki Te Kohanga 
Keo i Whakatiine rii. While I was there Sharon said, 'Oh 
Mum, you have to have one of the kids for a mate for you. "Oh 
yes : 'Which one?'. Oh give me NgGp6. ' 'Ka noho koe ki t6 
kuia? ' . .. Oh he and I got on like a house on fire. " 
Hinehou is home-schooling her yomg vqhiingai, and practices a 
developmental method of educating him; "But I believe, not only your 
schooling, but ngii tikanga Maori, kia kite, kia rongo. He can read te 
paipera tapu ki a au. He can read 'Tuhoe Children of the Mist ', ngii waiata, 
takoto ki reira, waiata ngii waiata, waiata koroua, things like that, he has no 
problem. " Hinehou continues a tradition that determined the special 
relationship shared between mokopuna and kuia. She passes down 
traditional knowledge through providing opportunities for her moko to read 
and hear the traditional tales. 
Kuia indulging mokopuna has been part of Maori tradition since the time of 
MZui and Mahuika. Elders taking mokopuna from birth to teach them 
traditional knowledge in order that the knowledge is held for continuing 
generations is a practice that Hinehou continues today: "I have my special 
ones that I sort of not just pamper but I spoil to death. But there's usually a 
reason why I do that for them. Same as the oldpeople they used to, it was 
the teaching of the culture that they fed those particular mokopuna so that it 
would not be lost in the whdnau. I have the same habit that they had. " 
Hinehou's experiences provide evidence that practices associated with 
handing down of knowledge fi-om kuia to mokopuna, continue today. 
Hinehou provides an example of the important connection between the 
practice of whbgai, whakapapa and land ownership rights. Sharon's birth 
father and his whbau  may have fi-etted because of the real possibility that a 
branch to their whakapapa could become lost to them through the practice of 
whhgai. Also highlighted Is the role thzt wemen may asslme in ensuing 
that tipuna land remains within the whibau. Hinehou's mother played a 
pivotal role in ensuring traditional practices to do with childless whaau and 
whbgai children are practices that continue today. Hinehou9s mother 
provides her with a role model of a woman as strong, political, and as a 
keeper of tradition. 
Hinehou remembers kuia and koroua being active in the upbringing of 
mokopuna. When she was growing up few words were used to control 
behaviow: of mokopuna. Most significant was the intonation and choice of 
words used, which relayed the message that mokopuna immediately 
understood and responded to: 
"I  te wd tipu kiire au i rongo i aku kuia, koroua e kaha 
tohutohu ana i a rniitou. Engari ka h2 i a rndtou tetahi mea, 
paku noa nei te kiirero. Engari ko te kaha o te reo, ko te tangi 
o te reo, ko te hhiki i te rangi o nga kupu, mohio rniitou, aue, 
tino kino d mdtou mahi. And, you know aahua p2nei na ka 
pikt koe ki te taumata ahakon kore te miihio ku rongo koe te 
reo e pdkea ana pznei. Heke mai know. Pera noa. " 
Hinehou also learned about where her rightful place was at the marae when 
she was a mokopuna. She learnt through Kuia allowing her to experience the 
consequences of being in the wrong place. As a child, Hinehou enjoyed 
singing and being at her kuia's side on the paepae. Her kuia handed Hinehou 
a challenge of leading a song. Hinehou faltered. Feeling embarrassed, she 
ran from the paepae and never returned to carry out such duties at the front 
until she in turn reached the status of kuia herself. She explains; "Ka huri au, 
ku oma. Kaore au ano te noho ki te pae drnuri ake. " 
Kuia Moroara educate young children in different ways abmt where Lhey 
fit within whwau or hapu. Experiencing 'whakamii' humiliation is one way 
that mokopuna may leam about their rightful place. 
Hinehou strongly identifies with many iwi, including WhakatTihea. Although 
identity as Maori may be based on identifying with particular whwau, hapii 
or iwi, Hinehou's experiences demonstrates that affiliation to many iwi is 
also a reality. Knowledge of whakapapa and links to iwi other than that 
which one is with at the time is something that was useful in the past and 
continues to be a practice valued today. Hinehou's knowledge of her 
whakapapa links to her various iwi shows that such a practice of 
acknowledging those links is still applicable today. Older whiinau members 
played a significant role in nurturing her identity as Maori. As a mokopuna, 
Hinehou learned about her righthl place at the marae. She learnt through 
Kuia allowing her to experience the consequences of being in the wrong 
place. She also learned from role models like her kuia, about the role of 
women in traditional wh5inau being equal in status to men. The Maori 
practices to do with naming of children and whihgai were experiences that 
contributed to Hinehou's understanding and identity as Maori. Her return 
home to Whakatijhea over recent years and her work with NgSiti Rua and 
Whakatijhea indicates a secure sense of identity as Whakatijhea as well as 
Maori. 
Sharon 
Sharon is the wh5ingai daughter of Hinehou and affiliates to NgSiti Rua at 
O m m u h .  Sharon is the birth daughter of Hinehou's yolrnger sister. "KO 
dku mdtua ko Hinehou rdua ko Barry Campbell. He whdngai ahau. KO taku 
Miimii tuturu, te teina o taku Mdmd. Tokotoru waku tuakana. Engari ko taku 
tcngane, e tipu ake i a maua i Rudtoki, ko Allen Campbell tana ingoa .... 
Tokorima waku tamariki. 42 
12 This was the number of children at the tlmc of the interview 
Sharon was a baby when her family lived at Omarumutu and at eighteen 
months they moved to live at Ruatoki. Her childhood experiences amongst 
Tuhoe and with other significant elders helped to shape her identity as Maori. 
Kuia and Koroua played a central role. At Rugtoki Sharon adopted her 
friend's koroua and kuia. She would spend weekends with them, where she 
learned about collecting, growing, harvesting and preparing traditional and 
cultivated foods - rnaa  kai. She recalls what it was like; "Most ofher lawn 
was kai garden and it was all year around keeping the kai gardens going for 
the whdnau. Their house was alwayspacked with mokopuna .... there was 
always plenty of kai .... I was very fortunate to have spent time with these 
kaumdtua" (Sharon). 
Sharon's experiences demonstrate how substitute extended whiinau may 
replace the whakapapa based extended whiinau for Maori families living 
outside their tribal boundaries. Sharon found substitute grandparents in the 
tribal area of Tuhoe where she grew up. Durie (2001 : 193) refers to similar 
experiences occurring for MSiori who move from tribal locations into urban 
neighbourhoods. Traditional whiinau relationships and roles may be 
trmsfened to neighboucs where ""[]he parents next door bec[o]me uncle md 
aunty; the elderly mavl two houses away [is] identified as the kaumatua.. ." 
(Ibid.). Sharon's experience then is one shared by many Maori who move 
away kom their traditional iwi boundaries. Sharon's experience shows that 
identity with being Maori may be developed even when living outside of 
tribal boundaries. 
Sharon developed a sense of belonging through participating as a child in the 
spiritual activities practiced by the local iwi. Attending Ringatii religious 
services may have contributed to Sharon identifying with being Maori. 
Sharon can remember seeing kuia that wore rnoko kauae at ~ e k a u - m a - r ~ a ~ ~  
at Ruatoki, but doesn't recall any personal contact with any; "I remember 
seeing [kuia with moko kauae] .... but not actually sitting with, listening and 
talking. " M a t  she remembers is the w m  atmosphere; "".. although nol 
understanding what was going on, I could certainly&el the warmth and the 
wairua ... I used to remember just the droning of the voices as they sang the 
piinui and the himene and the waiata. That will stay with me forever. 
There S just something about those waiata ... and it's afeeling of belonging 
when I hear those waiata. " The moko on the women's faces, services 
carried out in te reo Maori, and the ambiance surrounding the gatherings 
helped develop within Sharon a sense of belonging. 
While young, Sharon was not entirely secure in her sense of identity as a 
Maori. She could not speak or understand te reo Maori, and was considered 
a P2keha by the Maori community she grew up in. Not speaking Maori in a 
M8ori speaking c o m m i t y  also contsibided to her feelings of alienation 
Fsom the Maori world. "Tihvera School, although it was a Miiori Native 
school, the dominant language was English. All my mates arejluent 
speakers of Te reo Miiori and the main language at home was normally 
Miiori although none of them actually spoke to me in MGori. Embarrassing 
not to have learnt to speak te reo. But ifits not directed at you, you will miss 
13 Tekau-ma-ma = A Ringatu Church three day religious celebration covering the twelfih day of each month; Rinney & Chaplin, 
1986. 
out. " Maori was the language that the Tuhoe elders used: "I couldn 't 
understand them ifthey spoke to me in te re0 Miiori. You knew they were 
growling because of their expression and how they raised their voice". 
Through the actions and voice intonation of the kuia and koroua, Sharon was 
able to decipher meaning and intent. What is significant here is that although 
Sharon was exposed to te reo Maori when growing up, she was unable to 
understand or speak it. Not receiving support from significant adults in her 
life may have contributed to Sharon not learning to speak Maori. Although 
Sharon's mother is a fluent Maori speaker, her father imposed his views 
about te reo Maori on the family. His view was that te reo Maori would not 
benefit them; "The attitude of my dad didn 't help ". Sharon links speaking te 
reo Maori with Maori identity. Not having the ability to speak Maori, 
contributed to Sharon's confusion about her identity as Maori. I-ler 
experience highlights how exposure alone to te reo Maori on a regular basis 
may not necessarily translate into a person becoming fluent in understanding 
and use of the language. A child best learns language in context and with 
constant reinforcement through use and encouragement from significant 
adults. Actively engaging with a language helps ones ability in a language. 
Cultural meanings md beliefs are imbedded in a language (Walker, 
2001 223) as highlighted by the whakatauki: 
KO te reo te mauri o te mana Miiori 
(The language is the key that unlocks the treasures of a 
culture). (Kupenga et. al. 1990:8) 
Although Sharon did have easy access to Maori language, an essential 
element to Maori developing a secure Maori identity, she was not able to 
benefit fully from that exposure at the time. 
As a school child, Sharon found herself codused about her ethnicity because 
of her physical appearance. Physical characteristics contributed to how 
Sharon was identified relative to those around her: 
"I must admit at Rufitoki I was always referred to as apakeha 
because I was quite fair compared to everyone else at school. 
That kind of afected me a lot you know because you feel you 
didn't belong". When I attended High School in Hamilton ... 
you 're referred to as a Maori. So you didn't know where you 
belonged ethnically. In my Maori world I was a pakehii, in the 
pdkehli world I was a Maori. You're in limbo." 
Sharon's experience, at that time in her life, highlights how comparative 
differences in skin colow contribute to Maori being identified by Maori as 
being p&eha and thereby affecting their identity with being Mgori. 
Although Durie (2001) does not include the physical appearance factor in his 
levels of Maori identity, it is clear that Sharon could not feel secure in the 
Maori world and therefore could not have a secure identity with being M2iori 
because of being perceived by Maori around her as having p&eha physical 
characteristics. Sharon's experiences introduce a social acceptance facet to 
secure identity with being MBori. 
Sharon found benefits in identifying with being pakeha as well as Maori. 
Sharon's p&eha father had many contacts within the p5ikehS world: "He 
was involved in the Lion S Club, so you knew the local businesspeople". 
Such contacts came in handy later when she was able to use those networks 
to gain work: "I was fortunate being exposed to both worlds, and able to go 
between the two worlds ... ". She noticed that the significant advantages that 
came from being identified as p5ikeha and not Maori when comparing her 
circumstances to those of her Mgori peers. I3er Maori fiends could not find 
work as easily as she did; "I used to get arohafor myfriends who didn 't 
have the same networks in the business world. " Sharon's experiences 
highlight the advantages of identifying with being piikehii in a world where 
piikeha hold control of resources. She also provides an example of how 
pikeha control the wealth and the distribution of that wealth and that racism 
is the criteria for distribution. Her experiences provide evidence of the 
power and wealth differential between Maori and piikeha and how such 
differences advantage p&ehg. 
However, through contact with her extended whbau, Sharon was able to 
form some connection to identifying with being Maori. Sharon's mother 
ensured that Sharon and her brother, both whiingai children, knew who their 
natural fmil y were. "My mum maintained our link with our Maori world 
where we would go to the marae, not all the time, but that link was 
maintained with our Maori world ". She doesn't remember spending much 
time with her immediate kuia and koroua; "My kuia, Mum S mother had 
passed on before I was born. " However Sharon recalls visiting her maternal 
grandfather, her koroua who lived in a kauta at Tapuihikitia marae at 
Tikanga. Sharon remembers these as happy times; "Yeah he was a real 
character our grandfather. He had nicknames for all of his mokopuna, he 
used to always like having us on. " Nicknaming ofmokopuna by kuia mid 
koroua may be a show of endearment as Sharon's experience indicates. 
Sharon's experience highlights the important role that extended whaau and 
in particular older relatives play in developing and maintaining a sense of 
identity with being Maori. 
Tertiary study was the beginning of Sharon acquiring knowledge about 
tikanga and te reo Msori. Sharon was encouraged by her mother to enter 
tertiary study as a means to better her life choices. Sharon trained to be a 
teacher. She returned to TZiwera and RuZitoki schools as part of her training: 
" I  was absolutely terriJied of going to RuiEtoki because of the 
competency in te reo, and i knew 1 wasn't very conz9dent in ie 
reo Maori. But it was the best thing I could have done - 
walking into your fears. And that really did give me a good 
start in speaking Mfiori. I envisaged the kids laughing at me. 
But once I'd actually got over the anxiety levels that I created 
I actually understood quite a bit. At Ruatoko I was in the bi- 
lingual class. I started to slowly listen and gain confidence in 
te re0 Maori. " 
Sharon provides an example of how feelings of whakarna potentially hinder 
non-M5iori speakers taking part in activities that are likely to improve their 
chances of learning te reo Maori. 
After completing her teacher training, Sharon decided to complete a degree: 
"'I wanted to gain fluency in te reo, because Ididn 't want to go into school as 
a Mdori teacher with very little reo, and I felt I didn't know enough about my 
Maori world as well. " Through her study, Sharon became awakened to the 
suffering of Mgori following the colonisation of Aotearoa by paehii: "When 
I.. . started studying about the history, and how just the injustices, the 
legislation impacted on Mdori, the WhakatGhea raupatu issue was coming to 
the fore at the time. That's when I decided to find out more, Mum and I 
attended hui-a-iwi. " Sharon works as a Maori teacher at Wh%tatutu, and 
regularly returns to Opiitiki where her mother lives, and is involved with 
hapii and iwi socio-politics. 
Sharon wears a moko kauae, a symbol of identity that contains whakapapa. 
Her mother asked her if she would like to wear the moko for their whaau. 
Sharon agreed but decided to wait until she completed a milestone in her life 
- graduating with her degree. When Shason completed her degree she began 
the process towards getting her moko kaue. She contacted the tohunga 
suggested by her mother: 
" ... the fist question he asked me, 'Have you got consent 
fiom your iwi? ' ... Well I said I have too many iwi to actually 
get consentJFom them all. But I did attend one hapii hui, 
Ngfiti Rua back at Omarumutu, and I asked there at my hapii 
what they thought of about me going to have my moko kauae 
done .... I had got quite a bit of negative feedback actually, and 
a couple of  them said, 'You're too young ', and 'Are you the 
kiiwai rangatira to get your moko done? ', and those kind of 
comments. So my mum got up and decided to talk in support 
of my moko kauae. And when she finished they said to me, 'Its 
up to you Sharon. Thank you for coming back to ask the 
hap0 : And that S what I told Derek, and then he just said to 
me, 'Okay, come back in a couple a weeks time. " 
Sharon was required to prove that her iwi accepted that she had adequate 
whakapapa rights to carry a moko kauae. Moko kauae symbolise amongst 
other things status and leadership that is acknowledged by hapii or iwi. 
Sharon's mother endorsed her daughter's right to wear the rnoko, which 
eventually received support by members of Ngiiti h a .  Shason went on to 
have a moko kauae done: 
"And the actual story about my moko. The sign I have on my 
lips is the 'whakatara : which is the common designfiom 
Mfitaatua round to the Gisborne district, and those are the iwi 
I belong to. The whakatara is the scales of the fish I think it 
is. I have also the ururoa kind of design on there and that 
represents kind of the morals of that whakatauki 'Me mate iwi, 
kei mute wheke '. matever goals you set in li$e you must 
strive to uchieve them. " 
The symbols on her moko kauae represent for Sharon a secure identity as 
Maori. Sharon displays a strong and secure identity as Whakatbhea and 
Maori. 
Sharon's early childhood experiences helped to shape her identity as MZiori. 
She grew up amongst Tuhoe where she formed bonds which mirrored 
traditional whakapapa based whwau relationships highIighting the 
adaptability of the traditional whbau unit today. Also, naming or in her case 
nicknaming of mokopuna by kuia and koroua is a customary practice which 
Sharon was exposed to. Sharon was not able to fully appreciate the Maori 
world because of not having the right Wakapapa within the community she 
grew up in, her physical characteristics, and her lack of te reo Maori. W e n  
young she was caught between the two worlds of MBori and p&eha, and was 
never able to strongly identify with either ethnic group. However, she was 
able to reap the advantages of being connected to the pikeha world through 
the networks and connections made possible by her p&eh% father. Although 
Sharon did have easy access to Maori language, an essential element to 
developing a secure MZiori identity, she was not able to benefit fully from 
that exposure at the time. Despite Sharon's limited understanding of te reo 
Maori while young, other cultural experiences ensured that she identified 
with being Maori. Sharon, as an adult sought out her MSiori identity through 
studying at university. She became awakened to the injustices suffered by 
MZiori and in particular Wakatbhea and returned to Whakatijhea as a result. 
Sharon wears her whakapapa and her identity as a MBori on her chin with her 
moko kauae. Sharon's experiences and views demonstrate that she has a 
secure sense of identity with being Maori and Whakatiihea. 
Lena 
Lena traces her WhakatGhea lineage through her paternal grandmother 
Riihera of the Rewita Hohaia whbau to NgG Tama at Opape. 
Lena Merina was born on the 1 6'h of January 1942, in a kiiuta by the fireside 
at Te Waoa in TGrere. "It was a two-roomedplace our kkiuta ... it was 
utilised as a kitchen a bedroom, sitting room, then we had one bedroom 
where all the tamariki slept. " She is named after a Scottish ancestress called 
Merlina; "nicknamed Honey ". Lena named each of her siblings providing 
nicknames for some. Two of her siblings are named after ancestors. Her 
younger sister Muriwai, lives at TGrere. Lena describes her sister's 
personality; "really strong and is there looking after our whenua and looking 
after our whdnaupom home ... really very vocal and very knowledgeable 
about who she is, tana taha Maori and tana taha wahine - wahine toa. " The 
eldest brother has been given the name of Hotmoa, the name given to the 
captzin of the Tainrui waka. Lena has named her daughter Ramona after a 
sister; "she passed on, she died in a drink drive accident. Thirty-two years 
ago .... She had no issues. I remember that because my daughter is named 
after her. She died when I was pregnant with my elciest child " Lena's 
experiences provide evidence of how traditional practices associated with 
naming of children after important people or significant events, continues to 
have relevance today. 
Lena grew up mostly in Tiirere, and for a little while Ruatoria. She was 
&awn back to Ngai Tama because of her counselling work within 
WhakatTihea. Lena is torn between committing time to social and political 
service to WhakatTihea and other iwi she is connected to; "Am I Ngai Tai? 
Am I NgiEti Awa? Am I Tuhoe? Am I Whakatdhea? I'm all those, but can 
only give so much ... I have afoot in the door at Ngati Awa too, NgiEti 
Pukeko. " Lena feels she can best contribute to WhakatGhea through her 
counselling work where she has expertise as opposed to politics where she 
feels she does not have a great deal of knowledge. Lena is also connected 
through her mother to Ngati Porou. 
Lena remembers only twice visiting Opape marae when a child; "Only twice 
that Nanny brought me to the marae ... I think of those times when the old 
kiiuta was there, the old wharekai ... The homes where Nanny Poirangi - I 
can 't remember all my nanny S sisters ... they all had little whare all around 
there the back where they cleared the bank now, where you go down the 
drop ... ". She remembers feeling special to her grandmother; "Yes she was 
always proud ofher Torere m ~ k o ~ ~ u n a  - I don't know why, but Iguess we 
were different. That's the only time I ever stuck to her. She used to say, 
'Merina haere ki te tiki! ', or 'Go and get something at the whare ' , and I 
would say, 'Kao! : (Lena). Cjtene Reihana (in Metge 1995: 1673, noted that 
"calling on children to perform tasks is itself a way of indicating approval 
and pride in their competence". It may be possible that through asking Lena 
to run little errands Lena's grandmother was expressing her pride and 
affection for her mokopuna. Sending Lena up to the wharenui may also have 
been a subtle way of showing Lena off to others at the whare. Mokopuna 
may fail to recognise the hidden messages of approval by kuia (ibid.). 
Lena's confbsion as a mokopuna of correct marae tikanga prevented her from 
carrying out her grandmother's request; "I wouldn 't come up to the meeting 
house, cause like to me it was a tapu place ... " This refusal may have been 
because Lena remembered being restricted fiom entering certain places and 
taking part in certain practices; " ... we were never allowed in the meeting 
house over here at Opape ... I remember the k6rero about 'that's not the 
place for the mokopuna'; you know all that stufway back in the past aye. 
And today I challenge that. Why is it that the mokopuna can't come when 
there's a death. Part of the grieving, they need to do their grieving and all 
that sort of stuff '. Limiting children's participation in certain ceremonies is 
that as tangata whenua, parents, kuia, and koroua are likely much too busy 
working taking care of obligations to manuhiri. Perhaps adults kept children 
away for practical reasons. Children may have merely got in the way. 
Lena's experiences with her immediate kuia she remembers as painfbl. She 
explains: 
"In our whiinau her own mokopuna, our Nan divided us. She 
divided us in this way - those of us who had Whakat6hea and 
Ngai Tai names were recognised as having some munu, 
whereas those of us, including myseK who had Ngiiti Porou 
names were definitely Ngiiti Porou. So she wasn't my 
favourite Nanny. Those of us who had ginger or blonde hair 
usually had Ngtiti Porou names ... That remains with me like 
the put-downs .... remains with children like myselffor the rest 
of my and their lives. Like the korero stings, and hurts. 
Nanny and I didn 't get along. .. . . I didn 't like her. I hated my 
grandmother, I hated her!" 
Lena's experiences here confirm the power of assigning tipuna names to 
children. Naming is an important aspect of maintaining identity. 
Grandparents, or whZinau elders are often asked to choose the names of 
mokopuna. Naming a child after certain events or tipuna carries with the 
name responsibilities. Children were named or dedicated through the name 
they were given, certain roles to fulfil in their lives. Examples may be found 
throughout WhakatGhea history of how naming children after certain events 
or to fulfil specific duties was practiced.44 Another consideration, elders may 
recognise in mokopuna certain characteristics passed down from a tipuna 
through the mokopuna and therefore nurture that mokopuna. Lena's 
grandmother may have been teaching her mokopuna about the significance 
of their names. Grandparents indulging in grandchildren, and having pets is 
part of Maori history. Children that carry the names of tipuna of the same 
lineage of the grandparent may also be given special treatment because of the 
responsibilities that would come with carrying that name. However, 
mokopuna who do not carry names that are important to grandparents may 
feel pushed aside and neglected as evidenced by Lena's experiences. 
In spite of Lena's unhappy memories associated with her grandmother, she 
has learnt through tGhunga that her grandmother is looking over her 
descendants: "When Igo to tiihunga and that ... they always k6rero about 
her. They don't know her. Next thing, and they describe my grandmother, 
and she's sitting behind me, or just above me. Yeah they describe her to a 
44 For example, Hanenepounamu named two of her children, Tfitimure and Tamataipunoa after significant events. See chapter 5. 
tee. So it's like she's there. And other members of my whiinau, its always 
her supporting us. The kuia is here. So even though she was very verbal and 
put-down, well that's how it seemed then, she was ofvalue. ". Maori 
traditional beliefs, which speak, of the parallel existence of the living and the 
dead are beliefs which apply and continue to have relevance in today as 
evidenced by Lena's experience. 
Lena has three mokopuna from two of her children. Her son Gordon has a 
daughter. Lena's daughter, Ramona had two children, but the youngest was 
adopted out. Lena did not support her decision to adopt the child out: 
"That part of me as a mother and as a nanny, was really a 
hurlful time because she didn't want me or anyone else in the 
whiinau to bring him up, so she adopted him out of the 
whiinau.. .. there are times when it hurts ... I don't see him 
enough ... engari I keep my own whahzpapa and all those 
things for when he's old enough. He has his own special little 
books andphoto S that I keep for him. I can send them to him 
now, but it's almost like sending an Easter egg on Easter time 
without the k6rero to go with it. So, I would rather that there 
be a special time when that happens when he's old enough to 
know that we will go and have a k6rero. And $1 happen to be 
dead, it S on tape and I've already written the k6rero for 
him ... Iwant to have all my moko S to me because I think Ican 
bring them up better. " 
Lena's experience highlights the important role that women may assume to 
pass on whZinau whakapapa knowledge to mokopuna. 
Lena's experience demonstrates the important place that kuia may have in 
shaping how mokopuna develop a sense of identity with particular whZinau, 
hapii or iwi. Whaau  elders traditionally had the role of educating mokopuna 
about whakapapa. This may take many forms. Lena's grandmother may 
have chosen to teach her mokopuna about their iwi affiliations through subtle 
means. Lena's experiences highlight how the practices associated with 
naming children after tipuna or people of significant importance to the 
whiinau, is a traditional practice, which has relevance in the lives of 
Wakatiihea women today. Lena demonstrates a secure identity with being 
Maori, and acknowledges connections to many iwi including WhakatGhea. 
Discussion and Analysis 
The women acknowledged links to hau kainga through references to several 
cultural sites of tiirangawaewae (home lands); marae (tribal community 
complex); iwi kainga (tribal village); unrpa (ancestral burial sites); awa 
(ancestral rivers within tribal boundaries); mamga (ancestral mountains) 
(Tomlins-Jahnke 2002505, Smith L., 1996:211); or tauranga ika (tribal 
fishing grounds). 
Connection to and ideatifieation with significant cultural sites for the women 
emerged from experiences with wh&au, playing, working, and living on 
whenua tipuna or marae. Early experiences helped T2irati form a secure 
sense of identity as Maori, and more specifically WhakatGhea through her 
ties to the hapti of Ngati NgZihere. EIer children were introduced to and 
formed relationships with whanaunga and the homeplace. 
Peggy grew up in Opotiki. Visiting elder relatives at Terere marae helped 
her form an attachment to the marae through the positive interactions she had 
with them. These contributed to her choosing to identify as Whakatiihea. 
Julie grew up at O m m u t u  within the boundaries of Ng5iti Rua in the 
family homestead on ancestraI land. Other whihau contributed to her 
identifling with the location. With her extended whiinau, Julie took part in 
activities that helped her to form an attachment to the 'home place9. 
Working and playing on the land and the nearby beach and river helped her 
to form a secure sense of identity with 'home'. 
Pane grew up on ancestral land in the family homestead at Torere within the 
iwi of Ngai Tai. Her whwau participated in community activities at the local 
marae, church, and school. Such activities helped Pane form a secure Ngai 
Tai identity. Although Pane claimed links to Whakatijhea through Nggti 
Rua, these were not active. She was able to reactivate her obligations to 
Whakatijhea through her husband, as a supportive spouse. 
Lena also grew up within the rohe of Ngai Tai. However, regular visits to 
her grandmother who lived at Opape marae helped her to form a reIationship 
to the hapii of Ngai Tama. Lena's identity as Whakatijhea is secure due to 
her knowledge of whakapapa links and access to whenua tipuna and whaau. 
Hinehou grew up in ~ u r a n ~ a ~ ~ ,  but returned to Om utu as an adult. She 
participates in marae activities today. Returning to the 'home place' is 
important in maintaining strong connections. 
"' Turanga = Gisbome. 
For Sharon identity as Whakatijhea developed out of struggles to identify as 
Miiori. Sharon adopted substitute whSinau in the community she grew up in. 
She became absorbed in the culture of marae, while attending school, and 
working. As an adult Sharon returned to Ornarurnutu and Ngiiti Rua, 
rekindling her links to Whakatijhea and participating in marae activities. 
The women's experiences demonstrate how connections to hau kainga 
develop out of engaging with the physical environment - whenua, marae, and 
other geographical locations. The next chapter m h e r  explores the 
relationship between whakapapa, whenua, and mana-wiihine. 
Kaumgtua: Kui mn8 Koro mH 
The important role that whSinau elders play in shaping mokopuna and 
whiinau member's identity is demonstrated throughout all the women's 
narratives. Kuia and koroua were repositories of WhakatGhea whiinau 
knowledge. 'This knowledge was important to identity as Whakatiihea 
whbau. The study participants experiences, point to the loss of identity that 
comes when mokopuna are not the recipients of whakapapa or cultural 
knowledge. 
Taati shared her knowledge of, whakapapa and land connections 
information and te reo through her work in Kohanga Reo. Julie benefited 
from her grandfather's knowledge of cultural issues, and his willingness to 
pass on that knowledge through story telling. This helped instil a sense of 
identity with the area. She noticed the lack of identity as Milori in her 
younger siblings who were not as privileged as she was to benefit from that 
contact and relationship with whiinau elders. 
Hinehou was handed down whakapapa knowledge from her elders and is 
passing down such knowledge to her children and grandchildren. Sharon and 
her children are recipients of this knowledge. The women's experiences 
demonstrate the importance of acquiring knowledge of cultural values and 
practices through elder whiinau, hapii, or iwi members. 
Whanaungatanga: Connections to many iwi 
Although the majority of the women in the present study were secure in their 
identity as Whakatohea, affiliation to many iwi was also a reality for them 
(Smith, L., 1996:211; Karetu, 1979:27). Choice of identity with particular 
iwi and the level of commitment to these iwi was an issue for them. Six of 
the women participants dentified with many iwi (Julie, Pane, Peggy, 
Hinehou, and Sharon). Tiirati however, chose to identify with only 
WhakatTihea despite her knowledge of whakapapa links to other iwi. Self- 
identity is an important component of 'secure identity9 according to Durie9s 
(1995; 1996) identity measure, and is a choice that each of the women made 
for themselves. 
Knowledge of whakapapa links to iwi other than Whakatohea developed in 
different ways. Most of the women were handed down the knowledge from 
elder whiinau members. Others discovered their connections to other iwi 
through attending school or work, or whiinau ceremonial activities such as 
tangi or family reunions. Too many choices created a sense of burden for 
Lena who did not wish to choose one iwi over the other; "I'm all those but 
can only give so much ... . ". However there came advantages with knowing 
whakapapa and developing whaau networks. m e n  Lena was young her 
whiinau moved to be with her mother's whSinau when her parents went 
through a marriage breakup. Whanaungatanga provided the collateral for 
access to tribal resources for some of the women. Sharon was given her 
moko kauae by a tohunga of one of her tribe. Pane found employment 
through her whanaunga. Knowledge of whakapapa and knowing links to 
related iwi was useful in the past and continues to be a practice valued today. 
Tapa atu i te ingoa 
'The connection between naming, whakapapa, and identity was important to 
five of the seven women. Some names traditionally carried histories of 
significant people, places, and events (Metge 1995 : 142). Some names 
carried mana and recipients were believed to inherit some of the qualities of 
the original ancestor through the name (Metge 1995: 142). Smith (L, 1999) 
observes that: 
Children quite literally wear their history in their names. By 
'naming the world' people name their realities. For 
communities there are realities, which can only be found in 
the indigenous language; the concepts, which are self-evident 
in the indigenous language, can never be captured by another 
language. (p. 167). 
The women's stories provide evidence that confirm the power behind names 
and naming in shaping individuals, whiinau, hapii or iwi identity. 
The naming of children after tipuna or other significant whaau  members or 
events was important for five of the seven women. It also helps link these 
children with particular whaau, hapii, and iwi. Lena, Julie, Sharon, Pane, 
and Hinehou, either had children or other whbau members who were named 
after them or were named after other close whaau members or tipuna. 
Linked to the tipuna name, were responsibilities and/or privileges and the 
identity of the particular person, whhau, hap$ or iwi. Metge (1995) in her 
study of a Northland whhau found that, "such names have mana as a result 
of previous associations recipients are believed to inherit some of the 
qualities of the original possessor along with the name. Many are taonga, 
that belong to the w h a a u  and often also hapii and iwi" (Metge, 1995: 142). 
Particular descent lines are attached to particular names (ibid.). 
Naming children after tipuna helps to form a link between past and present 
generations of whhau  thereby strengthening identity through whakapapa 
with a particular whbau  (Metge 1995: 143). Pane, Lena, and Hinehou 
provide examples of how names may carry with them privileges and 
responsibilities for those named after the ancestor or whaau  member. 
One of the privileges that came with naming was to do with the gifting of 
land. Often land is gifted to children who are named after particular whhau 
or tipuna attached to particular land (Metge, 1995: 143). Demonstrated here 
is the important association that the women make between naming, land, 
whakapapa, and identity. According to Metge (1995): 
Particular descent lines are attached to particular names 
(ibid.). Naming a child has important psychological, social, 
and even political implications. A child named after an 
ancestor develops a special emotional connection with that 
ancestor, an interest in him or her as a role model and a special 
attachment to his or her descent line. (p. 143). 
The ancestor's mana may also be conferred on to the child by relatives and 
others who may treat the child as special (ibid.). Two of Lena's siblings are 
each named after an eponymous ancestor. The eldest brother is named after 
the Tainui waka captain, Hoturoa. Her younger sister is named after the 
eponymous ancestress of Whakatbhea, Muriwai. Lena assigns to her sister 
the same personality characteristics that have often been used to describe the 
tipuna kuia that her sister is named after (Stirling 1980:84; Amoamo 1996: 1, 
Lyall, 1997:7). Lena describes her as,'strong', 'looking after whenua9, 
'knowledgeable about taha MSiori and taha w;ihine9, and 'wi%ine toa'. Lena 
provides an example of how recipients of ancestor names may be assigned 
for MSiori carry with them not only the hopes of others for the particulsu 
person carrying the name to fulfil certain expectations, but the wairua (or the 
spirit) of the ancestor may also live on in the name though the descendant 
who carries it. 
Lena described how certain of her siblings were given special treatment by 
her grandmother because of their names and the association of the name with 
particular iwi. However, she also described how others who did not carry 
particular tipuna kames felt left out. Those with tipuna names may learn 
through elders about their whakapapa through the way they are treated. 
Pane, Lena, and Hinehou provide examples of how names and naming are 
impodant factors to formation of identity. Their experiences also 
demonstrate how naming children afier tipuna is a tradition that continues to 
have relevance in the lives of WhakatTihea women and men today. Naming 
and names help to create relationships that add to the identity of certain 
whakapapa lineages. 
Children are named to commemorate whhau events, or whhau members. 
Julie's grandmother was named Te Urikore from circumstances of 
importance to the whbau. It was predicted that the lineage would be in 
danger of dying out, as a result the name 'Te ~ r i k o r e ' ~ ~  was given to her. 
Having a private and public name (Metge 1995: 143) was another aspect to 
the theme of names and naming that two of the women (Lena and Pane) 
highlighted. The women or members of their whhau had a Maori name that 
was used in whibau or Maori settings and another name that was more 
commonly known and used outside of these settings. This practice of having 
a paeha name for public use as well as a Maori name for whiinau or Maori 
settings is a post-colonial experience that other colonised indigenous nations 
share with Maori: 
As a result of Christian baptism practices, which introduced 
Christian names and family names, and schooling practices, 
where teachers shortened names or introduced either generic 
names or nicknames, many indigenous communities hid their 
indigenous names either by using them only in indigenous 
ceremonies or by positioning them as second names. 
(Smith 1999: 157). 
16 Te Urikore = without issue. or childless 
Nicknaming was also an experience shared by Lena and Sharon. Lena gave 
the nicknames of all her siblings, which sometimes described certain physical 
or temperament characteristics attached to the tipuna and child. For instance, 
'Honey', 'Wobbly9, and 'Ducky' are names assigned to three of her four 
sisters. Her grandmother also had nicknames for all her mokopuna. Metge 
(1 997: 142) found that tipuna name were often replaced by a nickname to 
lighten the burden of responsibility that may come with carrying a tipuna 
name. Lena's grandmother used the nicknames as a means of dividing the 
children into tribal groups according to their given name and physical 
attributes. Also, tribal affiliations were attributed to certain physical 
characteristics. The fairer children were deemed to belong to NgZiti Porou. 
The children named after WhakatGhea or Ngai Tai tipuna were given special 
treatment by the Whakatiihea kuia. Other children were given nicknames 
that were viewed as derogatory by Lena. Sharon's grandfather on the other 
hand had nicknames for his mokopuna that expressed affection and 
endearment toward his mokopuna. Lena and Sharon's experience 
demonstrates how naming and in this case nicknaming may play an 
important role in developing and maintaining a sense of identity with 
particular iwi and vvhiinau. 
These experiences provide evidence of the relevance of traditional practices 
pertaining to naming children, in the lives of WhakatGhea women and men 
today. Also evident is the connection between identity, whakapapa, and 
naming. Such experiences provide evidence of how traditional practices 
associated with naming of children after important people or significant 
events, continues to have relevance today. 
Whsngai 
The traditional practice of whikgai tamariki was an important aspect of five 
of the seven women's lives (Pane, Hinehou, Sharon, Julie and Lena). Three 
(Pane, Hinehou and Sharon) have personal experience of being whibgai or 
matua whiingai. Their experiences demonstrate how the traditional practice 
of whagai is still widely used today amidst the pressure towards p&eha 
adoption practices. 
Whibgai is the term used for children who are raised by other than birth 
parents (Metge 1995:99). The practice of whangai is similar to the p5ikeha 
notion of adoption. The main differences being, that customarily, the 
practice of whwgai is not formalised through a legal contract, nor is the 
identity of birth parents concealed. Whakapapa connections remain a 
fundamental Maori value that continues to apply with the institution of 
whibgai. To whaga i  means, to feed, nourish, and to bring up (ibid.). There 
is an understanding that not only the physical needs of the whiingai but also 
their need to be nurtured mentally and spiritually would be met by matua 
whagai  (adoptive parents) (ibid.). A whibgai relationship occurs for a 
number of reasons. Keeping whakapapa links or maintenance of ahi-ki? 
rights are the main reasons (Tomlins-Jahnke 2002:509), but the underlying 
value is aroha (love). Aroha, for childless couples, or for birth parents, who 
may not have the physical, emotional, or economic resources to care for a 
child; or for orphaned children. The arrangements to whagai a child may be 
initiated by the child's birth parents, the would-be miitua whiingai, or a 
kaumiitua of the wh5inau (Metge 1995:99). Consent may occur out of 
informal agreement between the two sets of parents, or be mediated by a 
kaumiitua, by formal discussion in a whiinau hui. Senior relatives often play 
a pivotal role in the transfer of children within the whiinau (ibid.). 
The experiences of the women reveal that the part that senior relatives play in 
whbgai agreements may vary. Senior relatives played a key role in some of 
the whiingai agreements experienced by the women. In one case only were 
whiinau deliberately excluded fi-om any of the decision-making regarding the 
adoption. The majority of cases discussed by the women however, applied 
traditional processes. 
Sharing the load of birth parents is a major reason for children to become 
whagai. Pane's parents for example became matua whagai to two of her 
children. These were informal arrangements made between Pane and her 
parents. In arrangements where the two parties are closely related agreement 
is reached without extensive discussion (Metge, 1995:228). 
Hinehou became matua whiingai to Sharon in order to lighten the load for her 
sick sister who already had many children to care for; "But it wasn 't a 
question of giving her away, it was a matter of not being able to cope ". Both 
women in turn were to whagai their mokopuna when their children went 
through some difficulties. Sharing the burden of caring for children through 
the practice of whhgai is an experience shared by Pane, Hinehou, and 
Sharon. 
Companionship is another reason why grandparents whiingai mokopuna. 
Grandparents taking on the role of caring for mokopuna, is a role that is 
evident throughout MIiori history md one which Pane's parents continued. 
Sharon gave her son to her mother to keep her mother company. Once a 
decision is made about whether to whhgai a child, it is generally accepted 
that grandparents have first claim to the child and that the parents of the 
mother have stronger claim than the fathers (Metge, 1995:229). 
Many childless couples seek to or are supported by senior relatives to 
whiingai children from within the whiinau. Lena has a sister who was given 
to an aunt and uncle who were childless. Sharon is one of two whiingai 
children to Hinehou who was unable to have children. Hinehou's mother 
played a pivotal role in initiating the process that saw Hinehou whiingai two 
of her sister's children, although the final transfer was carried out between 
Hinehou's sisters and Hinehou. Sharon was prepared to whiingai her baby to 
her brother and his wife who were at the time childless. 
The process of whbgai is not always smooth. There may be resistance or 
opposition from other whanau, and resentment by the child. Metge 
(1995:236) found that resentment from whhgai children came out of not 
fully understanding the circumstances and the reasons for their becoming 
whbgai. Hinehou for example made regular returns to the birth whhau to 
keep the lines of communication open. On the other hand, Lena's daughter 
refused whaau input into the adoption of her child. Instead of employing 
the whagai method of adoption, Lena's daughter chose to legally adopt her 
son out of the whhau. Lena is determined that the child will know his 
whakapapa and has a contingency plan in place to pass on the information 
when he reaches adulthood. 
Knowledge of whakapapa is seen as being important particularly to ensure 
that as adults, whagai do not inadvertently form sexual relations with or 
marry a sibling or close cousin (Metge 1995:234). Therefore, openness 
about being whiingai or adopted is very important. 
Retention of ancestral land within whaau  was one reason given t~ Minehou 
(by her mother) for taking whagai children from within the whiinau; "But 
the wish of my mother that I will not allow anyone else outside thelfamily to 
take the properties that she was going to leave to me, and that my kuia and 
koroua will leave to me must go back to the family - bloodlines, whakapapa 
lines. ". The link between land, whakapapa, and whiingai was also found to 
be important in a study by Metge (1995:249). In-whZirnau whmgai inherited 
land from matua whbgai just as they would if they were birth children 
(ibid.). Hinehou9s experience demonstrates how the practice of retaining 
land within certain whakapapa lineages through whbgai applies today. 
Children who are whagai of grandparents have the oportunities to learn 
about cultural and traditional howledge from their grandparents. Some are 
raised specifically to acquire and hold whiinau knowledge for future 
generations. Julie's mother for example, was tole about tipuna land holdings 
for the purposes of acquiring the land for future generations. Hinehou is 
teaching her mokopuna about cultural values through te reo Maori to enable 
him to hold whiinau whakapapa knowledge. Such practices associated with 
handing down of knowledge from kuia to mokopuna, continues in 
Whakatohea today. 
The women's experiences demonstrate the important role that the practice of 
whiingai has in helping to maintain whakapapa and ahikaa connections for 
whiinau. The reasons given are varied. The women's experiences highlight 
the importance of elder relatives. Issues such as sharing the responsibility, 
passing on whakapapa knowledge, keeping open connections with the birth 
whaau, the retention of whihau treasures such as land, continue to be 
important factors in the practice of whihgai. 
Te Reo Mgori 
"Tihei Mauri era" 
Tis life 
The use of words to define significant life events began with the first 
ancestress, Hineahuone, when she sneezed and exclaimed "Tihei mauri ora", 
'tis life'. All of the participants said that te reo Maori was an important 
factor to their identity. All of the women used both te reo Maori and English 
in their interviews and some used te reo Maori more extensively than others. 
A recitation of their whakapapa (genealogies) was done in te reo. I-Iinehou 
spoke about her life experiences almost entirely through the medium of the 
Maori language. For two of the women (Sharon and Julie) the lack of 
knowledge of te reo MBori equated with a lack of identity as MBori. 
According to Julie, her siblings who are not conversant in te reo Maori do not 
strongly identify as MBori. Sharon spoke of her struggle to become confident 
in the use of te reo MBori as a competency in te reo Maori was seen as an 
important measure of her feeling secure in her identity as Maori. 
The ability to speak te reo MBori was regarded as important to the identity of 
the women as Maori. Three of them (Sharon, Taati and Hinehou) in 
particular considered the passing on of Maori language to younger whiinau 
members as being essential to their identity as Maori. However, exposure 
alone to te reo MBori does not always ensure understanding and fluency in 
the use of the language. For instance Sharon grew up in a MBori speaking 
community but did not learn to converse in te reo Maori until she made a 
determined effort to learn as an adult. Although her mother was fluent in te 
reo Maori, the language was not used as the mode of communication in the 
home. Tiirati on the other hand made a point of teaching her children te reo 
Maori in the home, when they were young. This ensured that the children at 
least understood te re0 MSiori. 
A child best learns language in context and with constant reinforcement 
through use and encouragement from significant adults. Actively engaging 
with a language helps ones ability in a language. Cultural meanings and 
beliefs are imbedded in a language (Walker, 2001 :223) as highlighted by the 
whakatauki : 
Ko te reo te mauri o te mana Maori 
(The language is the key that unlocks the treasures of a 
culture). (Kupenga et. al. 1990:8). 
Taati has also been involved in the foundation of, and provides ongoing 
support to, Kohanga Reo (Maori language nests) within Whakatijhea. 
Kohanga Reo was the preferred Early Childhood Centre by Sharon for her 
children. Sharon is now a confident te reo Maori speaker and teaches in a 
total immersion Maori language primary school class. Hinehou is highly 
proficient in te reo Maori and has taught the language at a tertiary level. Her 
extensive recitation and explanations of whakapapa lineages through the 
medium of te reo Mgori clearly demonstrates the importance of te reo Maori 
to understanding cultural values and traditions. As a kuia she has the 
fieedom that she did not have as a young parent, to pass on her knowledge of 
te reo Msori and whakapapa to her whiingai mokopuna. 
The learning of te reo Maori through song and whakatau% proverbs was 
highlighted by two women (Hinehou and Sharon). For Sharon traditional 
songs gave her a sense of identity; "and it's a feeling of belonging when I 
hear those waiata". 
The use of distinctively Maori symbolic language or written language was 
referred to by one of the women. Sharon wears a moko. The design 
represents Maori and tribal identity. The lines are common to tribes from the 
Mstaatua waka and the meaning behind the lines, are representative of the 
whakatauki 'Me mate iwi, kei mate wheke', 'whatever the goals you set in 
life you must strive to achieve them'. The moko announces Sharon's 
whakapapa links to the tribes of Mstaatua that include WhakatGhea. 
Tribal identity is also evident in the way that certain idioms and accents 
which often distinguish one tribe from another, For example, Pane used the 
soft 'wh9 sound with a slight emphasis on the 'h' in the word Pakowhai - a 
distinct 'WhakatGhea accent. Julie and Lena used the word 'hunaonga' as a 
generic term for in-married whaau  members - the usage and meaning 
common in WhakatGhea. Hinehou spent many years living amongst Tuhoe 
and has picked up the accent of that iwi. She pronounced words with the 
consonant 'ng' as b9 dropping the 'g9 - a distinct Tuhoe accent. She 
provides an example of how idioms, pronunciations, and accents can be 
influenced by the Mgori language community a person is surrounded by. 
From all the women's experiences it is evident that te reo Mgori is important 
to their identity as Maori, and that certain expressions, accents, and symbols 
distinguish them from other tribes. 
Conclusion 
The women's experiences demonstrate the centrality of whakapapa and 
connections to hau kainga to a secure sense of identity as Mgori and 
specifically WakatGhea. Belonging to many tribes was a reality shared by 
the majority of the women. Whanaungatanga brought with it advantages, 
such as greater networks and sometimes loyalty struggles. All of the women 
were linked to Whakratiihea through whakapapa. Identity with VJhakatGhea 
emerged out of shared wh8nau experiences of ancestral lands, rivers, and 
bush. The centrality of land to a sense of identity was important to all of the 
women, and consequently. The loss of connections to traditional lands was 
associated with a loss of identity as MSiori and Whakatiihea. Having p&ehSi 
ancestry impacted on women's identity as well. The philosophy of 'making 
the best of both worlds' was important to some. The centrality of kaumgtua 
in passing on traditional knowledge about whakapapa and whaau, hapii and 
tribal stories is also highlighted as important to the women. Conversely, the 
loss of kuia or kaumiitua was attributed to the loss of identity with being 
MSiori and Whakatiihea. Positive experiences with elders and their support 
were regarded as important. Te reo MSiori was significant to identity for two 
of the women. The practices associated with, naming are traditions that have 
relevance for Whakatohea women today and are important to their identity to 
particular whhau, hapii, and iwi. Elder relatives played a significant part in 
shaping the views and experiences of the women in regards to gender roles. 
The women's experiences show that their identity as MSori is based on their 
affiliation to Whakatbhea as well as other iwi. For them whakapapa is 
central to their identity as Miiori and more specifically as Whakatohea. The 
following two chapters provide M h e r  evidence of the sigrificance and 
relevance of Maori traditional practices and values in the lives of 
Whakatiihea women and men today. 
Chapter 7 
Mana Whenua me te Mana WBhine 
According to Miiori world vie^,"^ women and land share a close 
relationship (Pere, 1990; Kupenga, Rata & Nepe, 1990). 'This chapter 
explores the relevance of customary practices, beliefs and values 
associated with land which highlight how women, mana, and land are 
closely aligned. The present study participant's experiences and views 
about land are grounded in whakapapa, tribal traditions, values, and 
beliefs of their tipuna. A recurring theme is the loss and reclamation of 
links to land. The following discussion focuses on their participation in 
and strategies adopted by them in the reclamation of land and traditions 
associated with land. It will also consider issues regarding their spiritual 
relationship with land, as well as their political interests and views about 
the management and authority over land. The women's experiences and 
views highlight the relevance of traditional and customary practices in 
their lives today. 
Whenua 
Woman and the land in Maori worldview are highly valued, as evidenced 
in the whakatauki: 
M5i te w&ine, ma te whenua, ka ngaro ai te tangata 
(Without women and land, people would be lost) 
-- 
" Maorl worldview = Maori beliefs, norms and customs that are strongly based on Maor~ customary narratives 
The close relationship between women and land was formed at the 
beginning of human kind. The first human was a woman and, as her name 
~ i n e a h u o n e ~ ~  describes, she was 'formed out of the earth'. Mgo~i regard 
PapatuZinuku, as an ancestress. She provides people with physical and 
spiritual well being for the living and a final resting place after death. 
Women and land are regarded as sharing a symbiotic relationship, one that 
is mutually advantageous (Kupenga, Rata & Nepe 199023). Just as a 
mother provides sustenance to a child, PapatuZinuku the Earth Mother, 
land provides sustenance for human-kind (Pere, 1990:3). The importance 
of women is demonstrated in the likening of sustenance from the land to 
milk fiom a woman's breast (Kupenga et.al, 1990:8). 
KO te whenua te wai-u mo ng8 uri whakatipu 
(The land provides the sustenance for the coming 
generation) 
Papatubuku also provides the means of shelter and protection, and a 
woman provides the placenta, which nourishes that baby before birth 
(Jackson, 1993:71). The health and well-being of Papatubuku is also 
dependent on people. Just as a baby immunises the mother from certain 
infections whilst in the womb (Kitzinger & Bailey, 1990) so too are 
women and men required to assume responsibility for the care and 
protection of Papatu%uku. The maintenance of a distinctly Maori way of 
living is dependent upon the care and survival of the environment (Durie, 
19985). Customary practices such as riihui, which is a temporary 
48 . Hlneahuone = Woman formed fiom the earth. 
protection placed on an area or hunting species; and protests and petitions 
of governments for the protection of the environment, help to ensure the 
survival of fiture generations (ibid.). The relationship between MSiori and 
Papatuihuku is symbiotic in nature. 
Through whakapapa, Miiori women, and men link to specific geographical 
locations, which they belong and relate to (Pere 1990:3-4)' thereby 
becoming turangawaewae or 'people of the land' (Bennett 1979:9). It is 
this status of turangawaewae that gives people mana-whenua or rights of 
'authority and control' over the land (Durie 1998: 1 15). 'Mihenua is gained 
by whenua kite hou (right of discovery) or ahihx3roa (ceaseless 
occupation), through 6haki (ancestral inheritance) or raupatu (cession and 
conquest) (Pere 1990:3-4; Tomlins-Jahnke, 1996:72). Links to specific 
locations provide M5iori with a sense of belonging. 
Whenua is also regarded by Miiori as a source of physical as well as 
spiritual well-being (Pere 1990:3-4). Sense of identity, self-awareness and 
mana originate with whenua (Bennett 1979:78-79). Whenua not only 
contributes to sustenance, but also wealth, resource development, and 
tradition (Durie 1 998: 1 15). Whenua also "strengthens whibau and hapii 
solidarity, and adds value to personal and tribal identity as well as the 
well-being of future generations9' (ibid.). MSiori well-being is expressed in 
a partnership with Papatuihuku. Consequently, when whenua is lost, then 
identity and life are placed in a precarious position. 
Whatu ngaro te tangata, t o i ~  te whenua 
(People perish but the land remains 
The whakatauki refers to the permanence of land and the mortality of 
people as well as the impermanence of land ownership (Durie 1998: 1 1 5). 
Land has played an integral role in the "lives and deaths of people for 
whom it has been home, as well as those for whom it should have been 
home" (ibid.). Although land possession and retention cannot be 
guaranteed Maori form a binding relationship with particular places. 
Without land, whZinau links with past and future generations become 
endangered (Durie 1998: 1 15). MZiori history is filled with stories of 
tipuna dying in defence of land or later generations returning to take up the 
fight again. In recent times Maori women such as Te Puea (Karetu, 
1998:96-99) and Whina Cooper (King 1991) have been warrior leaders for 
their peopie in campaigns for the reciamation of inherited lands. Tie 
prominence of women in land campaigns is not new but has its roots in 
tradition. 
What experiences and views do WhakatGhea women and men have in 
regards to land and traditional values associated with land? This question 
will be explored through examining the stories of seven women of 
WhakatGhea. 
All seven women in the present study expressed in various ways a deep 
affinity to ancestral lands. Two of the women (Julie and Lena) provide 
examples of how customary practices associated with whenua (afterbirth) 
and pito (umbilical cord) have significance today. Their experiences and 
views about the spiritual significance, the traditions, the loss and 
reclamation, and the roles of both men and women associated with the 
customary practices are explored in the following sections. 
Te whenua me te pito - afterbidh 
The MBori names given to placenta and land indicate how closely related 
the two are in Msori thought. "The placenta that nurtures us before birth, 
and the land that provides nourishment in life are both whenua" (Jackson, 
1993 :71). Rose Pere (1 990) highlights the significance of the relationship 
between placenta, land, and women when she says: 
The placenta is the lining of the womh during pregnancy, 
by which the descendant is nourished. ... Whenua is also 
the term used for land, the body of PapatuZinuku, the 
provider of nourishment and sustenance for her myriads of 
descendants. (P. 3)- 
Traditionally, the placenta was buried in a special place thus forming a 
bond between the newborn baby and Papatuilnuku, the Earth Mother 
(Walker, 1990:70; Buck, 198235 1). The umbilical cord, after it had 
separated from the pito (naval), was placed in the cleft of a rock or a tree, 
or buried in a spot and marked by a stone or post (ibid.). After the birth of 
a child, the whenua (placenta) is returned to the whenua (land), thereby 
earthing the child's mana tangata or personal dignity, where it is sustained 
through life until, at death, the body is returned to Papatuauku (Kupenga 
et.al.). When the whenua is buried, Papatuanuku preserves the mana of a 
child (Tikao, 1990: 17). Tikao (1 990:97) illustrates the significance of 
caring for the afterbirth in relation to mauri and mana for Maori saying; 
When a child is born to the PiikehIi, the doctor or nurse 
usually burns the placenta or afterbirth. The MSiori did not 
do this - it would be against the mana of that child and 
would destroy its mauri (life principle). As the mauri of a 
person ceases at death, to burn a corpse did not destroy its 
mana, for the mauri was already gone, but bunzing the 
whenua (placenta) of a child born alive is to destroy its 
mana - the mauri of the living child would be gone. 
Therefore the whenua was never burnt, but was carefully 
buried in the whenua (earth) and I think this is how it got its 
name, and by this burial the child's mauri and mana is 
preserved. 
Two of the women (Julie and Lena) provide examples of how customary 
practices associated with whenua (afterbirth) and pito (umbilical cord) 
have significance today in the lives of Whakatohea women and men. 
Their experiences and views about the spiritual significance, the 
traditions, the loss and reclamation, m d  the roles of both men and women 
associated with the land are explored in the next section. 
Whenua plays a central role in linking present generations with tipuna for 
Lena. She is drawn back to the land where her pito and whenua, and those 
of her ancestors are buried: 
[A]t least once a year I make my journey back home to 
keep me in touch with my whenua. And I'm talking about 
my whenua the land, but also whenua in that all our 
ajlerbirth was kept by Mum and Dad and my Grandparents 
either up at the house up the top under the piiriri tree 
where we used to swing and get hurt and all those things, 
or underneath the pohutukawa trees. There are two 
pohutukawa trees down at Te HZinoa where our ajlerbirth 
of our tipuna and our past generations andpresent 
generations have their whenua buried there. 
Lena's experiences demonstrate how highly significant burying whenua 
(after-birth) on ancestral lands is in strengthening spiritual ties to 
ancestors. 
Attachment to specific geographical areas are due to the association of the 
particular area with ancestors and explains why successive generations 
return. Lena believes that it is because her whenua and pito were buried 
on her tipuna whenua (ancestral lands) that she feels a strong attachment 
to the place; "So like for me, that S where I was born and that place has 
a certain draw, it draws me to go back thereJForn time to time". The land 
where her whenua and pito are buried is where she wishes to be returned 
to when she dies, " I've always said that that's where I was born, and 
that's where I'll be taken back to. " Here Lena highlights how whenua and 
pito establishes a connection between the beginning and the ending of life. 
Te Puea (King, 1990: 148) sums up the significance of the relationship 
between land and human lifecycle when she said, "The land is our mother 
and father. It is the loving parent who nourishes us, sustains us ... when we 
die it folds us in its arms." Lena's experiences and views about whenua 
demonstrate how customary practices associated with the burial of 
afterbirth and ancestral lands continue to have relevance today. 
What role does the wh5inau play in passing on traditions associated with 
afterbirth? 
For Julie early whhau  experiences contribute significantly to her 
understanding about customary practices associated with afterbirth. She 
learned about the customary practice of returning pito and whenua to 
Papatubuku through observing what was happening around her whilst 
growing up: "I can recall that some ofmy cousins were born at home. >) 
Julie's memories associated with the traditions refer to a time when the 
larger whbau social group was strong and intact thereby increasing the 
possibility for Julie to be exposed to such practices while young. Her 
experiences demonstrate the centrality of whbau in passing on customary 
practices. 
Julie also remembers the part that men played; "I can remember the men 
taking the whenua over to Tokomanawa to bury you know, and that stayed 
with me. " Julie's experiences provide an example of how men took part 
in traditional child birthing practices thus emphasising the complementary 
nature of the role of women and men in customary Mgok society. 
Julie has become a link between past practices and future generations by 
continuing the traditions associated with afterbirth with the birth of her 
own children; "I've always buried my children 's whenua ". In continuing 
this practice she provides a spiritual link between her children and their 
ancestors through association with the land. 
The ancestral mountain Tokomanawa provides shelter for physical as well 
as spiritual needs for Julies whbau and hapii; "Ican recall at 
Tokomanawa which is our maunga - we call it a maunga - it's only a hill. 
And one halfwas for our pito and our whenua, and the other halfwas 
used as rua .... " For Julie's whibau and hap-ii, opposite faces of the 
mountain provide physical and spiritual demarcation zones between the 
two distinct domains of noa and tapu. The area set aside for the storage of 
food (ma) in the face of the hill is considered noa, and the opposite 
outlook, which is set aside for the burial of whenua, is considered t a p .  
Setting up domains that separate areas, which are either noa or tapu, is a 
basic M2iori value, which is practiced today as Julie's experience 
demonstrates. 
Loss of traditional practices 
All seven women referred to the birth of their children in hospital, but 
only two, Julie and Lena, noted the practice of taking and burying the 
whenua as significant. The loss of traditional practices associated with 
afierbirth is attributed to the overall shift. from home births to hospital 
births by two of the participants in the present study. Julie observed the 
shift.; "Then all of a sudden the hospital came, and then they had their 
babies at the hospital". 
Lena did not carry on the tradition of burying the whenua when it came to 
the birth of her own three children: 
"I was not told of this (practice] until after my children 
were born in tauiwi hospitals and I did not have a full 
understanding of the importance of this until my youngest 
mokopuna was born eighteen months ago ... her whenua is 
with Papatuiinuku ... It didn 't happen for me because Mum 
didn't teach me that ... I didn 't realise because I was a 
young mother and there were other things in my l f e  that 
were highlighted. " 
Not being taught the traditions of burying whenua, being away from 
traditional family support structures and being in a p5ikeha hospital 
environment where practices reflected the Western European values and 
beliefs, Lena did not carry on the practice. Her experiences highlight the 
important role that the environment, which includes the whhau, has on 
the continuation or loss of customary practices. If Maori women are not 
taught about values or do not experience or observe customary practices 
associated with birth then these traditions become endangered and may be 
lost to future generations. 
The centrality of the role that whihau plays in whether or not customary 
practices associated with afterbirth are passed on are highlighted as a 
significant issue for all seven women in the present study. Julie's early 
observations and experiences of whihau member's activities around 
childbirth and afterbirth contributed to her ability to continue these 
practices when she became a mother. However, Lena's experiences 
demonstrate how, if Maori women and men are not taught about values or 
do not experience or observe customary practices associated with birth, 
these traditions may become endangered, and may be lost to future 
generations. Significantly, only two of the seven women within the 
present study referred to traditions associated with childbirth, which may 
indicate the possible loss of wide usage of such practices amongst 
Whakatbhea women and men. The revival of such practices in small 
pockets of Whak-at6hea may catch on and may be given greater status 
amongst coming generations as the experiences of Lena and Julie indicate. 
Reclaiming tikanga 
How can customary practices associated with afterbirth be revived? What 
part have the women played in the reclamation of such practices? Two of 
the women within the present study, Lena and Julie, have observed and 
actively encouraged the reclamation of traditions associated with 
afterbirth. 
Julie observed that health professionals and hospitals came to 
acknowledge and support the impIernentation of some Maori customs 
associated with childbirth; " h a s  pleased that this practice was 
acknowledged in the hospital in 1980. ... I've always buried my 
children's whenua'; you know all of a sudden it became a big thing. And 
I suppose I could say Mlioris started saying, 'Hey this is a tikanga we 
want to continue, we want to take whenua back to where we were born '. " 
With the birth of her mokopuna, Lena has revived the practice of burying 
the whenua on tipuna land passing this knowledge on to her children 
thereby becoming a role model. "And today our mokopuna are the same 
too. We take their whenua or afterbirth back there and bury them there ... 
Even my own daughter, went to her, I said to her 'Where S the 
afterbirth? ', [beleause she had a caesarean and I didn't get there till 
aper. But my son he remembered, he remembered. Lena has acted as a 
role model and teacher for her own children, passing on values about 
traditional childbirth practices; " Itotd him to put it in thefiidge, but not 
where the hi is, somewhere in afiidge where there's no hi He says, 
'I've got a beer fridge. '. So I said 'Good, chuck the beer out'". Values, 
which are founded on the beliefs about tapu and noa, determine how the 
afterbirth should be handled. The customary practices determine that body 
parts which are tapu must be kept separate from things that are noa, such 
as food (Buck, 1982:347). Lena has become a role model for her whaau 
by encouraging her children both male and female to learn the spiritual 
significance of and the traditions associated with childbirth. 
The experiences and perceptions of Lena and Julie provide examples of 
the relevance of traditional values and beliefs pertaining to whenua and 
pito in the contemporary lives of Whakatohea women and men. Their 
experiences demonstrate the centrality of whaau and the complementary 
nature of men's and women's roles in maintaining, reviving and passing 
on customary practices and beliefs associated with afterbirth and land. 
Lena's son and Julie's uncles played active roles in the burial rituals 
associated with the whenua and pito. The customary practices pertaining 
to whenua and pito are shown to be practices, which are valued and 
applied, today by Whakatshea women and men. 
Reclaiming Mana-Whenua 
Whenua provides whiinau and hapii with physical and spiritual well-being, 
and when it is lost, then the identity a id  life of the whiinau and hapii are 
endangered (Durie 1998: 1 15; Pere 1990:3-4). When land slips from the 
control of whiinau and hapii, then obligations to reclaim it passes to 
following generations. Generations of battles over borders between 
neighbouring whiinau, hapii, or iwi have been a feature of Maori history 
and indeed Whakatohea history. Whakatbhea borders that have been in 
constant shift up until the Raupatu period have been those shared with 
Ngai Tai to the North East, and Tuhoe and Nggti Awa to the South West. 
These same borders are today contested locations for Whakatbhea. What 
are the women's views and experiences with loss and reclamation of 
whiinau, hapii or iwi lands? 
Reclamation of mana-whenua over hapii or iwi land is an issue that five 
out of the seven women view as important. They share their experiences 
and views about how the loss of land occurred, the effects of the loss on 
men and women of Whakatohea, and the reclamation of the land and the 
part that they played in the reclamation process. Their experiences speak 
of women as political and women as strong. They also speak of the 
complementary relationship that men and women share in the socio- 
political activities within Whakatbhea. 
Hinehou is involved in a campaign to reclaim land, which is now under 
private ownership to be redesignated as w~ t a p .  The lake and 
surrounding site is called Te Awahou and is situated at the river mouth of 
the Waiaua river. The area holds significance for the hapti of Ngilti Rua 
and Ngilti Muriwai of Whakatiihea, and the iwi of Ngai Tai, as it was the 
site of the last great battle between Ngai Tai and Ngilti Rua and occurred 
about four generations before the Raupatu. Over centuries, the area 
between Opape and Tirohanga was a site of constant territorial and 
boundary disputes between Ngai Tai and Te Whakatiihea. The 
reclamation of the area is a tradition that Hinehou and the members of 
Ngilti Rua continue today. 
The battle referred to as the Battle of Te Awabou or Waiwhero occurred 
from an incident where in a bid to claim the area, Ngilti Rua killed 
members of the hapti who shared kinship ties with the iwi of Ngai Tai 
(Lyall, 19'99; Riltima 1999). The elderly chief of Wgai Tai, 
~ u t e r a n ~ i k u r e i ~ ~  hearing of the murders lead a party of Ngai Tai from 
Tiirere to save others of his kin still living at Tirohanga. The battle raged 
along the Opape beach, and many lives on both sides were lost. The 
bodies of the dead fiom both sides were thrown into the lake which turned 
red hence the name Waiwhero for the lake (Hinehou). The rangatira 
(chief) of Ngai Tai, Tuterangikurei was killed and the Ngai Tai survivors 
left the area. NgSti Rua claim rnana-whenua over this area based on the 
principle of conquest (Hinehou; Julie). However Nggti Muriwai and Ngai 
Tai also claim rights based on the principle of ahikaoa (Julie). 
Tutahuarangi, the son of Tuterangikurei, and others of Ngai Tai returned 
to live at Torere and ~ i r o h a n ~ a ~ '  thus re-instating their mana-whenua 
based on the principle of ahikiiroa thereby maintaining their links to the 
land. Those members who returned to Tirohanga are known today as the 
hapii of Ngiiti Mblriwai (Julie). Te Awahou was part of the lands 
confiscated by the government of the 1870s. These lands were 
redistributed to settlers and Maori who worked with the Crown at the time 
of the confiscations. Thus lands that previously were communally owned 
came under individual ownership. 
The land on which the lake lay, was owned by a Miiori woman who had 
considered selling the site to build a home, which would overhang the lake 
(Hinehou). Ngiiti Rua was attempting to reclaim that area through seeking 
designation of the site as w&i tapu. Hinehou and other elders of NgSti 
Rua attempted to directly negotiate joint kaitiakitanga of the lake with the 
legal landowner. Negotiations were conducted through the woman's 
grandmother; "And the old lady tried to tell her granddaughter of the 
locality of the wiihi tapu ". However, according to Hinehou the landowner 
who had adopted a different belief system, dismissed the concerns of the 
hap.ii and those of her kuia, saying, " 'I don 't believe it, I'm not interested 
in any of that nonsense ". " Western religious belief systems, which 
undermine Mgori values, were perceived by Hinehou as the root of the 
woman's disregard; "She 's steeped in the religion of Closed Brethren, 
49~uterangikurei is an ancestor of mine as well as two of the participants (permission not sought or given to name them). 
''This is a culmination of knowledge handed down to me by my grandfather Manuhiri Davis of Ngai Tai, as well as Julie 
Lux, Hinehou Campbell and Opotiki Minute Book 3. 
and she will have nothing to do with culture, tradition or any other thing 
other than what her church provides for her". 
Colonial military invasion, the introduction of Western laws and 
Christianity has had a devastating effect on Miiori since the signing of the 
Treaty of Waitangi (Jackson 1993:77). The individualisation of land 
ownership has undermined the mana of hapfi (ibid. 72). Durie also 
emphasises the devastating effect of individualisation upon Miiori society 
when he states: 
Social cohesion between whwau and within tribes has been 
seriously undermined by the individualisation of land titles 
and the forced abandonment of collective ownership. 
(Durie, 1998:72) 
Hinehou and other elders of NgZiti Rua, were invited by the new owner to 
visit the site. Hinehou observed the area had become defiled, according to 
Maori custom; ""Wnt down to Te Waiwhero and I stood on the top ofthe 
ridge and I really felt sad. " Local hunters used the lake for hunting birds, 
and the remains of a maimai (hunting shelter) stood as evidence. 
Furthermore, the new buyer planned to build his house on stakes 
overhanging the lake. 
According to customary MZiori practice, food is used to remove tapu, to 
make something noa. Eating or gathering food around a burial site is 
regarded as an insult and an attack on the mana of the dead. Hinehou's 
knowledge of such beliefs and values may be at the root of her distress, 
Setting up a bird-hunting hut on the lake could also symbolise defiling the 
resting place of those buried in the lake. Precedence for placing a rhu i  on 
a food gathering area is found in the ancestress Muriwai. When her sons 
drowned while fishing, a rhu i  was placed over a broad area stretching 
from the place now known as Tauranga to Tihirau, at the tip of the 
Whangara peninsula. The r&ui has been lifted but is still remembered 
through the saying ""Mai i Tihirau ki ng8 Kuri 2 Whiirei" (Ratima, 1999). 
Learning about how the lake area was to be used offended Hinehou and 
members of NgSiti Rua. This also gave Hinehou the impetus to seek a 
political solution. Hinehou was determined to work towards reclaiming 
authority over the area for hapii and iwi groups who had historical 
interests there. In her role as secretary for the Nggti Rua marae 
committee, Hinehou wrote a letter on behalf of kaumgtua, to the Reserve 
ent md Cultural Heritage, in a bid to change the status sf  
the area to w h i  tapu. Hinehou wrote: 
"All wdhi tapu lands registered and unregistered and 
included in raupatu claims between the Crown and local 
hapii, this land Waiwhero is labelled 'Wdhi Tapu' to Ngdti 
Rua, Ngiiti Patu, Ngai Tama, and all hapii of WhakatGhea 
and Ngui Tai iwi. The reason being, this is the SattleBeld 
where Whakat6hea and Ngai Tai iwi fought and died 
because of land ownership and boundary claims ... In lieu 
of the proposal presented to us by Graham Fraser, we ngd 
kaumdtua Trustees of Ngdti Rua hapii will register the area 
thrrt W P  clrrim m w8hi tapu and will continue to claim the 
land under raupatu initiations. " 
The letter also sought right of access through privately owned lands to the 
area, and the right of hapii and iwi to be kaitiaki of the w5iihi tapu. 
The letter also sought re-designation of other lands such as ancient pa sites 
within the Tirohanga area as w a i  tapu5'. 
As the letter claimed to represent broader iwi associations, Hinehou sent 
copies to other associated hapii of WhakatGhea, and the iwi of Ngai Tai, as 
well as members of parliament at the time; the Minister of MSiori affairs 
(Tau Henare) and the MSiori member of parliament for Waiariki (Tuariki 
Delamere). The strategies utilised by NgSiti Rua in their bid towards 
gaining a right to kaitiakitanga status over the lake, included the personal 
approach in a public forum of a hui, speaking through an elder of the 
owner and then seeking redress through the claims process. The letter 
became an example for other hapii of WhakatBhea to follow. The 
Chairman from ijpokorehe rang Hinehou claiming that their hap0 would 
use her processes (letter writing) as a blueprint for claims to w8hi tapu 
they sought in their area (Hinehou). Winehou's experience provides an 
example of how Whakatcihea women become role models for men and 
women by assuming responsibility for hapii and iwi political affairs. 
These strategies employed by Hinehou and NgSiti Rua provide an example 
of how Whakatahea may approach issues to do with hapii or iwi 
reclamation of tipuna lands and other hapii or iwi taonga. 
Hinehou's experience emphasises the important role women assume in the 
reclamation of ancestral land. She provides evidence of the prominent 
role that WhakatTihea women assume in the raupatu claim process as 
5 1 
wdhi tapu = a place of special significance, such as a cemetery. 
representatives of iwi and hapii. She represented the interests of the iwi of 
Ngai Tai and WhakatGhea, as well as the various hap0 of Whakatiihea. 
Her experience also provides an example of how women may utilise the 
authority vested in the political office they hold to effect positive change 
for hapii and iwi. Her experiences also provide an example of how 
women, as well as men, may enter the battle arena with the Crown in the 
reclamation of ancestral land. The battle is not in this instance fought with 
blood but with the pen. Hinehou seeks to reclaim land by minimising the 
power of individual ownership and returning mana back to hapii and iwi. 
For Hinehou, the immediate threat is not the neighbouring tribe, but 
colonialist laws and Western religious belief systems and cultural 
hegemony that are reinforced by members of the group. Hinehou's 
experiences demonstrate how women may assume a prominent and 
effective role in hapii and iv~i  political discowse with the Crown. She also 
provides an example for other iwi leaders, of effective strategies in the 
reclamation of land. 
Mana Ake, Mana whenua 
The next section explores the intertwining themes of land-ownership, 
identity, well-being and the effects of colonial legislative law on 
Whakatiihea and their reclamation of land. 
Three of the seven women in the present study T%rati, Julie and Pane 
acknowledge that there are more than the six hapti of Te Whakatiihea. 
Pane refers to two others "...all fhe ha@ which is Whakatahea iwi, those 
six ... and there 's other ones, there 's Ngliti Muriwai ... and there S 
Plikowhai ... " (Pane). Two of the women, Julie and TZirati declare their 
descent from the hapii of Ngatiti Muriwai thereby confirming the existence 
of the hapii. Taati is the daughter of Paku Eruera, who according to Julie 
was "rangatira" of Ng3ti Muriwai and was instrumental in successfully 
petitioning government for the return of some of the land lost to the hapii 
after the confiscations of the 1800s; "Paku Edwards was very articulate in 
making sure he petitioned the government to also grant [Ngdti Muriwai] 
land. We were allocated ... 660 acres of land". 
Julie provides examples of how mana-whenua or the loss of mana-whenua 
has a bearing on ones identity and sense of well-being. Julie is a member 
of NgSiti Muriwai, which has been ignored by the majority of Whakatbhea 
and the Crsvm in the Treaty negotiations. This is a reflection of the near 
non-status this hapii has in Whakatohea socio-political context. 
Julie is committed to reviving the hapii of NgSiti M ~ w a i  "...one of my 
m ~ e m o e a ~ ~ ' s  is that I would like to revive Ngliti Muriwai. It will happen 
... somehow it seems to be slowly pushed aside, and unless people like 
myseK the descendants of these tipuna start reviving it, it may be lost 
forever. " Her commitment comes out of a need to reclaim mana-whenua 
which was lost to the hapii: "I believe the most aggrieved hapu of the 
whole of Whakutdhea was really Ngliti Muriwai and Ngliti Rua because 
the other hap6 were pushed back onto [land] what belonged to them 
first. " Julie is referring to the establishment of a reserve of 20,789 acres 
at Opape for all the hapii except ijpokorehe awarded by the Crown 
following the land confiscations (Mikaere, 1991 :36). 
In the 1870 census Ng3ti Muriwai was not mentioned as a hapti of Te 
Wakatijhea (Gilling 1994: 157), but was registered as one in 1874 (Lyall, 
1979: 194). Ngiiti Muriwai share ancestry with the iwi of Ngai Tai, and 
according to Julie "Ngiiti Muriwai really was the basis of what Ngai Tai is 
today". Ngilti Muriwai also share common ancestry with the hap6 of 
Ngiiti Rua and today is absorbed into Ngiiti Rua. Tutiimure is the ancestor 
to whom all three tribal groups merge through whakapapa (Lyall 1979:35). 
However today Ngiiti Muriwai is not widely recognised as being an entity, 
does not have collectively owned Imd, has no representation at the iwi 
level, or inclusion in the raupatu negotiations with the Crown. The 
exclusion of Ngiiti Muriwai from iwi discourse with the Crown regarding 
the raupatu claim is an issue that Julie would like addressed. She would 
also like recognition that Ngiiti Muriwai as well as Ng3ti Rua suffered loss 
of land due to the Crowns actions: "I believe that we need to promote not 
only Ngiiti Rua, because within the claim itself1 believe that these two 
hapii [Ngiiti Rua and Ngiiti Muriwai] were the most harshly dealt to 
because of the government pushing all the other hapii onto its land that 
was known for its hunting, its fishing and a way of life and survival." 
S2moemoea = a dream or desire 
For MBori the loss of land is closely associated with loss of well-being. 
Julie makes a connection between land loss and feelings of depression: 
"But I think most important there were a lot of mamae and hurt with the 
iwi because of their loss of lands, whether it S through the Crown or 
whether it was sold and they had no control over it; that two-thirds of our 
iwifeel landless. " Dwie (1 998) highlights how individualisation of land 
tenure has affected MBori sense of well-being in a negative way, when he 
says: 
Caught somewhere between a group philosophy of shared 
histories and aspirations, and an increasing emphasis on 
individual rights, many MBori find themselves in a situation 
in which land, or its absence, is the main cause of their 
discontent. (Durie 1998: 1 16) 
To add, common interests in traditional lands keep MBori communities 
cohesive and give them purpose (Durie 1998: 1 19- 120). Transference of 
land away &om the tribal or wh8.nau group rendered them vulnerable to a 
point where "even survival appeared unlikely" (ibid.). The Nggti Muriwai 
experience, as told by Julie, provides an example of the devastating effects 
of Western law upon a Maori social group. 
For Julie claiming mana-whenua on behalf of a hapii is potentially 
problematic when, as a collective, the hapa does not own land; "...that's 
not to say we can proudly stand tall and say we are still on our land that 
was originally given. Some of the NgGti Muriwai descendants have since 
sold their lands but there are some of us who still sit on these lands to this 
very day. " Grants of title to hapii land given to individuals or groups of 
individuals expected to act as trustees, effectively alienated hap0 from 
land ownership. The Ngiiti Mwiwai scenario highlights the close 
relationship between land and mana and that without land a community 
may struggle to suvive as an entity. Individualisation of land has served 
as a catalyst for the dispersal of the members of Ngiiti Muriwai, and 
increased the possibility of the hapii fading from the memories of the iwi. 
Without shared interest in land a hapii loses an essential element of their 
identity. 
Highlighted here, is the effect of individualisation of land ownership, 
which served as a catalyst for the breakdown of whSinau or hapii working 
and living as cohesive units. Grants of title to hapa land given to 
individuals, or groups of individuals expected to act as trustees, effectively 
alienated hapii from land ownership. The Nggti Mtlliwaj. scenario 
highlights the close relationship between land and mana and without land 
a comunity may struggle to survive as an entity. Individualisation of 
title has served as a catalyst for the dispersal of Ng2iti Muriwai, m d  
increased the possibility of the hapii fading from the memories of the iwi. 
Without shared interest in land, a hapii loses an essential element of their 
identity. 
Te Ture Whenlpa 
To help counter the fragmentation of Maori land ownership, Te Ture 
Whenua Act (1993) is set up to hand the management of Mtiori lands over 
to trustees of statutory bodies. The terms of a Trust are set or approved by 
the MZiori Land Court (MLC) and are tailored to suit the owner's 
circumstances. Julie and her family formed a VVhbau trust - a kin-group, 
rather than an individual administers the land. Such flexibility provides 
some insurance against fragmentation of title and ownership. The idea of 
'turangawaewae', holding the land in trust for future generations can 
potentially be realised through Mgori Trusts (Te Puni Kokiri Kitset & 
Newsletter, March 1993). Trusts help to ensure that turangawaewae is 
maintained and helps stop fragmentation of shares. 
Whbau Trusts, such as the one set up by Julie's whilnau, help preserve 
family turangawaewae by replacing individual interests in the land. Trusts 
must have the consent of all the owners and can be set up in the mana of a 
tipuna. The assets and income are used for the benefit of the descendants 
of the tipuna named in the court order. Trusts provide a contemporary 
answer to communal utilisation of land. Land may be used as a means to 
e m  income andlor provide spiritual sustenance.53 Trusts provide a 
central focus for whilnau identity and whilnau activities. 
Purchase and ownership of land allows for flexibility. Placing of the land 
under a Whbau Trust, allows Julie's immediate whaau  a focus for 
whilnau identity, which links to past generations, and a legacy for future 
generations: 
"In my case, on a personal level, we've just completed a 
big whlinau house on the whenua that we call Ruardkai. 
j3 Kitset Newsletter, Te Puni Kokiri, 1999 
And that whiinau house is supposed to be similar to a 
marae where my family and their children and their 
mokopunas come home to meet together. So we've actually 
set up a little whiinau whare for ourselves, so that we 
strengthen ourselves as a whiinau. " 
Julie's experience demonstrates the benefits of maintaining or reclaiming 
ancestral lands and placing the lands under a Tmst as a means of creating 
a common focus for whiinau and strengthening whaau links. 
There are some parallels in the Ngiiti Muriwai experience found in other 
locations around the country in recent years. The Kereama and Waitiiui 
whaaus in 1993 bought land and built a wh5inau marae at Nalcombe and 
named the wharenui after their ancestress Manomano, thereby establishing 
a new hapii of Ngiiti ~ a u k a w a . ~ ~  During the early 1990s the P2napa 
whihau at Ruahiipia in Hastings built a wh8nau whare named after 
Karaitiana T&moana. Family members pooled individual titles for the 
purpose of building the whare. The whare provides a focus and 
foundations for the development of a new hapfi of Ngiiti Kahungmu. 
These are examples of how hapii begin to establish themselves in the 
modem context. Each has begun with the pooling of whibau resources 
and land, and the building of a whare. 
Political opposition to the revitalisation of a hapfi may present barriers to 
successful entry into the iwi socio-political arena. Julie is wary of 
possible opposition from Nggti Rua, to the revival of Ngiiti Muriwai: 
"Already we're facingpolitics, where Ngiiti Rua is become ... well, you 
know I would say certain families, certain lines of NgiFti Rua are Pying to 
stamp this out. " Julie's knowledge of the links between whakapapa and 
the land provides her with a persuasive argument for those who may doubt 
the authenticity of her petition: "I remind them that they cannot stamp 
this out because the land that this marae [at Omarumutu] sits on belongs 
to these families of these descendant ... Yeah so that's the NgGti Muriwai, 
but they were the mana-whenua. " 
According to Karauria Edwards (Sissons, 1991 :60-6l), WhakatTihea as it 
is today is a Crown construction formed about the period following the 
1866 confiscations. He states: 
The Whakatohea at the height of its power was comprised 
of numerous hapii, many more than the six hapii we know, 
these being Ngai Tama, Ng2ti Rua, Ng2ti Patu, Ng2ti 
Ngaere, Ngai Ira and Te ~pokorehe. The courts now 
began the task of resettling the Whakatijhea on the poorer 
marginal lands that they had been reduced to. It was the 
courts that decided that the WhakatTihea would now be 
comprised of six hapii. 
It was not unusual for government officials to redefine tribal organisations 
for administrative expediency (Ballara, 1998:227). 
Ngati Rua over many generations also shared the same geographical area 
as Ngiiti Muriwai - an area, which covers from Opape to Otara. NgFiti 
Muriwai's diminishment in numbers and close kinship ties to Ngiiti Rua 
laid Ng2ti Muriwai susceptible to being absorbed by Ng2ti Rua over time. 
However, the acknowledgement by two women in the present study of 
54 Rachel Selby, (1999), "Tararua is my mountain", in Te Ukaip6, A Joumal published by Te Wwanga-o-Raukawa, Otaki, 
New Zealand, Volume 1, December 1999. 
their whakapapa links to Ngati Muriwai indicates that as an entity Ngati 
Muriwai continues to exist. Importantly one of the women is committed to 
reviving the hapii to a degree where it may become politically independent 
and strong, representing its own interests as a legitimate hapfi. Further 
observation of these developments would make an interesting study in the 
future. 
He Noho Whenua - Land Occupation 
Land marches and land occupations have been strategies used by Maori to 
demonstrate dissatisfaction with local and central government policies and 
actions.55 The picture of an elderly Whina Cooper hand in hand with one 
of her mokopuna, marching off down the road to parliament, is a powerful 
symbol of protest against government policies (Tomlins-Jahnke, 1996). 
MBori women have played prominent roles in land protests. 
Two of the Whakatijhea women in the present study have been actively 
involved in protest action against local or central government policies, 
which have affected Maori. 
Hinehou and Sharon were instrumental in staging a 'noho whenua ' or land 
occupation at the Ohiwa Harbour, Te Moana a Tairongo in January 1999. 
Ohiwa has been regarded as the 'kete kai ' the 'bountiful sea-food bowl' of 
Whakatohea since the ancestors first inhabited the area. Hinehou 
55 See Kings biographies on Whina Cooper, and Te Puea, for example. 
remembers how on visiting the Ohiwa harbour with her son-in-law, they 
were both appalled at how the area had become polluted: 
"I  haere atu Ztahi o miitou ki te noho whenua i Ohiwa. E 
titiro ana ki ngii mahi kin0 e mahiatia nei e te ao whdnui ki 
taua rohe. A, ko ngii mahi whakaparu i te wai, whakakino i 
ngiL mea katoa o te whenua, ii he& ki te wai. KO Te Moana 
a Tairongo, ko te kete kai a Taiwhakaea, ana koina Te 
Moana a Tairongo, ka mdhiotia nei e te ao Mdori. KO ngd 
kai o roto, e ki ana ko Nga Tamdhine a Te WhakatGhea. " 
Early in 1996 a Whakatfine development company, announced it's plan to 
build an exclusive housing area on an old pa site belonging to Te Kooti 
situated at Ohiwa peninsula. The plan included private mooring for the 66 
residential sites. The developers needed to dig up the mudflats to do this. 
The Mgtaatua iwi of Tuhoe, Ng2ti Awa, as well as WhakatTjhea opposed 
this development by petitioning the Whakatfine District Council in order 
to deny consent. The risk of destroying a natural resource containing 
much historical and spiritual significance to the Miitaatua tribes, for the 
monetary gains of so few was considered abhorrent to the local tribes.j6 
Sharon describes how this inspired them to seek a solution to the problem. 
Hinehou broached the idea of a land sit-in with a number of hapii and iwi 
leaders: 
36 Whakatbhea Newsletter from the Raupatu Negotiating Committee Project Manager, Issue 1, July 1996 p. 7. 
"....and then [Ninehou] started talking to some of the 
different kaumdtua. -[the Upokorehe chairman], different 
ones, [the Trust Board chairman] about what are we going 
to do about, you know, look at Cihiwa, you know, they want 
it to become a playground for the rich. How are we going 
to ensure that our kete kui is not destroyed for a 
playground for the rich. She was talking to different ones 
she said we'll do a Pou Whenua, occupation in January 
sometime. " 
When January came Hinehou and Sharon began to plan; "It was just after 
New Years, Mum says to me 'Well daughter what are we going to do 
about this Ohiwa? ' Isays, 'Me, you and whose army?'" (Sharon). 
Calling on political networks to plan and strategise is a tactic which 
Sharon and Hinehou employed. Sharon had previously participated in a 
sit-in and political protest with Tameiti and Te Kaha Karaitiana. By 
chance, Sharon met Te Kaha and explained her infant plan. They set a 
time to meet and discuss details; "So he came over the next day and we 
talked about some of the dynamics of occupation, what happens and 
things like that. And Mum and we decided, oh well we '11 have a bigger 
meeting on the Sunday. ... Mum and I went around contacted dzferent 
ones around [Opbtiki]. They engaged the skills and knowledge of 
Tameiti a seasoned campaigner for MBori causes and Te Kaha contacted 
Tameiti; "Tame rang Mum, 'Nau mai: haere mai: come, Ohiwa belongs to 
our iwis, so we need to do this on a Mdtaatua waka '". Sharon, Hinehou, 
Te Kaha and Tameiti strategised. The strategies included staging a sit-in, 
handing out eviction notices to the residence of Ohiwa and attracting 
politicians and media attention. 
A hui of interest groups held at Hinehou's home received good support; 
T i g  turn out. We had a lot of the whiinau involved in the Kohui-a-rau 
group. Some of them came along ... They were all in support. We decided 
that we were gonna start the occupation after the tekau-ma-rua on the 
13th of January at  Ohiwa up O n e h a  marae site, that S by the camping 
grounds. ... at the end of the meeting they were all showing their support. 
... had a hui with Mum on the Monday. You know it was all go. " The 
protest was to take place two days later. The men who were made up of 
~pokorehe and other MakatGhea hapii offered to set up the protest sight. 
Unfortunately for Hinehou and Sharon at the kaum5itua of Upokorehe 
withdrew their support at the last minute: 
"they're the kaitiaki of the harbour. ... And the humdtua 
got upJi-om Upokorehe ... and he rubbished us." Two days 
previous to that he was in support. [name removed] was 
here, showing support saying they'd approached their 
kaumiituas and Mum had approached their humdtuas 
three months before, talking to them about it. They made 
out they weren't told. A whole lot ofnonsense. " (Sharon). 
The late showing of opposition by the Opokorehe kaumgtua disabled the 
women there for a short while. Sharon describes how they felt; "We were 
stunned. It was mainly only women there and [Sharon 's partner] ... I was 
very a n w ,  I was vely bitter". [Hinehou] got up and she was crying, and 
she says, 'Kei te pai, the women we 're here to stay '. However not all 
support from Upokorehe was withdrawn, a gesture of care was made 
towards the physical comforts of the protestors: " ... But a couple of the 
ones Pom Upokorehe, [name removed], came and went, and [the 
kaumdtua] did leave their tables and things with us. " 
Perhaps the Upokorehe kaumstua were supportive of the reasons for the 
protests, but for political reasons stood back from showing overt support 
for what the women were doing. The women's other supporters may not 
have pleased them either. In speaking to the media, the chairman from 
Upokorehe claimed mana-whenua lay with the hapii of Upokorehe who 
were the tangata whenua and kaitialci of Ohiwa, not the iwi of Whakatbhea 
or other Mataatua tribes. The concern of Upokorehe lay in the claims to 
the harbour by Whakatbhea and possibly other Miitaatua tribes such as 
Tiihoe and Nggti Awa. The men may have refrained from overt support of 
the women's protest actions as it may have undermined their own efforts 
and negotiations with the Crown and other interest groups. Also, 
Upokorehe and Whakatbhea may have felt their mana could be diminished 
if they were seen to be supporting a Mgtaatua-wide campaign in an area 
that different tribal groups were competing for any way. Whatever the 
reasons for the withdrawal of support by the kaumatua, the women were 
left feeling abandoned but not discouraged, and instead more determined 
to continue their campaign. 
Despite the short-term setback the WhakatGhea women felt strong enough 
in their convictions to continue their fight for their whenua even without 
the support of the Whakatbhea kawniltua. Sharon spoke to the media, 
which included the international media about why they were occupying 
the land and handing out eviction notices. She told them; "the land had 
been stolen, illegally taken and it doesn't matter how long a period, i f  
something has been stolen, by law it has to be returned ifits proven to be 
SO. r i  
The public withdrawal of support by kaumatua for the political action of 
the women may have been seen to marginalise them. However, 
precedence for how the women responded is found in WhakatGhea history. 
The ancestress Muriwai and a few young were left to take care of the 
MSltaatua waka after the older men had gone inland on a discovery 
campaign. Muriwai saved the mana of all her people by directing the 
younger males to take up the oars and row the canoe to safety after it had 
drifted away from shore. Muriwai9s action foretells the strength of 
Whakatiihea women and in this case Hinehou and Sharon to take the flak' 
when men seem to either relinquish or place different priorities on their 
responsibilities. Hinehou was able to draw the descendants of Mataatua 
together on a kaupapa of interest that is the health of the harbour and 
therefore the health of MSltaatua people. 
Clearly, the Ohiwa incident and the experience and views of Sharon and 
Hinehou demonstrate the relevance of Maori traditions which speak of the 
affinity that women as well as men share with Papatuauku. The 
women's experience demonstrates that spiritual and physical well-being is 
intrinsically connected to the well-being of Papatuauku. Their 
experience demonstrates the Maori world-view, which closely associates 
physical or environmental well-being with spiritual well-being. The 
bountiful resource of Te Moana a Tairongo holds spiritual significance to 
Mgtaatua in that it is a tangible reminder of past generations. When 
Hinehou saw that her ancestral environment was being mistreated, she felt 
it deeply and raised the awareness of others through political means in 
order to protect Papatuhuku. Their experience informs of how women's 
spiritual and physical well-being is intrinsically connected to the well- 
being of PapatuZhuku. 
Te whenua: Te  waia 
Land traditionally served dual purposes - it provided spiritual and physical 
sustenance. The care and utilisation of land for whfmau, hapii, or iwi may 
be administered through trusts. All seven women participants have 
interests in inherited lands. All have in the past, or are presently, working 
on whbau land, which is either farmed, or in orchards. Five of the 
women have been trustees or manage whhau lands run under a Trust 
system. This section explores the women's experiences and views about 
how Trusts work generally and the Trust that they are part of in particular. 
Their experiences about land Trusts in regards to the utilisation and the 
management of whhau, hapii or iwi lands are highlighted, including their 
perceptions and understanding of the sorts of qualities and skills required 
of those in governance of trusts. Their perceptions and experiences 
indicate the relevance of traditional values in the utilisation and 
governance of lands, although the way they are practiced may differ to 
past generations. 
Pane is trustee on a whaau trust. She sees the role of trustees as 
caretakers of the land for future generations. She also believes that the 
land should provide a source of income; "The land is given to us ... it will 
never change its name ... it will always be, it's there for us and our 
children and our mokopunas and all the unborn ones that's coming up it's 
there for them when we 're not around. " Pane also believes that the land 
should provide a source of income: "And we 're all supposed to be 
working to make it profitable so it will always look a@er itself '. 
Pane provides an example of how whbau are placed in what may seem a 
juxtaposition between the role of caretaker for future generations and 
exploiter of the land for profitable income -two opposing value systems. 
However, closer examination of customary whSinau values and practices 
show that the two positions in fact complement each other. Customarily, 
groups formed a bond with particular tracts of land through living and 
working. Working the land for monetary return is a contemporary 
equivalent of traditional utilisation purposes. In the contemporary 
scenario, upkeep costs such as rates need to be met. In customary society, 
land provided sustenance for succeeding generations, and came to be 
regarded as a concrete reminder of those who had passed on, and a legacy 
for following generations. The same views and values apply today. Pane 
provides an example of how Trusts may provide a way for contemporary 
whaau to experience and utilise traditional lands in a way that closely 
resembles customary MSiori practices 
Julie's VVh&nau Trust also utilises the whihau land for monetary purpose. 
It is run as a successful business; "The Whiinau Trust I must say is really 
a viable business trust, and I must say thank to my Dan. He encouraged 
us to not only to look at itfiom an emotional point of view, but also to 
look at itfiom a business-like point of view. " 
The Whbau Trust land also potentially provides a spiritual focus. Julie's 
Whwau Trust has also designated land to be an mpZi (cemetery); 
"Our next dream is ... we have also put aside at least two acresfor our 
own whdnau urupd. " Setting aside land for communal living has 
provided Julie's wh&nau with choices; "While we might have our marae 
just down the road, which is about six - seven miles down the road, a lot 
ofmy younger members ofmy whdnau felt a lot more comfortable being 
on the land that their parents and their grandparents worked and lived on. 
The mpZi also provides choices for the whaau; "...And that now ifthat 
time comes when any ofmy whdnau pass on, be the mokopuna's or the 
aunties and uncles, they have a choice. They can either be buried down in 
our hapii urupd which is called 'Rangi-mata-nui', or in our own family 
one. " Julie associates the M b a u  Trust with mana; "So that was a 
dream qf ours and that dream hay bepa realised. In LT lot ofways i f  h ~ s  
given our own whanau mana, because we can truly say we are still on our 
whenua that was handed down by our descendants, that we have exclusive 
use, and that we don'tfeel landless. " 
However, certain skills and qualities are required of trustees in order that 
Trusts may operate satisfactorily. Rangimarie Parata (1 990:78) observed 
traditional leadership qualities which relied on age and experience are not 
sufficient for today's circumstances. A wide range of skills is needed to 
lead Maori, because '5n Maoridom, age has traditionally been a 
prerequisite for power, influence and respect" but business and 
administrative skills are required today. She observed that it is these very 
skills that ""many authorities are seriously deficient in" (ibid.). Traditional 
knowledge may not necessarily be enough to meet the requirements of 
modem day Trusts. 
Using the land towards economic advantage is important also to Taati and 
Julie. Taati observed how hap6 representation of WhakatGhea needed to 
be carefully chosen. She is of the opinion that there is a need for those 
who administer trust lands to possess sound business administrative and 
management skills: 
"You got to be careful about who you put in ... No 
experience of management, business management or any 
other experience. Oh put him on there because he's 
brother, or he can whaik6rero on the marae. WhaiErero, 
yes there's a place for that. I've got respect for that. It's 
different to business management. ... The people we put in 
here, usually the wrong people. And we 're not getting 
anywhere as far as income. " 
Educating members of the tribe about the roles and responsibilities of 
Trustees was a strategy that Julie employed. Julie observed that people 
who were trustees of Maori land did not have the skills or knowledge 
required to fulfil their duties. She planned and set up a course to train 
Trustees about what was expected of Trustees; "Now a lot of our people 
get stuck on these land trusts because that is the thing to do. And I began 
to observe they really didn 't know why they were there. " 
Julie's observations and experiences gave her the impetus to find a way to 
get whaau members educated. She set up a course to train Trustees 
Administration Course; "I talked to Judge Hingston and to ... one of the 
tutors at Waiariki Polytech - and said I would like to bring this Maori 
Trustees course to the marae so these people know why they're there and 
what their responsibilities are. " Thirty people attended the six week 
course: "Andyou know it was very successful, because thirty of them 
came and they sat there for six weeks and the important thing was - I 
always say knowledge is power. 
Julie points out what she sees her role and those of other marae trustees 
entails: 
"Well I'm also a marae Trustee for the marae, ... the marae 
trustees role is to ensure that the buildings are maintained, 
is to look a@er the land, and make sure it doesn't get sold 
or otherwise, or also the urupa to maintain, to make sure it 
is maintained for the well-being of the hapu. They also 
give the mandate to the marae committee to carry out their 
functions on their behalJ; as well as to ensure that money 
are raised or gained through various sectors, is spent on 
what the project decided nn. " 
Tiirati also views land as important in providing economic opportunity. 
She observes how when administrators do not have appropriate skills and 
knowledge, crucial opportunities to reclaim mana-whenua and 
possibilities to gain economic advantage associated with possessing land 
may be lost. Tiirati regards land as something that should be utilised to 
benefit beneficiaries of WhakatBhea: 
"...we're not getting anywhere as far as income. I never 
forget the oldpeople saying, 'We'll buy all that land ', 
Otara, 'Bring it back'. We didn't. And the man that's 
bought it is a millionaire now. Our management didn 't. 
We only got the three farms. That S our only income we got 
here. And people moan ...[t ]hey don 't realise, where 's the 
income coming_fi.om. Only three farms. We should 
whakarongo ki ngii tipuna. Kiire i whakarongo. However, 
times changed. Farming might not be the thing now. Kiire 
e mbhio. But land is always there. You can always do 
something on land. Put trees on, whatever. " 
Gaining and maintaining control and authority over whikau and iwi land 
for the purposes of improving the economic situation of members was 
regarded as important by three of the women. They were of the view that 
communally owned land should be economically viable and that those 
who have control and authority over the land should be suitably qualified 
to administer lands well. Trustees should also understand the boundaries 
and limits of their authority for the benefit of present and future 
generations. 
Conclusion 
The experiences and views of the women in the present study provide 
evidence of the symbiotic relationship that women share with 
Papatuiinuku, and that mana-waine is associated with mana-whenua. 
Their experiences confirm how traditions associated with whenua and 
birth continue to have relevance in the lives of Whakatijhea descendants. 
Three of the women played a central role in reclaiming mana-whenua for 
whaau, hapii, or iwi. 
Two of the women experienced being supported by rangatahi, which 
demonstrates how closely aligned rangatahi male and Whakatbhea women 
are politically and spiritually. At the same time these women also 
experienced being politically marginalised by Whakatbhea male elders on 
issues of mana-whenua. Co-operation by male elders was dependent on 
political issues and hapii affiliation. What is clear is that when men and 
women of WhakatiShea work together on socio-political issues to do with 
whenua, much may be accomplished for the betterment of Whakatbhea. 
The women regard land as an important economic source, to be managed 
and administered well by those who have the authority and control in 
order that whaau,  hapii or iwi members may benefit economically. The 
women's stories demonstrate the important role that women have in the 
socio-politics of Te WhakatiShea on issues of mana-whenua. The 
following chapter explores further issues of participation in decision- 
making and hui. 
Chapter 8 
Hui: Padieipation Rghts and Responsibilities. 
Hui held to discuss raupatu claims by makatGhea, during the 1990s, provide 
the contexts which the views and experiences of the seven women in 
decision making at hapti and iwi hui will be explored. Significant themes 
highlight issues of whakapapa, intergenerational relationships, ahi-ka-roa 
57 and ahi-tereS8, and gender. Mi3ori customary practices provide the context 
by which the women's experiences and views of hui participation rights and 
responsibilities are analysed. 
Mfi wai e k6rero: Who may speak? 
In traditional Maori society, rights to participate in decision-making were 
based primarily on whakapapa and kinship ties to a particular whifina~;~ 
hapii6' or iwi61 either directly or through marriage (Buck, 1982:380). 
Women and men who shared land ownership rights were accorded rights to 
participate in discussions that usually took place in the meeting-house 
(Walker, 1979:22-23). Women were granted material and power 
considerations equal to that of men and participated in the decision-making 
processes at whifinau hui where the major decisions were made (Kupenga, 
Raia, and Nepe 1993:305). 
" Ahi-ka-roa=people who keep the home fires burning meaning the home people. 
58 Ahi-tere=members of the tribe who live away from tradional lands, and return intermittently. 
59' Whanau' may be several family units who share a common near tupuna (up to four generations back); whanau also refers to a 
family unit consisting of parents and children. 
60, Hapu', may be several 'wh%nat~' who have a common tIpuna (more than four generations back). 
'"Iwi', is a lager social organisation consisting of at least one hapti. 
To participate in tribal affairs today, one must literally show one's face 'he 
kanohi kitea' at the home-place. This is a principle that is based on 
traditional practices and beliefs. The concept of 'he kanohi kitea' almost 
always applies where an individual must be often seen taking part in social 
gatherings and contributing to the social organisational and economic upkeep 
of whiinau, hapii, or iwi (ibid.). Individuals may also apply this principle 
where they represent or are represented by, other kin at hui. At the root of 
this principle is the concept of 'ahi-kg', where traditionally even if one 
cooking fire was kept burning by an individual while other members of the 
whiinau or hapii temporarily moved elsewhere, then the rights of land 
occupation remained with the greater whiinau or hapii (Buck, 1950:380). 
Those who live away and return to the home place are referred to as 'ahi- 
tere'. The principle of 'he kanohi kitea' could also apply where an individual 
may assume or be given the right to represent a family member at whiinau, 
hap6 or larger social organisational gatherings. Another family member, in 
turn, may represent them. 
Participation of in-married whiinau member's participation was traditionally 
limited to participating in discussions but not usually in the final decision- 
making (Metge, 1995:63-4). Although, authority and control over the 
political affairs were in the hands of the kaumiitua who were whiinau leaders, 
decisions were made by consensus and open discussion (Walker 1990:63). 
Time given to prolonged debates and discussions was the norm and decisions 
were bought to a conclusion in the meeting-house. According to Walker 
(1 979) such a practice ensured that issues were: 
kia whitingia e te ra, 
kiapuhipuhia e te hau 
(. . .exposed to the bright sunlight 
and blown about by the wind). (p. 22). 
Although total unanimity was unlikely, the important point is that all 
members of the whbau,  hapii, or iwi, are able to fully participate in bringing 
the discussions to a consensus conclusion. 
In contrast to this tradition is the British in-committee method, where 
discussions and decisions are carried out behind closed doors (ibid.). The 
advantages to this method include cutting down on time allotted to deciding 
on how to proceed due to the lesser numbers of people to consult bemeen. 
However, decisions made in-committee have a far higher chance of 
alienating the committee from the people they may be representing. Where 
quick decisions need to be made, the in-committee method may be more 
appropriate than the traditional M8ori method, although the committee would 
need to justify their actions to the w h ~ a u  at a later stage. As a quick 
solution finder the in-committee methods may serve whiinau well, however 
traditional methods allow for wider participation in decision-making. 
The consensus method is most often used at marae committee level in 
Whakatiihea today. There are other occasions when the British 
Parliamentary in-committee system at hapu a ~ d  3wi_ levels, Itre l~sed ;IS well 
All seven women participants in the present study explain how individuals, 
whanau, or h a p  members were excluded fi-om decision-making processes 
and political discourses of hapii or iwi affairs. Whose voices were heard? 
Whose voices were stifled, muffled, and silenced and by whom? Why? 
What were the responses? 
Whakapapa 
'Whakapapa and residence are traditional qualifications for participating in 
decision-making within Whakatiihea. The following section will discuss the 
place and relevance of whakapapa as a qualification to participatory rights in 
decision-making today? 
Peggy, Pane, and Julie maintain the traditional view that whakapapa is the 
principal criteria for participating in the final decision-making at whihau, 
hapii and iwi governance levels. Their experiences show that knowledge of 
one's whakapapa, and declaration of rights based on whakapapa links are 
elements, which qualifl an individual to participate in decision-making. 
For example, declaration and proof of whakapapa was required of Peggy at a 
hapii meeting. Her right to speak was challenged to which she replied, "none 
ofyou can give me the right to be here, only my tipuna can!" This 
declaration, and her knowledge of her whakapapa, provided Peggy with the 
confidence to claim her right to participate in the decision-making of her 
hapa. This resulted in her being voted as hapii representative to her local iwi 
authority, the WhakatZjhea Trust Board. 
On the other hand Pane's lack of knowledge about her whakapapa 
connections to WhakatZjhea restricted her right to vote at iwi hui. On one 
occasion her right to participate was challenged by a kaurniitua and she was 
asked to show how she was connected because "Only when you can direct 
your descent down to yourselfdo you know your whakapapa, otherwise it's 
hopeless". 
Because she was unable to clearly state her descent Pane felt she did not have 
the right to participate in discussions at iwi hui. "No I can 't take part [in 
discussions] because you have to be registered, because I haven't registered 
under Whakat~hea yet. " Unfortunately, Pane was not clear about the details 
of her whakapapa connections to WhakatGhea. This lack of knowledge also 
restricts her from registered with the iwi and thereby eliminated her from 
taking part in the decision-making processes of iwi. 
For Pane and Peggy knowledge of whakapapa was required before they 
could participate in the decisions and governance of WhakatGhea. Thus, their 
experiences provide evidence of how whakapapa is the primary qualification 
for participation in decision-making within Whakatbhea. 
However, the three women (Julie, Pane, and Peggy) found that in-married 
whbau, hapii, or iwi members were given rights or asserted influence 
usually reserved for full members6263. In Julie's wh%nau, her husband Dan is 
given special rights and responsibilities in governance matters over whbau 
land. Julie's mother put her lands interests "under a Whtinau Trust ". Dan 
was appointed as one of the four trustees by Julie's mother because, Julie's 
62 Full membership = membership through whakapapa. 
63 The Te Ture Whenua Act 1973, enabled in-married whanau members to play a more active role in the socio-political activities 
of their spouses hapu. 
"mother saw the skills and expertise that he had' in financial and business 
management. Julie's experiences demonstrate how in-married whbau 
member's skills may be utilised to benefit the whihau they marry into. 
In Pane's whihau, a Whbau  Trust was founded on the efforts and expertise 
of two in-married whaau  members who "spent a lot of time ...p utting this 
Trust up. " She also adrnited there are times when some in-married members 
may "take over ", or assumed more control than Pane thought was desirable. 
Pane's experiences demonstrate how in-married members do play a crucial 
role in not only the every day affairs, but also assert a lot of influence in the 
important affairs of whaau.  According to Ratima (199953) in-marrieds 
sometimes take on roles such as treasurer or secretary for whbau, hap4 
(ibid.) or iwi committees. In these roles in-marrieds opportunities may 
present which place them in powerful positions to influence the affairs and 
assets of the whbau, hapii, or iwi. Pane and Julie's experiences demonstrate 
the contemporary relevance of traditional practices that allow in-married 
members under certain circumstances the same rights as full members. 
Ratima (1 99952) gave an example of this occurring at the hapii level. At the 
1998 Annual General Meeting of Ngai Tama hapii, in-married hapii members 
were given full participatory rights in decision-making allowing them the 
right to vote (ibid.). However, the rules were adjusted to benefit certain 
factions within the hapii. This vote-fixing strategy ensured that a certain 
whbau held the balance of power within the hapii for another year. The 
following year, the strategy to allow in-marrieds voting rights was argued for 
by a full member of another whiinau. 'The reason given was based on the 
previous years ruling.64 The ruling potentially t m e d  the balance of power 
back again. The Ngai Tarna experience, demonstrates how in-marrieds may 
be used to help change or maintain the power-base within hapii. Also to gain 
voting rights, in-marrieds still need the endorsement of full members. 
Therefore whakapapa remains the primary criteria by which one may gain 
participatory rights to governance at hapii level. 
Such flexibility is not usually hap0 or iwi practice for Whakat6hea. At Ng2iti 
Rua, in-marrieds are "allowed to speak but not allowed to vote" (Julie). This 
is a practice Julie fully supports. The rule for in-married members is clear in 
this case. According to Ratima (1 999:53), iwi membership, and in particular 
beneficiary rights to iwi assets is jealously guarded (ibid.). To be a 
recognised beneficiary of a tribal group, an individual must be registered 
with a tribal trust (ibid.). Proof of whakapapa is usually required for 
registration (ibid.). 
Despite the restrictions on in-married iwi members, Peggy observed how 
there were some in-married members who showed interest in iwi governance 
affairs; "Attendance [by members] on the wholefor AGM are veryfew " and 
that there were "probably more in-laws than members." Although in- 
married members may show interest in hapii and iwi affairs, whakapapa 
members more readily accept their contributions at whiinau levels than at 
hapii or iwi levels of governance. Therefore the women's experiences and 
" I was present at this AGM. 
views demonstrate how whakapapa remains the basic qualification for 
membership and thereby participation at hap0 and iwi levels of governance. 
The influence of in-marrieds on the affairs of iwi is found also in traditional 
narratives of Whakatbhea. Te Uhengaparaoa of Whakatbhea who married 
into Te Whihau a Apanui was greatly valued and is remembered for her 
talents in making fine clothing and passing her knowledge on to them. 
The women's experiences and views provide evidence that whakapapa is an 
essential element for participation in decision-making of whiinau, hap5, and 
iwi socio-political affairs although in-married members under certain 
circumstances are afforded the same rights as full members. Members also 
need to demonstrate their knowledge of whakapapa links to Whakatiihea, and 
may be required to declare it. In-married members, who possess desired 
skills, may be called upon to utilise their abilities for the benefit of the 
whiinau, hap4 or iwi. What is clear is that whakapapa rights to participation 
at governance levels of whiinau and remains a primary qualification thereby 
demonstrating that traditional practices and values have relevance in the 
present day realities of Whakatiihea women and men. 
Ahi-ka Ahi-tere 
Demographic situation can impact on an individual's ability to participate in 
iwi decision-making processes. An estimated 80% of Miiori live outside of 
the tribal district and the majority of urban Mi301-i are women and young 
under the age of 25 (Durie 199854). The 1996 Census showed that of the 
7,350 people were affiliated to Whakatiihea and that 3,600 of those lived in 
the Bay of How then is such a large proportion of the tribal 
population able to participate in the tribal decision-making? According to 
Mahuika (198 1 :76) an individual's right to reside in a particular area never 
grew rnataotao cold if one could establish their genealogical link. Medge 
(1995:41), on the other hand, pointed out that these rights could not always 
automatically be assumed or accorded an individual based purely on 
whakapapa. 
All seven women are affiliated to one or more of the hapii of Whakat6hea 
(Ngai Tama, Ngiiti Patu, Nggti Ngaere, Upokorehe, Ngiiti Rua, Ngiiti Ira or 
Ngiiti Muriwai), directly through whakapapa links or marriage. All women 
spent some time away from their ahi-ka for the purposes of work or 
education. Five of the women (T&ati, Pane, Lena, Julie, Peggy) spent the 
majority of their early years in the district. Since the Wai 87 tribal raupatu 
claim was initiated in 1989, all the women are more actively involved in 
whiinau, hapii and iwi hui. Four of the women (Peggy, Julie, Sharon, 
Hinehou) have returned to participate in hapii affairs since the Claim was 
registered. 
What were the women's experiences and perceptions of being ahi-ka or 
ahit-ere? All of the women experienced behaviour they perceived to be 
barriers to their participation and that of certain other members in iwi and 
hapii hui. What strategies did the women employ to overcome these 
65 Statistics New Zealand (1998) Iwi Vol 1 ,  pp. 17-21. 
barriers? Who were being excluded and who was excluding? How were they 
being excluded? These are some of the issues that the women tried to 
address. 
Julie returned home to Opotiki in 1994. When she first returned she 
perceived that she needed to prove herself before she could gain the trust and 
acceptance of the ahi-ka; "For two years, I had to tread carefully when Ifirst 
came home because while yes I went to school here my whtinau is well 
known here, but you didn 't wanl to be said 'Oh well take away your city 
ideas back there'. 
Julie mindful that others may perceive that she had new ways of doing 
things, applied the 'kanohi kitea' principle to gain acceptance; "Well, I 
suppose I tread carefully, and did not tell them what I could do, I actually 
showed them with my own hands, like being at the back, being involved in 
various things relating to the marae. And after a while you were accepted 
home. " Working at the back gave her insight into what the marae needs 
were. "I started to identzfi things that needed to be done around the marae. 
We needed our kitchen needs doing, our toilets need doing. " Caring for 
guests through healthy practices is an issue, which Julie regards as important, 
and she introduced new health practices at her marae. "I encouraged things 
like, when we're handling foodyou should wear gloves so that when people 
are looking at you that makes them feel good about their food. ". 
Julie served an 'apprenticeship' at the back and gained office serving on the 
marae committee; "Andfor two years I was the secretary. And I will proudly 
say that I did quite a lot for our marae in terms ofadministration .... One of 
the skills that I had, and Ipicked this up in the city, is how to apply for 
government funding. ". 
She also put her organisational skills to work by implementing new practices 
to improve the running of social gatherings: 
"[Tjhey used to have Wananga before, everyone would turn 
up 'Oh what we gonna do now?' I encouraged writing a 
programme so that everyone knew what was happening ... [I) 
encouraged them with a lot of talking andpersuasion that we 
should send out a newsletter to all our whanau out there, that 
we don't see them, and tell them, our marae needs doing. We 
need money. On top of that trying to get moneyJFom the 
lottery. And which we did, and everyone started to feel 'Hey, 
things are happening : " 
Julie organised a hui to educate land trustees about their duties. She also 
encouraged others to get involved in discussions at hui; " ... I found my skill 
with my own hapii was to empower our people to start standing up and 
saying, "No I don 't like this no more!" She sympathised with those who 
lived away from home and determined to make the marae a welcoming place 
for them' "I encouragedpeople who stayed away to come back. That I made 
a point of making them feel welcome". 
Julie is the mat-ua (eldest sibling) and works on the family tupuna land 
(Julie). She acknowledges she now takes on the role of representative for her 
wh8nau in the hapa; "[Ejven though my mother's still alive66, she 's not here 
66~adly  one week after this interview Julies mother passed away. Na reira e te whaea, moe mai ra, moe mai ra 
to be an ahi-kii, so I suppose in some ways, I've become the ahi-kii for the 
w hanau ". 
Julie's experiences of moving back home, provides an example of how the 
principle of 'kanohi kitea' applies in Mgori society today. Julie performed an 
apprenticeship by working at the back and organising hui. The introduction 
of new practices for the marae by Julie is an example of how successfully 
tikanga or 'tradition' may be changed to adapt to meet particular needs of 
present day hapii. The skills she had acquired while away from home and the 
energy she had were utilised for improving how things were done at the 
marae. Julie was also recognised as possessing desired leadership skills and 
qualities evidenced by her nomination to represent the hapfi at iwi level, and 
secretary for the hapa. Julie's experience of moving home is an example of 
how women and other members who have moved away fkom the home place 
may utilise their skills to benefit the hapfi and iwi of Whakatiihea. 
For Peggy, abusive behaviow was the barrier which almost drove her from 
participating in hapii affairs. Peggy observed and experienced conflict at 
hap6 hui between those recently returned home, and long time residents. She 
reflects that the; "jour years that I t e  been home, I've seen people being 
abusive to one another, and to me it just saddens me.. . To me it's something 
that is; il brings mamae for me ... " 
She saw this kind of behaviow as unproductive and hindered her from 
participating in the decision making processes of hapfi. She explained: 
"When Ifirst came back, I went to a hap6 meeting and I sat in 
the hapG meetingfor ooh aboutfive hours, and nothing was 
achieved. ... there was nothing constructive, and I thought, 
wow, what a waste of time ... one's at the back were talking 
about something totally irrelevant to the' take'. 
Time was precious to Peggy. When she perceived that others were wasting 
what little spare time she had, that became an issue that she needed to 
address if she were to continue attending hui. The strategies Peggy 
employed were to put herself in physical proximity to the table and to 
suggest better hui procedure. Challenging the status quo held consequences 
for Peggy and some took her suggestions as an affront. "And then in the 
background you'd hear, 'Why? Who does she think she is?' Peggy's 
experience of being a victim of backbiting at hui confirms Meads (1995: 11 1) 
observation that this is a common occurrence at hui. 
In this instance, the backbiting comments were an indirect way of 
challenging Peggy's right to have a say at the hapii hui. Peggy came to a 
crossroads where she was to withdraw from hapti discussions or to change 
the way things were to be done. She explains: 
"In the end Ijust thought, you know lrfter about a coupler 
months ofthis I thought 'I'm either gonna have to say how I'm 
feeling or I'm gonna say bugger i f  ' ... And Ijust turned 
around and got up one day and I said 'Look I'm really h6hti. 
I come here to try and help, to try and see constructive things 
happening, I hear a lot of kGrero, you know, so and so's this 
and so and so S that. Its not about putting people down, its 
about working together andJinding something that's 
constructive. " 
She again raised the issue of hui needing to be more constructive and was 
again challenged. This time she responded by claiming her right based on 
wh&apapa by saying; "none ofyou can give me the right to be here, only my 
tipuna can!' 
Being challenged about one's right to speak in Maori society has been part of 
tradition (Metge, 1995:41). However a challenge to ones right to speak, 
speaks more about the ignorance of the person questioning than the one 
being challenged. Proving that one has the appropriate credentials to 
participate in hapii affairs then allows one the freedom to move as Peggy 
experienced; "Andfi-om that day on, it was sweet as". 
Peggy's experiences indicate that in today's world, time is an issue and needs 
to be taken into account at important hui and necessary changes made. The 
hap6 and extended whaau  do not sustain the everyday lives of its members. 
If discussions at hap6 hui are taking members away from the domains that 
support their livelihoods then perhaps traditional practices to do with 
decision-making of hapii and iwi affairs need to adapt to reflect this change. 
Therefore, better use of discussion time and hui procedures need to be made. 
Taking days to debate and discuss issues is not necessary if new rules of hui 
proceeding were d r a m  up by each hap0 to meet the needs of ail hapa 
members. 
Pane, a long time resident in WhakatShea, was also put off from taking part 
in discussions and the decision-making process because of the negative 
nature of the discussions. Julie too recognised the conflict between the hau 
kainga (home people) and those recently returned home. 
The experiences of Julie, Pane, Sharon, and Peggy highlight some of the 
disadvantages of the open-discussion type of hui forum. Aroha Mead 
(1 995: 1 1 1) too observed that the practice of open-discussion has been 
misused and that abusive behaviour has become the norm at hui. 
The experience of being regarded as a threat to the status quo is something 
that two of the women (Julie and Peggy) experienced. 
For Julie differences in educational experiences have also contributed to the 
way she is viewed by the homefolk; " .... and you got some who believe that 
because I've been to varsity and I'm an academic I know more than the home 
people. " 
Julie believes that home folk have become static in their thinking; "Those 
who have lived at home are still living in the 1800s and 1900s. So when you 
get the urban and the rural hapii and whdnau together, this is where the 
clashes come. " 
Julie has observed the inconsistencies in the way tikanga and kawa are 
applied on the marae: 
Within our different hapii ... we've got our people at different 
levels of attitude and thinking. ... Because I believe what S 
happening - the values and beliefi are clashing. ... 
The loss of a traditional communal way of living is one of the contibuting 
factors to the breakdown in participation in decision-making procedures; 
"....and in a 101 of ways it's because we have not had what I call that 
closeness of village-type living logether. " In traditional Miiori society, each 
had their roles to play as illustrated in the following whakatauki: 
KO te arnorangi ki mua, ko te hiipai 6 ki muri. 
Karetu (1984:60) gave the meaning as those at the front on the paepae have 
their role to play, and those at the back preparing the food and physical 
comforts have their roles. Both are reliant on each other in upholding the 
mana of the hapa. Julie sees the only way forward is to: 
"...combine those resources of the past - those ones at home 
who have always been at home - and those that have been 
away and come home . . . find some common ground. ..for the 
well-being of our whdnau hap6 and iwi, then we would 
probably be a force to reckon with. " 
Sharon the youngest participant in the study was also challenged at hui; 
"I've had lots of disagreements". 
Sharon's experience demonstrates how credibility is lost when those in 
leadership roles do not maintain the principle of "anohi-kitea'. Sharon 
describes an example of one such situation; "[name removed], because he 
was part of the negotiating team, he got up and he said something, and 
[name removed] got up and said, 'Where have you been? I don't see you 
around very often '. " 
This experience demonstrates what may be lost should the 'he kanohi kitea' 
principle not be practiced. A person may be challenged about their right to 
speak, or represent hapa or iwi. 
Sharon believes there is a close association between being seen and being 
effective in hapii affairs. Her views demonstrate how respect for leadership 
may be diminished if  it is perceived that their words are inconsistent or do 
not follow their actions. Sharon observed: 
"... that's what happens, they talk about things, but they don? 
make it happen. " 
There are extra barriers to participating in iwi socio-politics for those who do 
not live in close proximity to the home front; Iwi members who live away 
from the home district are required to commit greater monetary and time 
costs to return home to participate at hui. 
The experiences of Julie, Peggy, Pane, and Sharon show how customary 
traditions and practices have relevance in the decision-making of hapii and 
iwi affairs within MakatGhea. Today, changes need to be made to meet the 
demands of present day living of all it's members. Their experiences 
demonstrate that rights to be heard are not a given and that one must win the 
trust of those who "maintain the home fires'. Serving apprenticeship type 
duties at hui, actioning new ideas were regarded as important for gaining 
respect for governance. Abusive and time-wasting behaviours created 
barriers for both the women and rangatahi wishing to participate in 
discussions and decisions made by hapii and iwi. The home fires have the 
potential to bum and hurt or to draw families together, providing light, 
warmth and sustenance. 
The women's experiences showed how traditional customary practices based 
on whakapapa and kanohi kitea can be applied to meet the participation 
rights of Maori communities today. 
Rangatahi and Pakeke 
Ka pfi te 1-312 
Ka hao te rangatahi 
(The old nets lie heaped up on the shoreline 
While the new nets go to sea) 
Ruha is used here to describe elders - kaumatua and kui. Like an old net, as 
they age they are not as productive as they used to be. Rangatahi is a 
metaphor for the youth who help to sustain whwau. Rangatahi is commonly 
used to describe those below the age of 3j6'. Pakeke, kaumaba, koroua and 
kuia describes those above the age of In previous generations, when 
life-expectancy was low, kaumZitua status began earlier than today. As 
people began living longer, ages of rangatahi and kaumatua have also 
changes. People living in their late 30's into their fifties are regarded as 
rangattahi particularly by those above sixty years of age. Therefore it is the 
context and the correlation between particular groups and people that 
determines what stabs one has - pakeke or rangatahi. Sharon is the only 
participant who may truly be regarded as rangatahi (based on age). 
Four of the women participants (Peggy, Lena, Hinehou and Sharon) noticed 
that rangatahi were being marginalised from hapii and iwi of Whakatijhea. 
This is very dependant on the individual, circumstance, and the relationship between individuals. 
This term meaning is dependent on the individual, circumstance and relationship to others as well. Retirement age is another 
marker. Kaumatua (traditional) also refers to those, regardless of age who are given leadership roles in whanau, hapu or iwi. 
"... ifyou don't awhi our rangatahi back 
they're not gonna come back. " 
(Peggy) 
Peggy noticed the absence of rangatahi at hui. "And I wondered why that 
there were beggar-all young ones at our marae ". She assumed that 
rangatahi observed or experienced abuse at hui and were put off returning to 
take part in the processes of hapii decision-making. Peggy had experienced 
put-downs and backbiting, and observed how inefficiently the hui 
discussions proceeded. 
An initial high turnout of rangatahi at hui about the Raupatu Claim soon 
decreased when information was not disseminated fast enough and they went 
"elsewhere to find out information9'. Kaurngtua were not comfortable with 
this. 
Peggy felt that kaumiitua and kuia had a responsibility to include rangatahi in 
hapii fonun otherwise they would be lost to the hapii and iwi. She recalled 
an incident in which kuia behaviour may have served to disenfranchise 
rangatahi; "and I said to her, 'If you don 't awhi our rangatahi back they 're 
not gonna come back. ... Lets work together, not pulling one another apart." 
Peggy also believes that abusive behaviour fightened rangatahi away firom 
hapu; "one ofmy kuia 's in particular, $she is not heard, she gets very loud 
and very angry.. . ". She believes that such bad behaviour dirninished the 
respect of rangatahi for kuia and kaumgtua. 
In traditional Maori society kaumatua, kuia and koroua were the whiinau 
leaders. They had authority and control over political and whiinau affairs 
(Walker 1990:63). They were also regarded as possessing valued knowledge 
(ibid.) to be passed on to mokopuna. Inherent in Maori society was the 
notion of seeking knowledge from one's elders as expressed in the 
whakatauki : 
Whakarongo ki te kupu a tou matua 
(Listen to the teachings ofyour elders) 
Peggy's view is that the tikanga of respect "Today it's not the same. Respect 
I believe is not the same. " She also perceived that rangatahi are more 
independent in their thinking; "Our rangatahi are not satisfied with what 
some of our pakeke are telling them. They're going out to search for more - 
and I think that's a healthy thing ... they're not satisfied with the answers 
they %e getting at home ... " 
Peggy's experience and perceptions indicate that traditional values, which 
elevate the status of elders, may not be at the same level &at previous 
generations of elders enjoyed. The knowledge that kaurngtua today possess 
is sometimes regarded as not important to rangatahi today. Peggy is able to 
sympathise with rangatahi who seek knowledge from outside of the hapu, 
particularly in regards to dealing with political issues. The clash of values 
and beliefs between generations may occur at many ieveis of socio-poiitics of 
Whakatbhea. 
Sharon observed and engaged in debate at hapti meetings. Sllaron was more 
stimulated by the disagreements than discouraged; ". . . . coming back to our 
hap13 hui, I'd be probably one of the youngest rangatahi coming back for 
quite a while to Ngiiti Rua ... And yeah I've had lots of disagreements with 
our kuia and koroua at hapu level. But just debating! Healthy debate 
between mokopuna and kuia is not necessarily disrespecthl behaviour by 
mokopuna if the debate is not taken to a level where personalities are 
attacked. Sharon's experiences reveal a level of maturity that needs to be 
adopted when there is a difference in the views of kaum5itua and rangatahi. 
Sharon also observed how other rangatahi had become disaffected and 
estranged from the home-place after conflicting with kaumatua; ". . . [name 
removed] been raised in Auckland and came home to Opoti ki... had all these 
good ideas and the oldpeople would rubbish him, you know ... And in the 
end, well he just gave up.. . . " 
Sharon recalls another incident - "...was appointed to do something with our 
Raupatu a while back [name removed] got shot down by some ofthe 
kaumdtua at a... hui . . . well he was gone. " 
Peggy too observed members were disaffected by kaum5itua and therefore 
participation at hapii affairs: 
"One of my extended whiinau and I were talking about the 
raupatu and she said to me 'Peg' ... I wonder why the koroua 
... says a karakia before .. . our k6reros about the raupatu. ' 
... 'They talk about 'tika ', they talk about 'pono ', they talk 
about 'aroha ', they talk about 'rangimarie ', they talk about 
'rongoa ', and then hello ... someone 's screaming at 
someone ' ". 
Rangatahi expectations of how kaurnatua should behave sometimes results in 
them disassociating themselves from their iwi of Whakatiihea. 
Sharon's and Peggy's experiences and observations confirm Mead's 
(1 995: 11 1) views that negative behaviour of those in leadership positions 
serves to prohibit women and rangatahi from contributing to the social and 
the political affairs of iwi. Mead (ibid.) states: 
It has become an accepted norm within Mgori society that 
overcoming backbiting, petty jealousies and downright abuse 
of privilege and position are part of the initiation process for 
gaining acceptance and credibility as a 'real-Mgori'. This is 
ridiculous. It always has been ridiculous. That it has 
continued for as long as it has is an indication of the calibre of 
leadership. I shudder to think how many Maori, and 
particularly Rangatahi have felt compelled to leave and walk 
away from their whiinau, hap4 iwi, or MBori organisations 
after having experienced prolonged bouts of this. (ibid.). 
According to Peggy rangatahi need role models but is of the view that 
present hap0 and iwi leaders and kaumBtua do not seem to be providing what 
they need. Peggy identifies one of the factors that affect the inter- 
generational split is that elder's inability to admit their lack of knowledge: 
"I don't think it's the fault [of the kuia and koroua]. If[they] 
are ignorant of things it's not their fault. ..I believe that there S no 
shame in saying 'Oh I don't h o w  '. Ifwe as people can say, 
'Well I don't have to be perfect' life would be much easier for all 
of us .... " 
Saving face may be a reason for kuia and koroua not wishing to acknowledge 
their limitations. Knowledge in Maori society has always been associated 
virith maturity, hence the whakatauki: 
"E tti hum mii, e noho hum pango." 
(Let the grey-headed man speak, 
while the black cropped hair remain seated) 
However kuia and koroua as well as rangatahi are not legal experts. If given, 
the right information, and time to understand the political and the social 
implications of the Raupatu claim and the Crowns stance, then all whbau 
members then more informed decisions would be made. It takes time and 
deep contemplation for even educated and trained individuals to come to 
grasp with complicated legal issues (Sykes, 1995: 18). Sykes, a prominent 
lawyer, took six months to understand the meaning and implications of the 
'fiscal envelope'. It is then reasonable to conclude that kaurnstua and 
rangatahi untrained in law would find it almost impossible to understand the 
implications of the raupatu claim, without more time to work through the 
issues. What role then would kaurniitua and kuia have in contemporary 
Whakatiihea society? 
In traditional Msori society and indeed Whakatiihea society, it was the 
young, the strong and the fit who engaged with the enemy. 
Some kaumstua may not have the required skills at that time to take their 
hap0 forward, as expressed in the whakatauki "Ka p0 te d B ,  ka hao te 
rangatahi". 
However, just as in traciitionai Maori society, kaumiitua can continue to play 
a role in teaching rangatahi about tradition and tikanga, e.g. Kohanga Reo, 
and Wmanga. EIowever, it is the view of the author (based on the women's 
views) that kaumiitua should leave the legal battles to those who have been 
recently trained, and acquired the skills and agility to step into the new day 
battle arena. Kaumiitua could contribute positively to the iwi by 
"acknowledging their limitations" but also giving freely of their traditional 
knowledge, and encouraging rangatahi participation. 
Pane too noticed how very few rangatahi participated in marae activities, 
confirming Parata's (1990:38) observations about the intergenerational 
mistrust. She attributed this to the rangatahi not having a sense of belonging. 
She believes this may be gained purely by helping around the marae: 
"Go to all marae dos. ... I say, 'Just take part, even getting 
wood ..., helping to wash the dishes, peel the potatoes ... tjust 
help with anything ... most people that take part in marae 
things I think you find they'll end up knowing about the Maori 
life any way. " 
Pane observed that rangatahi's lack of knowledge of tikanga was another 
barrier preventing them from participating in marae life. They need to 
actively participate in marae activities, and get involved. They are then in a 
position to learn about the tikanga of their marae and other important issues 
that help develop a sense of belonging. 
An example of pakeke working with rangatahi on political ism >ues was 
demonstrated by NgSiti Nghere. Peggy described the situation where the 
chairman of the board encouraged members to carry out research and bring 
back to the hapii for discussion. It was a real attempt by a "hapii to work as 
one9' and include all in an important decision making process. 
It is a useful strategy for all hapii wishing to utilise the energy, passion, and 
drive of their young for the betterment of the hapii. 
In spite of the disagreements at the political level, Sharon was able to 
maintain positive interactions with kaumgtua and ahi-kg at a personal level. 
<'But afterwards we're still able to laugh and talk together. " And where 
there were differences in opinion, Sharon recommended separating emotional 
responses from the political; ".. . ifwe think they 're wron, ...g ive your 
perspective and go and mihimihi and kiss them afterwards andyou know, 
you're all right. That's the approach that I've taken." She maintained a 
philosophy of perseverance in order that ones ideas be heard and advised; "... 
don't let them beat you ... And don't run away at the first obstacle, you've got 
to keep coming back. " 
Rangimarie Parata (1 990:78) observed that there is evidence of conflict in 
modern Miiori society between elders and rangatahi about what is usehl 
knowledge. She noted that Maori authorities, the 'established regime9, seem 
to feel threatened by the growing number of rangatahi coming through with 
superior educational skills. On the other hand rangatahi seem to feel 
threatened by kaumiitua knowledge of things MBori (ibid.). She, however, 
sees positive outcomes rather than negative. She suggests that by combining 
the two strengths, wisdom of the elders and skills knowledge of rangatahi 
then Maori society could only but benefit (ibid). She however does not give 
examples of such an ideal occurring in modern Maori society. 
The ancestor Mgui, has set a precedence for how rangatahi could deal with 
elders when seeking knowledge from them. Timing, patience, and 
persistence, guile, cunning and caring were some of the tools he employed 
(Walker, 1990: 17). These are the same virtues which rangatahi today need to 
apply in order to win the trust of their elders. 
The incidents, which Sharon and Peggy describe, confirm Meads (1 995: 1 10- 
1 11) observations of how rangatahi may be deterred from participating in iwi 
socio-politics. They include poor hapc or pakeke leadership; differences in 
values and knowledge; abusive behaviour; rigidity of thinking; and tunnel 
vision of elders. 
Outside the loop, ge$eing in 
Te Tgwharau o Te Whakatijhea was a lobby group which was used by two 
women in the present study, to be heard by hap0 and iwi leaders. Sharon set 
up a branch in Whakatae and Hinehou is the kuia of the group. The 
members are mainly Whakatijhea rangatahi and women. The group was 
originally formed in opposition to the signing of the Deed of ~e t t l emen t~~ ,  
October 1996 (Ratima, 1999: 159). According to Ratima (1 999: 157) what 
draws the members together is a common concern that the Deed had been 
developed without the input of the hap0 of WhakatGhea. In kis 1999 study, 
the group has been described as; "". . . not a voice ... [but] ... a reminder of 
who we are" and as a movement which is attempting to "tie us back to the 
whanau and the hapu" (Ratima, 1999: 157-1 59). Other participants in his 
study regarded Te Tgwharau as a group of rangatahi who were "immature9' 
and "hoha" (ibid.). 
6Y The Deal included a $40 million dollar settlement of the WhakatGhea Raupatu Claim. It needed to be mandated by the iwi 
members before it was full and final. 
What are the views about and experiences of the women in regards to Te 
Tgwharau? 
Sharon's political awareness and interest in the raupatu issues of Whakatiihea 
were raised as a student at Te Wananga o Te Awanuiarangi. There she 
learned about the injustice of legislature on tribal groups. Her involvement 
in Te Tgwharau came about when she decided to become involved in the 
Mrhakatohea "Raupatu issue[s] . . ." She attended hui-a-iwi to learn more 
about the Whakatbhea Raupatu issues. When she learned of the plans by the 
chief Whakatohea negotiators to sign the Deed of Settlement, she called Te 
TSiwharau members together. They gathered at a hui in Wellington. She was 
concerned that iwi members did not understand what was being agreed to 
between iwi leaders and the Crown; "They had the lawyers representing 
Whakatiihea explain the offer.. . if we couldn't understand, we don't know 
how our kaumSitua could get a handle on it. " 
At this meeting the kaumstua asked the rangatahi not to protest. The 
rangatahi did ask however, that time be given for all of Mrhdcat6hea to 
consider the implications of the offer. It was not heeded and the document 
was signed by the Crown, and Whakatohea representatives, John Delamere 
and Claude Edwards. Hinehou admits to not understanding the issues and 
wanting time to consider the implications. 
The reactions to the signing of the deed were of despair and grief at losing 
everything; "E miitaku ana kua riro ngii rawa h t o a  o te hunga kei te piki 
ake. Ka pzhea Gna tamariki, ka noho i roto i te kore. " The enormity of the 
effects of one generation on another overwhelmed Sharon; "...with our 
raupatu, the ofer for WhakatGhea, the most profound efSect was how can one 
generation take the rights of another generation. What right do we have to 
close the door on our children and future generations? We do not have lhat 
right! " 
There was the belief of some that the Crown position of 'Full and Final 
Settlement' meant that once the settlement was accepted by WhakatiShea and 
put into legislation there would be "no revisiting of or re-staking any claim in 
the future, regardless of changing circumstances" (Ratima 1999: 174). 
Based on the belief that 'full and final' really did mean that, Sharon 
immediately determined to work towards halting the Deed of Settlement; 
"ItsJi.om then on, I worked towards ensuring that this, the ofer would be 
rejected". They mounted a major campaign to initially inform WbakatGhea 
whibau about the implications of the Deed of Settlement. They then focused 
their energies on terminating the Deed (Ratima, 1999: 159). 
Networks were formed to inform others including kaumiitua, about what they 
thought the implications of the deal were and how to halt it's progression. Te 
Tawharau were formed in Whakatbe, Auckland and Hamilton by 
WhakatGhea members living there. The group made submissions to MBori 
Land Court (MLC) hearings, WhakatGhea Raupatu Negotiations Committee 
meetings, hui-a-hapu and hui-a-iwi. As well as the unfavowable terms of the 
Deed, submissions focused on issues of process and mandate (Ratima, 
1999: 159-160). 
Sharon played her part in the information campaign. She encouraged other 
Whakatiihea students at the Wharewananga to attend hui to discuss this and 
other issues. After speaking to a member of the Mokomoko ~ h & I a u ' ~  Sharon 
learned that the whiinau had not been consulted about their settlement being 
"lumped together " with the iwi settlement. From there, Sharon and others 
including some members of the Mokomoko wh&Iau worked together to 
inform others of what had occurred They sent out information letters, and 
had a phone-in-line. Members helped in whatever way they could; "Good 
group dynamics each took different roles and worked hard for the cause. " 
Other educated and skilled members, mainly women, used teir professional 
skills to assist the group. For example, those qualified in law workedon 
simplifying the language so that everyone could understand the implications 
of the Deed. Sharon explained: 
" ... they actually analysed the Deed ... gave the legal 
perspectives of it and then they summarised it in simple 
language so our people could understand it. .. We were the 
most active in actually raising the awareness amongst our 
people and getting korero out to our people, and it was just 
mainly women. " 
'O Mokomoko was the tipuna of the Mokomoko whiinau. He was blamed for the killing of Reverend Volkner. Volkner's death 
lead to the invasion of Imperial troops into Whakatahea and the confiscation of her lands (Raupatu). A pardon was granted 
Mokomoko in 1989 (see Chapter 2). Following this a separate claim against the government was lodged by Tuirirangi 
:Mokomoko. 
These experiences show how rangatahi and women have been able to 
influence the political outcomes of their iwi. 
However, the Crown policy of getting claims settled within a tight timeframe 
placed the iwi leadership in a very difficult position. I believe that if the 
circumstances were such that the leadership was united and had had the time 
to properly seek mandate from Whakatijhea, then the talent of the rangatahi 
and women could have been utilised by leaders to prepare and negotiate a 
better deal from the Crown. It is evident that there is an abundance of energy 
and educational skills that WhakatGhea rangatahi and women possess which 
needs to be utilised in a positive way to benefit iwi and hapii (990:78). 
Tfirati also sees the benefits in working with the Crown: 
"Well to me, ifyou can't beat them you join them to get what 
you want. .. Afler all they hold the purse strings. Not that I'm 
in favour of what they've done to us ... But there are certain 
ways that you get what you want, beat them at their own 
game.. . you have to be crafty just like them to get what you 
need, what you want. " 
Some impostant issues raised are that to do with inheritence, being informed, 
and taking time to think threw issues. Whatever the age, all WfnakatTjhea 
members, wish Whakatijhea descendants to inherit their rightful legacy. 
Also being informed about important issues and being allowed time to 
become familiar with the issues and to think about the implications of any 
decisions coming out of the issues. These experiences demonstrate how the 
traditional practice of consultation where everyone had a right to be informed 
and to express their views are practices are valued by women and rangatahi 
of Whakatiihea. Where consultation is not carried out by leaders and 
decision-making is not achieved through consensus then other members will 
use other means to influence the affairs of hapii and iwi. Kuia and rangatahi, 
despite the differences in views about how one must relate to the Crown, 
share a common goal. The goal of securing redress from the Crown for 
injustices suffered by Whakatiihea is one shared by rangatahi and pakeke 
alike. 
Whakawhiti Marero: TaGng time - wasting time. 
Five of the women participants found that with time was an important factor 
which influenced their ability to participate effectively in the decisions made 
about their hapii and iwi affairs. Abusive behaviour was regarded by Peggy 
and Pane as an unproductive use of time at hapii hui. Taking time over 
important decisions was also considered important. Ineffective hui 
procedures were also regarded as issues. Peggy suggested that hapii 
delegates only should be allowed to speak at iwi hui to save time. 
Peggy, Sharon, and Hinehou, experiences indicate that hapii leaders who do 
not take time to hear the views of those they represent cannot achieve true 
representation. Decisions are not then made through consensus. Sharon md 
Hinehou also saw the merits in taking time issues, which had potential 
important implications for Whakatiihea future. They along with other 
members of Te Tgwharau asked at the hui at parliament that John Delamere 
and Claude Edwards allow more time for consultation with iwi members 
before they sign the memorandum of understanding with the Crown. Sharon 
and Hinehou regard it as very important that time should be given for proper 
informed consensus to be asrived at. 
Tfirati is also of the view that there are benefits in the traditional way of 
making decisions which asks that time be taken to discuss matters fully; 
"They should have more debate about the whole thing instead of one person 
going in and saying this is what we're going to do and that's it. More 
kiirero, more k6rei-o, that's how we used to do in the old days. Weeks of 
k6rero. " However,TWati also recognises that the lifestyle today does not 
allow for the same amount of time to spend on going through the issues 
required as in the past: 
"But now ofcourse as you understand, it's a change of times. 
You haven't got time to sit and talk and talk and talk. We 
gotta work to get our bread and butter. In the old days we 
used to k6rero k6rero until there was consensus that we all 
agreed. And of course as I say, times have changed and 
people have to go to work. They can't sit and talk for a week 
like we used to in the old days. So it's up to the people. I 
really don't h o w ,  I really don't know. We'll get there though, 
I'm pretty sure we will get there. But no rush. No need to 
rush like some of these people having to rush kia teretere. The 
government will have to pay us sooner or later. See the first 
raupatu wasfiJ2een thousandpounds. Peanuts. And our 
pakeke said 'Kei te pai, take this, ap6p6 we'll get another 
one. ' See apiipii has arrived. " 
T&ati9s belief that there would be avenue for comeback later is based on the 
fact that the 1920 agreement was to be a final settlement (Sinclair, 198 1 : 1 1 8) 
and yet Whakatbtiihea have returned to the negotiating table. Taati along with 
others who were in favour of settlement with the Crown is not convinced that 
"'full and final" meant exactly that (RZitima, 1999). 
To add, the government imposed a tight time fiame for settlement of claims, 
which placed pressure on the negotiators. The process was considered too 
hasty for the negotiators (Durie 1998: 199). Time was of the essence for 
Delamere and Edwards. With the upcoming elections and the possibility of a 
change in government, they saw the need to at least get some commitment 
fiom the government by signing of the Deed. The possibilitiy of further 
delay of a settlement may not have favoured WhakatTihea. The $40 million 
dollar settlement was generous when placed alongside other settlements such 
as Tainui and Ngaitahu. While $40 million dollars could go a long way to 
alleviating much of the poverty suffered by Whakatijhea people, the view 
held by many is, that it would be extremely difficult to take back what is 
, signed away. Durie (E, 199023) also observed that government policy for 
settling claims does not allow time for enough iwi-wide consultation to take 
place. He says: 
Time is something the government 'fiscal envelope' 
framework did not give Miiori as far as consultation within 
tribes. "Justice delayed is justice denied," and I can 
understand the wish to act promptly. I suspect, however, that 
this is not the main reason why many are demanding more 
speed. The demand [for speed] is rather to dispose of Ma/lSiori 
claims quickly so that the country might return to normal; 
normality being, I think it is assumed, a way of life in which 
the Miiori thing can be put out of sight and mind. Bet it must 
not be seen as normal, in my view, to exclude Miiori fiom 
future consideration because of the settlement of a claim. 
(Durie, E., 199023). 
The WhakatTihea leadership by signing the memorandum of agreement were 
seen to have bought into the government plan, thereby becoming agents of 
hegemony. Durie warns that history has shown that hastily agreed upon 
settlements may not endure, when he states: 
Nor can I accept that a quick inquiry and pay-off can ever 
produce an enduring solution. Those who do not learn the 
mistakes of history are bound to repeat them, as has often been 
said, but we also need to be reminded in this case that the 
quick inquiries and pay-ofrs of last century are a significant 
source of complaint in many of the claims before us now. 
(Durie, E., 199023). 
The women's experiences show that there is a fine balance between taking 
time to consider issues of importance and that of wasting time on petty and 
abusive exchanges at hui. Consensus decision-making is shown to be of 
importance to all women participants. Present day lifestyles of members 
does not allow the same time to debate issues at a face-to-face level that was 
possible in previous generations. The main issue is for Whakatshea 
members, is that they are kept informed and are given the opportunity to take 
part in the decision-making of whhau, hapu, and iwi affairs. 
Wiihine pa&icipatisn in decision-making 
Issues about gender roles and participation in iwi socio-politics was raised by 
six of the women. All important debates and decisions that affect 
Whakatbhea hapii and iwi are carried out in Whare Tipuna or Whare Kai 
where women and men have equal speaking rights. 
Leadership of the six hapii of Whakat6hea is centred on marae committees, 
and kaumiitua the latter are the spokespersons for the hapii (Walker 1997: 16). 
The women's leadership role at formal hui on the marae is also found 'at the 
front9 as kaikaranga, and at the back as ringa werag' (Lee, 1994:222). 
" ringawera = lit. hothands; e.g. kitchen worker 
In the past year, Julie and I-linehou filled secretarial positions on their hapti 
marae committee. Women usually occupy secretarial and treasury positions 
on marae committees whereas chairpersons on hapii and iwi committees have 
been men. This style of leadership is not based on traditional criteria such as 
whakapapa or kaupapa. It reflects the pakeha leadership style that 
encourages men to head committees and women to seek support roles is 
usual in governance-style committees. Szasky observed how; "". . .women 
are . . . limited in the recognition, authority and legitimate power due to them. 
They are denied access, to decision-making, but all decisions that are made 
by others are, by and large, referred to them for action" (Szaszy, 1993:289- 
90). At the hap0 level in Whakati-ihea women do not usually fill 
spokesperson roles such as those assigned to Chairpersons, but are relegated 
to administrative leadership roles. This pattern is transferred to the iwi level 
of governance. 
The Whakatiihea Trust Board set up under the MSiori Trust Board's Act 1955 
is the iwi authority for Whakati-ihea (ibid.). Two delegates from each of the 
six hapa are elected every three years to the board who are accountable to the 
Minister ofM2ori Affairs. In the past, the women have beer, reluctant to 
seek, selection to 'the board'. Up until the 1996 election the membership 
was dominated by men. 
With such under-representation for women, it is very unlikely that issues of 
importance to women may be addressed. Peggy confirms that difficulty 
when she states: "I'm the only woman on the Whakatiihea Mi-iori Trust 
Board, and it's quite hard". 
In 1999 another fmo women, Josie Matchitt (Upokorehe) and Rita 
Wordsworth (Ngai Tama) joined the board. Women now occupied three of 
the twelve positions. These ratios reflect figures of other iwi governance 
committees where a disproportionate number of men sit on governance 
boards. Such figures also reflect the p&eh8 world of governance 
committees. 
Although, the nomination of, Sharon and Hinehou by a kaurniitua, reflects a 
promising change in attitude, by this particular sector of the hapii. 
Taati expressed concern about the way delegates were sometimes chosen to 
represent hapii at the iwi level: 
"Because he's cousie-bro. No matter what. No experience of 
management, business management or any other experience. 
...p ut him on there because he's brother. Or he can 
whaikGrero on the marae. WhaikGrero, yes there's aplace for 
that. I t e  got respect for that. It's diferent to business 
management. " 
Misguided loyalty to respected whanau male elders and speaking abilities are 
not regarded as sufficient leadership qualifications for today. As well as 
traditional leadership qualities, modern governance stmctures that controi iwi 
assets require people that have appropriate educational and business 
qualifications and experience. Choosing someone out of kinship loyalty or 
because of their skills in fulfilling ceremonial duties such as whaikorero, are 
not the only skills and qualities required to meet the long-term needs of 
Whakattihea. 
To add, such qualities are based on bias that favours election of men rather 
than women. For instance whaiktirero is part of the domain for men in 
WhakatZihea. There is a perception, evidenced by the low number of women 
elected onto the Board, that Whakatbhea favour qualities that are attributable 
to roles traditionally carried out by men. Mira Szaszy (1993:289) 
highlighted how patriarchal practices, permeate throughout modem Maori 
society. She compared how MSiori society is suffering from something 
similar to the 'hidden curriculum772 phenomenon found in schools. 
Discriminatory practices are so covert that they are accepted as the norm. 
Practices such as that which allows only men to speak on the marae serve to 
create a mindset that is transferred into other areas of Maori society (ibid). 
The under-representation of Whakattihea women at iwi governance levels is 
evidence that the 'hidden curriculum' phenomenon has been and continues to 
be present in Whakatahea. The lack of female representation on the Board is 
of concern to two of the women participants; "So too many men in the Trust 
Board, no vision, no maternal instinct and we need more women in there. " 
(Sharon). 
Six of the women participants felt that the leadership of women at this level 
needed to be addressed. 
72 hidden cumculum = describes how school and teacher values and attitudes impact on how and what is taught. 
" I believe, I as a Whakat6hea woman - have a responsibility 
to try andfind the common ground that we become one voice 
to lead our people into the future. Because each and every 
one of us have the well-being of our iwi that at the end of the 
day, what's important here is our future generations, whether 
it be as a whdnau, whether it be as a hapii, or whether it be as 
a iwi. " 
Rei (1993:50) found that Maori women experience opposition from MSiori 
men when they become politically 'visible'. Some Miiori men uphold the 
view that women are taking something away from MSiori men because of 
their interest (ibid.).73 Such views have become "mistakenly accepted" as a 
Miiori worldview about gender roles within Maori society (ibid.). Women 
according to such men should concentrate their efforts, for the survival of 
Miioridom on their reproductive roles and should not compete but leave the 
political arena to MBori men (ibid.). However, such paternalistic attitudes 
have their basis in the colonisation experience and not Maori tradition (Mead 
1995: 1 10-1 1 1). Miiori men who hold such beliefs become the agents of 
Western patriarchy. Mead (1 995) states that: 
MBori constitutional rights in New Zealand through colonisation, 
has caused a redefinition of masculinity and femininity within 
Maori society. Colonists and indigenous men perpetrate sexism 
against indigenous women (p. 1 1 1). 
Mira Szaszy asserts that Western colonist influences are most clearly seen on 
the marae. Our marae is a patriarchal institution, 'pervaded by assumptions 
of male domination9. This position of women in our political whiinau 
mirrors the role of women in the larger society. The custom, which disallows 
women from speaking on that forum with the assertion that men and women 
7 3 ~ o r  example read Bennett, 1979 p.78 "if the consent and support is not available because of over-commitment in areas of 
competition with her men folk ... We who are about to die salute you." 
have complementary roles, is in fact, 'a denial of equality, as such roles are 
certainly not equal' (1993:289) 
Women become agents of hegemony by not valuing the contribution that 
accomplished women are able to make toward iwi development. Women 
and men of Whakatohea have equal voting rights, however, women have not 
represented their hapti at iwi level. Szaszy believes that such inequalities 
occur because they are condoned by MZiori women and men: 
Turning a blind eye' to this situation of our women, even 
those in privileged positions, is a form of dishonesty - 
condoning the situation, we are equally guilty of perpetuating 
discriminatory systems. Both men and women are guilty of 
these evasions. (Szaszy, 1993:289). 
Although all women have contributed to hapti and iwi discussions, three 
were more actively involved. Julie is campaigning to revive the hapti of 
NgZiti Muriwai. Sharon began the Whakatiine and Opotiki branch of Te 
TZiwharau. Hinehou has also been involved in Te TZiwharau and was 
influential in organising a sit-in for Te Moana-a-Tairongo. Hinehou is 
campaigning for the recognition of w&i tapu sites and is raising hapii 
awareness about resource management issues. These are examples of 
avenues other than tribal ones which the women have used to enable them to 
participate in and influence hapti and iwi affairs. 
There is a gender imbalance in representation on hap0 and iwi governance 
committees. The influence that Whakatohea women assert at whaau levels 
does not transfer into hapti or iwi levels of governance. Such an imbalance is 
attributed to Whakatiihea men and women, buying into the hegemonic 
influences of pakeha, which determine that the political arena is for men and 
not women. However, there is indication of changing attitude with the recent 
nominations and representation of women to Whakatiihea governance 
committees. The complementary nature of men's and women's roles at the 
whiinau level of MZiori society is a model that should be transferred to hapii 
and iwi levels of governance. 
Conclusion 
Traditional values and practices in Mgori society are relevant in the lives of 
Whakat6hea women and men today. Whakapapa and 'kanohi kitea' are 
essential for those wishing to participate in decision-making of whwau, 
hapii, and iwi socio-political affairs. Under certain circumstances, in-married 
spouses are afforded the same rights as h l l  members. Barriers to 
participation included abusive behaviour and wastage of time. 
Contemporary solutions to the problem of time and distance were found to 
counter the potential barriers. Informed decision-making reached by 
consensus was valued within Whakat6hea. The remedy or solution to this 
problem lies in kaum5itua making a place for rangatahi, then the iwi will 
benefit from their passion and energy. Women are now encouraged to fill 
positions of responsibility in tribal matters. Women are utilising other means 
to irdiieiice decisions occuning at hapii and iwi levels. Traditional values 
which give worth to the complementary nature of men's and women's roles 
within MBori society should be transferred into the political affairs of 
WhakatGhea, thereby giving such practices a modem day application. 
Traditional values and practices as they relate to participation rights and 
responsibilities within whaau, h a p  and iwi political affairs continues to 
have relevance in the lives of Whakatijhea women today. 
Chapter 9 
Conclusion 
This thesis identified and discussed common themes around whakapapa, 
whenua, and hui, that arose out of a study of seven Whakatijhea women and 
their life experiences and views about the socio-political affairs of the tribe. 
The cosmological and customary narratives based on MZiori-centred and 
Mana-whine theoretical viewpoints provided the frameworks for analysing 
the participant's experiences. Their experiences give some insight into 
gender and cultural relations within Whakatiihea today. 
The maintenance, loss, reclamation, and adaptation of traditional values and 
practices were recurring threads throughout the thesis. Whakapapa and 
connections to the home place were central to a secure sense of identity as 
Miiori generally and Whakatshea. Identity with WhakatGhea emerged out of 
shared whaau experiences of ancestral lands, rivers, and bush. KaurnZiha 
played an important role in passing on traditional knowledge about 
whakapapa and whaau, hapii and tribal stories to following generations. A 
lack of access to this was identified as contributing to a loss of identity felt 
by some members. Important to the women's sense of identity were; 
connections to land, inter-tribal links, whanaungatanga, te reo MBori, 
naming, tipuna and home. Makapapa which identified them as specifically 
Whakatirhea was also important to their sense of belonging. 
The women provided examples of how sense of mana-whine is associated 
with mana-whenua. Traditions associated with whenua and birth continue to 
have relevance in Whakatohea today. Three of the women played a central 
role in reclaiming mana-whenua for their whihau, hapii, or iwi. Land was 
regarded as an important economic resource, to be managed and 
administered well for the benefit of all its members. They were unconvinced 
that the best people were in positions of power. 
At a governance level, whakapapa was found to be an essential qualification 
for participation in decision-making of whbau, hapii, and iwi political 
affairs. An analysis of in-married members showed that under certain 
circumstances they were given the same rights as full members. Barriers, to 
participation in decision-making practices included, time constraints, 
aggressive verbal exchanges, distance, gender, age, and a lack of 
information. The under-representation of women on governance committees 
was found to be of concern for most of the women. They were determined to 
change the status quo by supporting nominations of women to positions of 
power. Alternative forums such as lobby groups were used by some of the 
women. The strategies they used to influence the outcomes for their tribal 
group reflected those of their tipuna kuia. There was growing support by 
men for women to fill positions of power within hapii and iwi authorities. 
This was an example of how WbakatGhea men and women are rising above 
the negative impacts of colonialism. Wbakatijhea women are emerging as 
future leaders alongside their WhakatTihea men for the well-being of future 
generations. 
Further recommendations that have arisen from this present study are made. 
First, fmher research into the role of Miiori women in the emergence or 
revival of hapii or iwi social and political identities would build on the 
findings of this study. Second, an investigation of Mgori women and their 
participation at governance levels of tribal affairs and the leadership qualities 
and skills required of them would make another interesting study. 
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APPENDICES 
1. Information Sheet 
2. Information Sheet 
9 
3. Consent Form 
INFOMATION SHEET 
MASSEY UNIVERSITY 
"The Voices of Miiori Women: How far do they reach? 
Mgori Women in Tribal Socio-politics: A Case Study. 
Who is the researcher? 
Dorothy Hayes, WhakatiShea. 
Where can she be contacted? 
Opape Maae Road 
Opape 
OPOTIKI 
(07) 3 1-58159 
(06) 35-95373 
Who is my supervisor? 
Huia Jahnke 
School of Maori Studies 
Massey University 
Palmerston North 
(06) 350 5799 ext 2412 
What is the study about? 
The study will investigate the stories of contemporary Wakatijhea women 
and their views, experiences and perceptions about marae, and tribal 
organisations and politics. 
,%w much time will it take? 
Interview Time: Approximately 3 - 4 hours per person. 
Feedback on Transcript and Analysis: 1-2 hours. 
What can the participant(s) expectJi.om the researcher? 
If you take part in the study, you have the right to: 
s refuse to answer any particular question, and to withdraw from the 
study at any time 
ask any Eurther questions about the study that may occur to you 
during your participation 
provide information on the understanding that it is completely 
confidential to the researchers. All information is collected 
anonymously, and it will not be possible to identify you in any 
reports that are prepared from the study unless you agree to it. 
e be given access to a summary of the findings from the study when it 
is concluded. 
The Voices of Maori Women: How far do they reach? 
Maori women in tribal socio-politics - A Case Study. 
Consent Fom 
I have read the Information Sheet for this study and have had the 
details of the study explained to me. My questions about the study 
have been answered to my satisfaction and I understand that I may 
ask further questions at any time. 
I also understand that I have the right to withdraw from the study 
at any time, or to decline to answer any particular questions in the 
study. I agree to be interviewed and have the interview recorded on 
tape or video cassette, or hand-written but I have the right to ask at 
any time to have the video or tape recorder turned off. 
I agree to provide information to the researcher on the 
understanding that my idendity is completely confidential if I wish. 
I wish to participate in this study under the conditions set out on 
the Information Sheet. 
Signed: 
Name: 
Date: