Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. ENCOUNTERING TE WAIMATEMATE AN HISTORICAL INVESTIGATION OF ENGAGEMENT WITH A LOCAL LANDSCAPE A thesis presented in partial fulfilment Of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History at Massy University KAREN BEKER 1999 11 Contents Acknowledgements ................................................ iii Abbreviations .. ............... ................ ....... ....... ......... iv List of Illustrations ... .......... ................... .... ... ...... ... .. v Introduction ........................................................... 1 Endnotes 4 Landscape as 'Relationship' ...................... .... ........... 5 Endnotes 23 Landscape as 'Acquisition ' ........................ .... .......... 27 Endnotes 48 Landscape as 'Progress' ........................................ 51 Endnotes 73 Landscape as 'Settlement' ........................ ... ........... 76 Endnotes 99 Conclusion ................ .. ................... .. .................. 102 Endnotes 1 03 Appendix: Questionnaire .............. . ........................ 1 04 Bibliography ....................................................... 1 OS Acknowledgements Grateful thanks: to Dr Danny Keenan and Basil Poff for their patient guidance and critique in the supervision of this work. to Mary Lou Dickson and Dr Julie Smith for their many kindnesses, and to other past and present members of the Massey School of History who have helped with this thesis. to staff of the Alexander Turnbull Library, Hocken Library, Massey University Library, National Library, Palmerston North City Library, Waimate Public Library, Waimate Historical Society, Museum and Archives, Massey University Printery and the Massey Scholarships Committee for their assistance. iii to those Waimate folk who consented to participate in the oral history project, for their generosity of thought and hospitality, and to those folk who provided books and other personal memorabilia. to Suzanne and Russell Butson, Una and Lance Hogan, Darryl and Gladys Kerslake-Wilton, Sue and David Fordyce, Rose Lamb, Val Mitchell, Bev Monk, Julie, Alan, Sarah and Anna Palmer, Billie Parker, Jill Read, the women of Rongopai community, Paulette and Melvyn Stewart, staff of Wharerata, and to members of my family, .. . for your support, humour and continual encouragement. Finally, to all story tellers of the land, Kia ora. -Karen AJHR ATL DU:HO MS NZJH Abbreviations Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives Alexander Turnbull Library (Wellington) Hocken Library (Dunedin) Manuscript New Zealand Journal of History IV Facing page 22 Figure 1.1 Figure 1.2 Figure 1.3 Figure 1.4 Figure 1.5 Figure 1.6 Figure 1.7 v List of Illustrations Location Map. Te Wai Pounamu. Pre-contact territory · of Waitaha, Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu. Ref. John Wilson, (ed.), He Korero Purakau Mo Nga Taunahanahatanga A Nga Tupuna, Place Names of the Ancestors, NZ: GP, 1990. (Printed by Julie Palmer). Location Map. Territory of Kati Huirapa living in Te Waimatemate just prior to British colonisation. Ref. John Wilson, (ed.), He Korero Purakau Mo Nga Taunahanahatanga, and Athol! Anderson, Welcome of Strangers, An Ethnohistory of Southern Maori AD 1650-1850, Dunedin: University of Otago, 1998. (Printed by Julie Palmer). Matene Korako Wera. Kati Mamoe. (Otago Early Settlers Museum) In Buddy Mikaere, Te Maiharoa and the Promised Land, Auckland: Reed, 1988, p. 35. Vegetation of the indigenous landscape. Walter Mantell, Waitaki, 1848. (Alexander Turnbull Library) (ATL, Mantell Papers, MS 11 0,827) Mokihi and paddle used for river crossings. Walter Mantell, Waitaki, 1848. (Alexander Turnbull Library) In Athol! Anderson, Welcome of Strangers p.119. (ATL, F- 69685-1/2, F-108594-1/2, F-108593-1/2) Hinaki (eelpot). (Otago Museum collection). In Athol! Anderson (ed.), Traditional Lifeways of The Southern Maori, James Herries Beattie, Dunedin: University of Otago, 1994, p.145. Paraerae (sandals). (Otago Museum collection). In Athol! Anderson, Welcome of Strangers, p. 124. Figure 1.8 Facing page 47 Figure 2.1 Figure 2.2 Figure 2.3 Figure 2.4 Figure 2.5 Figure 2.6 vi Rock drawings from limestone shelters at Craigmore (Pareora), at Frenchman's Gully (Gordons Valley) and at Opihi River. (Canterbury Museum) In Oliver Gillespie, South Canterbury- A Record of Settlement, Timaru: South Canterbury Centennial Committee, 1958, facing p.16. Maps by Cook, Stokes and Torlesse. In Johannes Andersen, Jubilee History of South Canterbury, Christchurch: Whitcombe and Tombs, 1916, pp.44, 56, 54. Map by Edward Shortland. The interior of the Middle island 1844. In Edward Shortland, The Southern Districts of New Zealand, A Journal with Passing Notices of the Customs of the Aborigines, London: Longman and others, 1851 , facing p. 205. Surveying party. Walter Mantell, Waitaki , 1848. (Alexander Turnbull Library) In Oliver Gillespie, South Canterbury- A Record of Settlement, facing p. 64. T e Punaamaru. Walter Mantell, Waitaki , 1848. (Alexander Turnbull Library) In Atholl Anderson, Welcome of Strangers, p. 159. (ATL, Mantell Papers, MS F-190-1/4) Pakeha tent and Maori shelter. Walter Mantell, Oamaru, 1852. (Alexander Turnbull Library) (ATL, Mantell Papers, MS 11 0827) Journal and Fieldbook. In Peter Bromley Maling (ed.), The Torlesse Papers, The Journals and Letters of Charles Obins Torlesse Concerning Concerning the Foundation of Canterbury Settlement in New Zealand 1848-51, Christchurch: Pegasus Press, 1958, facing pp. 80, 112. Figure 2.7 Facing page 72 Figure 3.1 Figure 3.2 Figure 3.3 Figure 3.4 Figure 3.5 Figure 3.6 Figure 3.7 Figure 3.8 Figure 3.9 Bishop Selwyn on yacht, Undine. Sketched in New Zealand, December 1849. (British Museum) vn In Peter Bromley Maling, (ed.), The Torlesse Papers, facing p. 112. South Canterbury 'progress'. International Exhibition of Arts and Industries, Christchurch, 1907-07. In James Cowan, Official Record of the New Zealand lntemational Exhibition 1906-07 of Arts and Industries Wellington, Government Printer, 1910, pp. 206-207. Map 'Shewing Pasturage Runs' of South Canterbury. London, 1856. In Johannes Andersen, Jubilee History of South Canterbury, p. 76. 'The Cuddy' of Te Waimate built in 1854. (Waimate Museum) In Oliver Gillespie, South Canterbury- A Record of Settlement, facing p. 87. Photograph was taken in 1958. Te Waimate Homestead,1864. (Waimate Museum) In William Greenwood, Te Waimatemate, History of Waimate County and Borough, Waimate: Waimate County and Borough Councils, 1985, facing p. 16. Steam sawmill, Waimate Bush, 1866. (Waimate Museum) Cropping, Waimate, early 20th century. (Waimate Museum) Harvesting crop, Waimate, pre-1950s. (Waimate Museum) Harvesting potatoes, Morven, Waihao. (Ngai Tahu Collection, Alexander Turnbull Library) In Buddy Mikaere, Te Maiharoa and the Promised Land, p. 126. Horomona (Solomon) Pohio. In Buddy Mikaere, Te Maihaora and the Promised Land, p. 87. Figure 3.10 Facing page 98 Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6 Figure 4.7 Figure 4.8 vm "English sheep grazing English grasses in the shade of English oaks at Te Waimate". In Andrew Hill Clark, The Invasion of New Zealand By People, Plants and Animals, The South Island, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1949, p. 209. Memorials. Bishop Selwyn and Edward Shortland, January 16, 1844. Michael Studholme and Chief Te Huru Huru, July, 1854. In William Greenwood, Te Waimatemate, facing p. 192 and in introductory dedication. Waimate public buildings and churches. In Johannes Andersen, Jubilee History of South Canterbury, Christchurch: Whitcombe and Tombs, 1916, pp. 640-641. Commemorative oak trees. (Waimate Museum) In William Greenwood, Te Waimatemate, facing p. 320. Kelcey's Bush. In William Greenwood, Te Waimatemate, facing p.257. "Sacred Ground", Maori Cemetry. (Waimate Museum) In William Greenwood, Te Waimatemate, facing p. 256. Entrance, Manchester Park, Waimate. (Waimate Archives) In George Dash, The George Dash Scrapbooks, 1925-1953. Waimate: Waimate Historical Society Archives, MS B56. Cover page, Waimate Verse, 1936. In George Dash, (ed.), Waimate Verse, Waimate: Waimate Publishing Company, 1936. 'Waimate Bush'. (Waimate Archives) In George Dash, The George Dash Scrapbooks, 1925-1953. Waimate: Waimate Historical Society Archives, MS B56. Figure 4.9 Figure 4.10 Figure 4.11 Waimate, Landscape of 'Progress'. (Photograph by V. C. Browne) In N.H. Whatman, 'The Waimate Run, South Canterbury: An Account of its Settlement and Development from 1854: a Study in Historical Geography', M.A. Thesis, Canterbury University, 1948. Waimate, Landscape of 'Settlement'. (Photograph by NZ Aerial Mapping) In N.H. Whatman, 'The Waimate Run'. IX Te Waimatemate/Waimate, Landscape of 'Belonging' (Photograph by White 's Aviation) In N.H. Whatman, 'The Waimate Run '. The Old Place No one comes by way of the doughy track through straggly tea tree bush and gorse, past the hidden spring and bitter cress. Under the chill moon's light no one cares to look upon the drunken fence-posts and the gate white with moss. No one except the wind saw the old place make her final curtsy to the sky and earth: And in no protesting sense did iron and barbed wire ease to the rust's invasion nor twang more tautly to the wind's slap and scream. On the cream-lorry or morning paper van no one comes, r no one will ever leave the golden city on the fussy train; ~~~~-and there will be no more waiting r1 on the hill beside the quiet tree where the old place falters because no one comes any more No one. Hone Tuwhare (Deep River Talk, Collected Poems Auckland: Godwit Press, 1993) Introduction In his historiographical work The Past is a Foreign Country, David Lowenthal wrote "the past's traces on the ground and in our minds let us make sense of the present."1 To understand these traces, the routes and resting places of life gone before, we travel reflectively. This is the journey undertaken when making history. Human beings need to belong and feel connected with the life around them. We have done this by anchoring ourselves in space and time. The process of making space a place of belonging has been influenced by experiences and perceptions that change over time but that are also woven together by threads of continuity. The refashioning of space into places of belonging constitutes stories about encounters with the land that vary according to personal, cultural and historical contexts. The New Western historian, Patricia Nelson Limerick, has described this as the layering of many stories of discovery and rediscovery and maintains it is an ongoing process. 2 These layers are interconnected in the 'big' narrative about a place. In this context, the land becomes the historical storehouse that holds the memories of encounters with it. The land is the meeting ground that melds past and present together in its material form. The many stories of human encounters are reflected in the landscapes conceptualised and fashioned over time. Landscapes become texts written on to the land from which stories about place can be read. This thesis investigates aspects of intergenerational constructions of landscapes within a particular area that have served to redefine space as 'our place'. It explores ways people have 'sung their own songs', 'drawn their own pictures' and 'written their own scripts', in projecting their needs, beliefs, aspirations and fears onto the land in the crafting of their stories. This in no way presumes the land is passive and that the engagement is merely akin to a monologue. As Limerick has suggested, the land was 2 never "serenely, passively awaiting and accepting discovery but on the contrary it was offensive, [and] actively intruding" on those encountering it. 3 Maori have a saying, "Whata ngarongaro he tangata, toitu he whenua" - the people disappear but the land remains. Human beings will always be vulnerable to nature. Philip Temple has referred to our engagement with the land as a "conversation".4 That such a dialogue exists between culture and nature is a 'given' in this thesis. The research investigates the concept of landscape as a symbol that expresses, or at least gives a clue about, the way people viewed their world and their 'place' in it. The symbols chosen also mark a process that 'becomes' a narrative about belonging. The time frame expands over 150 years from the 1840s to the present day. The space is land tucked in the southern border of the Canterbury Plains in a place now known as Waimate. A wide range of sources has been used in this work. Reading of primary documents relating to the Waimate area have been informed by the work of Maori and Pakeha historians. An historiographical perspective has been influenced by overseas historians interested in concepts of environmental and spatial history such as Simon Schama, Paul Carter, William Cronon and Limerick. Lowenthal 's ideas have provided a philosophical base, and efforts have been made to discern a Maori perspective. The thesis begins by looking at the landscape as a symbol of 'relationship' as experienced by the Maori community living in the territory known as T e Waimatemate just prior to the arrival of the first colonial settlers in 1854. The chapter looks at the engagement of the local hapu with the land and how the concept of relationship was reflected in the indigenous experience of place. Landscape as 'acquisition' investigates the story written by the early European explorers, surveyors and missionaries about their journeys of discovery of Te Waimatemate, and how they refashioned this indigenous landscape into a place of acquisition. The next chapter is about reading the landscape as a symbol of 'progress' and looks at the transformation of the indigenous landscape from 'wilderness into garden' as undertaken by the British colonial immigrants settling in 3 Waimate in the latter half of the 19th century. For these people to settle into the landscape they had fashioned they needed to write their own stories about it. Landscape as 'settlement' looks at ways the colonial immigrants and their Pakeha descendants went about writing their history of place, their Waimate. This thesis is a reflective piece of work underpinned by an oral history exercise that questioned present day Pakeha folk living in Waimate in order to learn how they perceived their relationship with the land they viewed as their home place. Each chapter begins with abstracts of replies to some of the questions they were asked.5 These abstracts have been used by way of introduction and as signposts to the contemplative structure of this work. The word Pakeha, in the main, refers to New Zealand born descendants of European immigrants. In Waimate the settlers were predominantly of English, Scottish and Irish extraction. The local hapu had links with the iwi of Waitaha, Kati Mamoe and Ngai Tahu. The Maori experience of belonging was about being at home in a place with others. The Pakeha interpretation appears to have been about making a home in a place that was 'ours' and that was marked out from other places. Belonging, for Pakeha, may be a process over time. This is intimated in the words of an interviewee who was the third generation of Waimate-born descendants of colonial immigrants who came to New Zealand in 1864: I do have an affinity with the land. I think it is important to have a base, based on the land as opposed to a house. [My childhood home] will always be my roots. I think it is important to have a sense of home ... you'd feel like a lost soul if you didn't have that place you could identify with ... it's your memories isn't it? And the history, it's a safety net, it's a comfort zone, it's where you ... I don't know, you owe it because that's what formed you, ... you've got to honour that place because that's where you became a person. The spiral as a symbol provides an 'appropriate' representation of this investigation, signifying threads of continuity interwoven into ever changing interpretations of 'place'. The thesis begins by going back to the centre of a spiral and continues, tracing a journey of stories about the discovery and rediscovery of a place. It ends as a reflection on these stories as 4 interwoven into a narrative about 'our place' of belonging. This story is embodied in the land, where the land remains the only permanent spatial and temporal 'symbol' of belonging. And so begins the imposition of another 'layer' of discovery and rediscovery in the writing of this 'text'. Introduction 1 David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country, Cambridge, USA: Cambridge University Press, 1985, p. 39. 2 Patricia Nelson Limerick, 'Disorientation and Reorientation: The American Landscape Discovered from the West', Journal of American History, December 1992, pp. 1021-1049. 3 Patricia Nelson Limerick, p. 1040. 4 Philip Temple (ed.), Lake, Mountain, Tree, Auckland: Godwit Publishing, 1998, p. 10. 5 For questionnaire used during interviews refer to Appendix, p. 104. Landscape as 'Relationship' uThe Pond [on home farm] ... had significance as far as the Maori were concerned. It was a place where they used to pause in their travels for a blessing for the rest of their journey ... the creek bed was on top of a rise and in one particular place it wasn't uncommon to work up black and broken stones that had been brought there from quite a distance and used for camp ovens by the Maori people" "Stuff I've learnt recently is about the old local marae .. . the old carved poles were thrown into the swamp ... there's tapu on the area ... They used to come up to Pikes Point [pre-colonial] .. . dad used to show us where the Maori ovens were" uwe learnt a lot when we did a book on local history ... some thought the 5 name Kapua meant 'the cloud tum around' .. they thought it was because it seemed to Maori like the cloud had turned around [after becoming disorientated from crossing the gorge so many times] but I don't think any Maori ever got disorientated with the land I'm quite sure they knew exactly where they were going" ( Interviews, Waimate, 1999) Reflections today on landscape engagements included the acknowledgement of a Maori presence and a questioning of what this was all about. This thesis begins with an investigation of the pre-colonial story of landscape engagement as expressed by the Maori community living in the Waimate area just prior to the arrival of the first British colonial settlers. Information for this has been gleaned from the journals and writings of the earliest observers (explorers, surveyors, missionaries and settlers) visiting and living in Waimate in the latter half of the 19th century. Interpretation of these recordings has been guided by secondary material written, in the main, by Maori. Reference has been made to the work done by Herries Beattie. In the early 20th century Beattie collected and recorded detailed information about southern Maori history using tangata whenua as informants. This includes his research on place names and his anthropological fieldwork about pre-colonial southern Maori. Atholl Anderson's edition of Beattie's manuscripts in The Lifeways of the Southern Maori has been an informative source. 1 As a point of reference the chapter features Te Huru Huru, the chief of the local hapu during the pre/post-colonial period when the indigenous landscape underwent a transformation. Focus is on the Maori experience of land as the 'home 6 place' and the chapter investigates how the indigenous landscape was defined as 'relationship'. 'Relationship' is described as being a "mutual connection", and "a condition based on kinship".2 For Maori the land was whenua and it was sacred. It was the source of power known as mana whenua. 3 The land provided the nurture for an intimate and integral sense of relationship with place, self and others. This was reflected in the sense of personal and collective identity.4 Whenua was also the name for the placenta implying, as Rangimarie Turuki Pere has stated, that the land offered "the same warmth, security, nourishment and sustenance, a feeling of belonging" as a mother pregnant with child. 5 The land was Papatuanuku, earth mother of the Maori people. The land was also turangawaewae, the place where connections with the past affirmed identity in the present. For Maori the land, in applying European concepts, was 'the school, 'the church', 'the work place', 'the playground', 'the garden', 'the battleground', 'the cemetry', 'the archives' and it was 'home'. The land was the story of this people and embodied their perceptions and experiences of place. How this 'place' was defined, how the landscape symbolised 'relationship', is the subject of this chapter of inquiry. For Maori the story was oral and the relationship with the land was integrative. By writing this discussion it has been necessary to separate and fragment the indigenous experience of place and therefore meaning is lost. In investigating the transformation of space into the home place, the story of the hapu living in Te Waimatemate will be discussed with reference to the mahinga kai (food gathering areas), to naming, to whakapapa (genealogy), and to artistic expressions of encounter. To locate themselves in their home place, in giving of their whakapapa, Maori will refer to their ancestors, to their river and to their mountain. It would assist this discussion by first giving an overview of the location, and it is appropriate that a brief description of the tribal ancestry of the local hapu and of their geographical landscape follow. According to Tipene O'Regan "Ngai (Kai) Tahu are the people who claim traditional manawhenua over the vast majority of Te Waipounamu, the South Island of New Zealand. "6 Other writers of southern Maori history 7 (Anderson, Evison, Mikaere)7 would concur that Ngai Tahu comprised "three main streams of descent" that were "historically ordered as Waitaha, Mamoe and Tahu".8 Waitaha people trace their arrival in the ancestral canoe Uruao that carried Rakaihautu and his son Rokohuia from the Haiwaikii homeland. These were the tupuna credited with the first naming of southern New Zealand. Kati (Ngati)9 Mamoe migrated from the Te lka a Maui (North Island) in the 16th century and came to dominate Waitaha. Further migrations of North Island (East Coast) hapu occurred in the 17th century and through the linking of tribal ancestry became known as Kai Tahu. Displacing Kati Mamoe after a century of "conflict and conquest, of peacemaking and intermarriage", Kai Tahu became "the unitary tribe" of Te Waipounamu. 10 Maori living in Te Waimatemate at the time of Pakeha arrival were Kai Tahu and Kati Mamoe with Waitaha in their whakapapa. 11 Their chief, Te Huru Huru, had arrived in the vicinity in 1836. That year members of the northern tribe Ngati Tama had raided the west coast of Te Wai Pounamu to "skin the eel from tail to head". 12 A settlement of people living at the foot of Lake Hawea escaped and relocated themselves at Awamoko pa on the southern side of the Waitaki river.13 Included in this group were Te Huru Huru, his mother, sister and two brothers. After a time Te Huru Huru moved to nearby Te Waimatemate where he became the chief. 14 He was a member of Kati Huirapa, which was regarded as a hapu of Kai Tahu. He had Waitaha and Kati Mamoe ancestry in his whakapapa.15 The topography that became associated with Te Waimatemate16 was diverse. It was one of hills, undulating downlands, rivers, lagoons, and swampy flatlands that drained into the Pacific Ocean. For the hapu living in this place, T e Waimatemate was the south of Ka Pakihi Whakatekateka a Waitaha (the seedbed of the Waitaha people). 17 Their rivers included Waitaki (waters of lamentation) in the south, Pureora (a purification rite) in the north, and Waihao (water of hao tuna). Waihao drained much of the large basin that wasTe Waimatemate as it twisted its way through hills and downland, and across swamp flatland before emptying itself into the coastal estuary that was also Waihao. ForTe Huru Huru and his people 8 this hapua (lake) was Wainono (oozing water). To the east wasTe Tau 0 Mahaanui, the coastal sea that was fed byTe Moana Nui a Kiwa.18 In the northwest were the hills Te tari a Te Kaumira (the range of Te Kaumira) covered in trees that included totora, ngaio, miro and the native pines matai, mapara and rimu. This forest wasTe Kaherehere (the forest). In the distance was Rakipaka (mountain range-reddish/fiery sky). Rakipaka overlooked the inland catchment lakes of the Waitaki river. Takapo (to roll up bundles at night), Pukaki [not known] and Ohou (a tupuna). Towering over this landscape was Aoraki (cloud in the sky). Te Waimatemate was a small river that began in Te tari a Te Kaumira and meandered over the swampy plain below. Interpreted as the place of intermittent waters, it was so named by a visiting chief who had been disgusted with the 'sometimes dead and sometimes alive' nature of its flow. It was by T e Waimatemate on the edge of Te Kaherehere that Te Huru Huru and a small group of Kati Huirapa established a permanent kaika in 1853 from what had been a temporary camp for them and their ancestors during the 'birding' season. Vegetation included coastal flora, forest, bush, and swamp grasses that provided an environment rich in fish and bird life. The climate was varied and the patterns of seasonal change were distinct. Weather comprised fog, frosts, snow, rain, hot sun, and a variety of winds including the notorious stormy warm 'nor'wester'. Edward Shortland, employed by the Colonial Government as Protector of the Aborigines, visited the Te Waimatemate area in 1844. He recorded that the flatlands were covered with "tutu", "tumatakuru" (wild lrishman/matagouri), "ti" (cabbage tree) and "taramea" (speargrass). In October 1848 Walter Mantell, surveyor for the Colonial Government, also noted the "ti groves" he walked through while crossing "the plain towards the hills" in an effort to avoid the "large swamp" near the coast.19 A few months later Charles Torlesse, surveyor for the New Zealand Company, described Te Waimatemate as "undulating downlands bearing rich growth of grass", "many small streams leading from the hills", "gullies" and a characteristic coastline embankment of "large stones". Torlesse estimated that "3000 acres" (1214 ha) of forest covered the hills. His records included identification of rivers flowing through the 9 area and he mentioned the abundance of eels and ducks that were to be found in the lagoons. 20 Effie Studholme, wife of the first English settler in Te Waimatemate, described the Waihao river plain as "one waving mass of flax" with "clumps of snow-grass, manuka and cabbage trees [ti]". The forest included "matipo, konini , ohau, and inini" and hosted "numerous birds"? 1 The interrelationship of the topography - the land, the flora, the fauna and the weather - was the space that became the indigenous landscape of the Waitaha, Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu people. This landscape was the place that Kati Huirapa of Te Waimatemate regarded as home. For Maori, land ownership was defined by occupancy and land use was in accordance with community obligations. Hugh Kawharu has stated that "claims to land had to be supported by continuous occupation or labour but neither was of any account without full membership in the land­ holding polity, the tribe or sub-tribe."22 'Place' was symbolised in the burning of the home fires. If the land was abandoned and 'the fires had gone cold ' then validity of a claim faded. Territorial rights of an iwi or hapu were related to the seasonal rhythm of hunting and collecting food. Food gathering areas, known as mahinga kai,23 belonged to the wider territory associated with home. Home was, therefore, transportable and possession was collective within a territorial boundary. Up until settlement at Te Kaherehere in 1853 Kati Mamoe and Kai T ahu of the T e Waimatemate area had been semi-nomadic. Stories and relics of the "old fighting days" suggested that a large permanent pa, T e kai a te Atua, had once existed in the area but in the period just prior to British settlement Kati Huirapa moved between seasonal camps.24 During this time Chief Te Huru Huru and his hapu were more associated with a kaika at the lower Waitaki known as T e Puna a maru. The diverse topography was rich in fish, birds and vegetation cover that provided food and supplied materials crafted to support daily life. Camps at the mouth of rivers were visited in the spring to catch the hoka (red cod), kahawai, patiki (flounder), mata (whitebait) and inanga (minnows/parent of whitebait)wcoming in from the sea to spawn. Beattie 10 recorded that some of his Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu informants remembered a large kupeka (net) "of seven or eight chains long" being made at Korotuaheka at the Waitaki river mouth (in 1886) and this was believed to be "the last (Maori) net pulled there". 25 Of the fresh water fish, tuna (eel) were in great abundance and most sought after. The Waihao provided an invaluable supply of eel and was so named according to the highly prized variety breeding in the river. The hao eel possessed an especially sweet flavour and was caught along the reaches of the Waihao in the late summer. Shortland, Bishop Selwyn and Torlesse recorded the presence of a small fishing camp on the banks of the Waihao that was frequented byTe Huru Huru and other members of the hapu. A small party of Kati Huirapa that included Te Huru Huru, his wife, and son, had offered to escort Shortland across the Waitaki river in late January 1844. Shortland recorded that this party "had intended, when the flood subsided, to remove from their present residence to the river Waihao, a short day's journey to the northward, which they visited at this season of the year, for the purpose of catching eels". 26 Bishop Selwyn noted in his diary also in January 1944 that on reaching the Waihao river, "we came to small huts of Te Huruhuru chief of the Waitangi [Waitaki], who was eating eels."27 Torlesse spent two nights camping at this small fishery on the banks of the Waihao in March 1849 and introduced his host as "Huru Huru, the old hunter who hunts the country round for ducks, eels, etc."28 Wainono (lake Waihao) was rich in eel and birdlife. After leaving Te Huru Huru Torlesse dined with a travelling party of neighbouring hapu from Moeraki camping beside the large coastal lagoon. He observed that they had "caught about 50 eels in the Wainono which abound[ed] with them and ducks".29 Fresh water fish included waikokopara ( cockabully) and a creek running through T e tari a T e Kaumira was Waikokopura, so named for the prevalence of this sweet­ fleshed fish.3° Koura (freshwater crayfish) were also collected from creeks and streams. Rivers provided Kati Huirapa with an important food supply. The hapu defined their territory, their 'place', by access to these marine and freshwater resources. 11 Their territory also included the sea, bush, forest and swamp from which birds were hunted. Seasonal birding camps were on the fringes of the bush and forest that covered T e tari a T e Kaumira. The hapu stayed at the camp at Te Waimatemate when catching supplies of birds in Te Kaherehere. Effie Studholme mentioned the presence of kaka (parrot), parakeets, (koko) tui , makomako (bellbird), ruru (morepork owl) in her writings about the area. 31 Her son also noted the importance of kerehu (pigeon) as a food source for the Te Waimatemate hapu.32 The birds were best snared or speared after fattening themselves on the berries growing on vines and trees of T e Kaherehere. Edgar Studholme mentioned another birding camp, "used only on hunting trips", further north in the foothills at Ka punapuna a Kaiwaruru a Mihirau (the springs of Kaiwaruru and Mihirau).33 Weka (woodhen) were caught in season, rendered down and preserved in their own fat. Beattie noted that coastal Maori "made a habit of going inland after the weka in June and July when the birds were in their prime."34 For Te Waimatemate hapu this annual migration was up the Waitaki river valley. 35 In a map drawn by Te Huru Huru of "the interior of the middle island". Shortland observed that places identified included sites "convenient for catching eels or wekas".36 Pukaki (pukeko/swamphen), patake and parera (ducks) were caught at Wainono and along other stretches of Waihao. Putakitaki (paradise ducks) were sometimes caught by driving the young or moulting birds along the coastal estuary where they were cornered into a net. This place was Takiritawa (to jerk or hand out of the water).37 Effie Studholme observed the hapu's food supplies and storage at Te Waimatemate kaika: From many a bark-built whare; while aloof Stood the tall Futtah with its quaint thatched roof, And underneath it hung, with odour strong, Kits filled with birds and eels in bundles long-38 Seasonal movements to hunt and fish marked the territorial home of Kati Huirapa. Local flora was inseparable from the hapu's experience of place. Trees, shrubs, scrub and grasses not only provided habitats for fauna but also were consumed and crafted by the people to support their way of life. 12 They also helped define the territory of Te Waimatemate. Aruhe (fernroot), and kauru (roots and stems of the cabbage trees39 ) were collected for food. In his time with Te Huru Huru, Shortland observed a group digging supplies of fern root. He recorded how aruhe was prepared for eating. It was roasted on a fire and then bruised using a flat stone and wooden pestle. The long fibres of the root were drawn out and the remainder was pounded till it became the consistency of "tough dough". Shortland's guides had eaten tutu berries and he noted that the juice of tutu was sometimes used to sweeten the aruhe once it was ready for eating. 40 Berries from the forest such as those found on kahikatea, totara and pirita (supplejack) were also edible.41 Very little cultivation was undertaken and this accounted for the continued nomadic lifestyle of the Te Waimatemate hapu. Kumara was difficult to grow further south than Arowhenua. Small plots of potatoes were grown at some kaika after European arrival. On his visit to Te Waimatemate in 1848 Mantell noted "two or three cropless cultivations" at Tauhini and found "2 kits of potatoes" at Te Puna a maru.42 Speaking on behalf of Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu from Arowhenua, Te Waimatemate and Waitaki at the Native Land Court opened in Christchurch in 1868, Horomona Pohio stated that during "Mr Mantell's time . . . our food consisted of potatoes, eels, cabbage tree, mussels and woodhen."43 Forest, swamp and coastal vegetation was important for providing food and these areas were also mahinga kai. Local plant life was intrinsic to the indigenous relationship with place. The home place was also interpreted from the practice of entertaining and visiting neighbouring hapu and kin. This widened the social and territorial range that contributed to a sense of collective belonging. T e Waimatemate hapu spent time in the south at Kakanui, Waikouaiti and at Moeraki. In the north they visited Waiateruaiti and Arowhenua. Frequent interactions occurred amongst kaika along the Waitaki river valley that included Tamahaerewhenua and Te Hakataramea. Te Huru Huru also returned to visit family at Hawea, a long journey across the centre of the South Island. It was from memories of these journeys into the interior that the chief was able to draw a map for Shortland. While on one of his 13 surveying assignments Mantell spent some nights at Tauhini and Te Puna a maru waiting to see Te Huru Huru. The kaika were deserted and he was later informed that the people were visiting relatives at Kakanui and Moeraki. Michael Studholme, first Englishman to settle in Te Waimatemate (in 1854 ), observed that "many visitors used to come from Arowhenua and the South during the fishing and game season" and stay with the hapu at Te Waimatemate.44 Pere has said that hospitality was very important with respect to dignity and the preservation of mana for Maori. 45 Expression of hospitality was linked with the provision of kai and ceremonial hangi gave hapu the opportunity to provide local delicacies. Food was used as koha and included in the exchange of gifts. Kauru (made from roots and stems of ti trees) and hao eel were regarded as delicacies found in Te Waimatemate and taken on visits to kin. Titi (muttonbirds) were also highly prized and probably brought back to Te Waimatemate from visits with family in the south. These birds liked to feed on small sea fish and were caught in season at Moeraki. Shortland observed a party from Moeraki arriving in boats at a beach at Tumaru (Timaru-near Te Waiateruati and Arowhenua). On board was a cargo of preserved titi that "were all designed as presents to relatives at Waiateruati or Bank's Peninsula" where, Shortland added, "in all probability a great number would be sent to the north side of Cook's Straits".46 Nourishment from the land provided nourishment for social relationships that connected and protected hapu within the larger iwi territory of Kai Tahu and beyond, to other iwi living in the North Island. Naming places reflected the relationship of the people with their surroundings. It was in the naming that space became a place of identification. Place names told stories about hunting and collecting food. They were also connected with whakapapa. In defining 'oral maps' Tipene O'Regan has stated, "the names of the landscape were like survey pegs of memory, marking the events that happened in a particular place, recording some aspect or feature of the traditions and history of a tribe. "47 He has further said that: The recitation of the genealogies functioned as the oral 'maps' of the people. The names of the tupuna and their deeds were the survey 14 pegs. Waiata sang of their ancestors' exploits whose names were woven into the history of the land and the people. Hills, trees, stones, waters, each named and with its own story recalled to the tribe their rights to their territory . . . as the genealogies were recited and the waiata chanted the oral pegs were hammered into the land. As the pegs were struck the stories were fixed through generations.48 Tribal affiliations and kinship connections stretching back to the ancient teachings of the homeland of Hawaiki were integral in the experience of self in place and self in the universe. Knowing genealogical ties (whanaungatanga) gave, according to Pere, "a feeling of belonging, value and security".49 For those Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu living around Te Waimatemate just prior to colonial settlement, the stories of their ancestors were interwoven into the landscape connecting them with their past, affirming its presence in the present, and reinforcing this sense of belonging. Places reflected the pervading ancestral presence found in whakapapa. 50 The Waihao was believed to be one of the most ancient named rivers in the south island. When the Uruao waka, under its ariki Rakaihautu, arrived in the north of the island the party divided. Rakaihautu walked down the centre of the island carving out with his digging stick the string of lakes stretching from Rotoiti and Rotorua to Te Anau and Manapouri while his son Rokohouia sailed the Uruao down the east coast erecting eel weirs at the river mouths. 51 Rokohouia and his party were gathering hao (sweet meat tuna/eel) in the lagoon at the mouth of the Waihao river when Rakaihautu, returning north up the coast, met up with them. The hao eel was the food chosen by Rakaihautu and his party as a great delicacy and the Waihao river, thus named, was the only outlet of lake Waihao (Wainono lagoon) that was the natural habitat of this particular eel.52 For Waitaha, Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu this river was a visible link with their whakapapa. For those living and moving around Waitaki, Te Puna a maru (the spring of Maru [a sea god]), was a reminder of ancient times. This was the kaika site associated with Te Huru Huru before the permanent move to T e Waimatemate. At the mouth of the Waitaki was a fishing camp on the site of 0 te heni. This was believed to be named after T e Heni, "said by some to be a leading man on an ill-fated 15 canoe that came (from the Homeland] over 700 years ago". 53 In the naming, these became places connected with an ancient heritage. This provided a sense of continuity that affirmed belonging. Geographical features memorialised chiefs. The chiefs were often noted for their prowess as warriors and by using their names stories of conquest and defeat were marked upon the landscape. An area near the kaika at Te Waimatemate was named Tutekawa after a chief of 'the old fighting days'.54 Te tari a Te Kaumira (the range of Te Kaumira), the forested hills at Te Waimatemate, honoured a chief who lived some centuries earlier. He went up one of the northern heights of this long range and was lost in a snowstorm. Some weeks later a search party found his body in a small cave well up the mountain. He seemed quite life-like being preserved by the intense cold and this part of the range thereafter was T e tahu aTe Kaumira (the roof of Te Kaumira).55 A prominent peak of Te tari a Te Kaumira was named Te Tapua a Urihia (the footprint of a tupuna, Urihia).56 A creek draining into the Waitaki was "Te ihi a Putete (the 'division' of Putete). Putete was a warrior of the old fighting days of over 300 years ago". 57 A gorge cutting through forest on Te tari aTe Kaumira was known as Te Wai ki aTe Maiheraki. A chief named Te Maiheraki was said to have visited Te Waimatemate. He was tired of drought conditions and decided to go up a nearby valley to see if he could find permanent water. He did and thus the place was named Te Wai ki aTe Maiheraki (the place of Te Maiheraki's water). 58 Place names engendered stories about people and events of the past. They aided the transmission of knowledge between communities and generations. Place names also emphasised distinctive features of an area. This made the environment familiar and helped identify territorial boundaries. 59 The gorge allowing an access from the Te Waimatemate plain through the hills into the upper Waihao river basin was known as Hurihia kapua, 'the cloud turned around'. The name originated from early parties travelling through the gorge noting the changed positions of clouds as they were observed from each successive comer in the winding ravine. The stream that ran through Hurihia kapua was Waikokupara. This referred to the 16 mountain trout caught in its waters. A saddle separating two hills of Te tari aTe Kaumira was called 0 roko te whatu (the place of the listening rocks) because of its echoing quality. The name Te Kara (a type of stone) was given to a local stream. Te Awa kai tutoi was another stream where tutoi (a type of ti tree) was eaten. Puna kawa (bitter spring) was a small swamp and another "old time swamp was known as Kopare pakapaka (The Withered Headband)".60 Awamoko (shark river) was the pa where Te Huru Huru lived on first arriving from Hawea. Te Puna a maru kaika was established at the confluence of this river.61 A kaika well known to those of Te Waimatemate, located on the Waitaki river inland from Te Puna a maru, was T e Hakataramea. This was the place of the dancing (taramea) spear grass. Tauhinu (a kind of shrub) was a small kaika at Waitaki. This site was important as 'he kaika tahito' (an ancient village). In naming, the land became space invested with meaning. Characteristics of people were associated with, and became part of the indigenous landscape. Te Te Karara, (the lizard), was a tupuna believed to have once resided at T e kai a te Atua, the early pa established at the mouth of Waihao. 62 T e Karara was remembered in a hill behind the Te Waimatemate kaika named Te tari a Te Karara (the long ridge of Te Karara). His descendents had special rights in the locality and it was a protected hill for them to secure kerehu, kaka and weka. 63 A warrior, Mounu (moulting bird), living in the area "centuries ago" had several places named after him including a creek that ran through bush in Te Waimatemate. Kati Huirapa, when cutting in the vicinity, would get their drinking water from Maunu. 64 On the coastal flat near where the Waihao river drained into Wainono was a pool known as Te Whitau a Tauria (the dressed flax of Tauria). The name of Tauria was remembered as being that of a woman who was very skilful at taking flax from the bush, combing out the fibre and making it into soft pliable garments. A small lagoon nearby, 0 Te Kaha, remembered a chief, Te Kaha, the strong one. Burial grounds at Te Waimatemate were Te Rae a Titipa (the forehead of Titpa) and Te Kapu a Urihia (the hollow in the hand of Urihia.65 Names invested the landscape with stories about characteristics and attributes of people. 17 Anderson has written that if "whakapapa constituted the trellis of traditions then growing over it was the foliage of incident and narrative, trimmed as each generation, each hapu and many individuals saw fit".66 Stories associated with places could change over time. Names were sometimes changed too, investing a place with new meaning. Beattie retells the story about a hill at the southern end of T e tari a T e Kaumira that was once known as Tane Awoa. The people from Te kai ate Atua pa on the coast had moved to the birding camp at T e Kaherehere. The hill was a favourite place for women to gather the gum of speargrass, te ware o te taramea, used to make a scent known as kakara. The gum was like resin and the custom was to bum grass or dry vegetation allowing it to gather into balls. This burning was done in the evening and next morning, soon after sunrise, the gum was collected. Women staying at Te Waimatemate had risen early one morning to gather gum after burning the previous night. As a trick, men had risen earlier and secretly removed the aromatic resin. Since then Tane Awoa was known as Urutane- 'gathered by men'.67 For Maori the land was interconnected with the spiritual dimension of their lives. Douglas Sinclair has said that this: close spiritual relationship with the land stemmed from the ... concept of the basic origin of mankind deriving from the loving union of the earthmother, Papa-tu-a-nuku, with the sky-father, Rangi-nui-e­ tu-nei. The union was bountiful, and by a series of semi-evolutionary processes, the heavens were filled with their hosts of gods and attendant spirits. Eventually, the terrestial world was populated by gods and myriads of vassal spirits and animate creatures. 6 The land became the mediator in a contractual arrangement between the people and their gods. It was this relationship and the responsibilities of the supernatural that were embodied in the concept of tapu. Names of places signified the merging of the sacred within the physical world and associated rituals affirmed this oneness. According to Shortland, on the downland reaches of the Waihao river there was a sacred place (wahi tapu) called Te Umu ate Rakitauneke, Rakitauneke's oven. It was believed that at this place an esteemed and victorious warrior chief, Te Rakitauneke, had roasted human flesh. Maori Marsden in an article on Maori spirituality explained that the spiritual and political significance of 18 such an event was that by eating the flesh of a warrior fallen in battle, the conquerors were consuming his mana and ihi and thereby replenishing their own.69 Shortland was informed that travellers always stopped here to say a prayer over their feet that 'the earth may not be drawn out lengthways' ensuring they would have stamina for long journeys ahead. 70 This place marked the intermingling of the honour of conquest and the shame of defeat with the powers of the sacred. The giving of story to the land enabled identification with a sacred place. Near the old coastal pa site of T e kai a te Atua was a pool flowing into the Waihao river known asTuTe Rakiwanoa. It was believed to be one of the abodes of the Taniwha Te Rakiwanoa, a place of uncanny happenings, which included the disappearance of a child. Also in the vicinity of the pa were two tapu waterholes that were used for the washing of the dead, a feature of southern pa sites built on dry ground and surrounded by swamps. 71 The ancient pa, Korotuaheka at the mouth of the Waitaki was in a barren place of very stony ground. According to legend the stones were eggs of Ana Taniwha, a monster who lived in an underground cave in the north (Lyttleton Harbour). Ana Taniwha came down to the plains and every spring laid piles of eggs. As time went by the eggs covered the plains, choking off the grass which was the food of another monster called Maunga Tahiwha, who lived among the peaks of the Southern Alps. He called down a great rainstorm to wash the eggs into the sea [explaining their presence at the Waitaki river mouth]. Ana Taniwha was trapped in her cave by the flood, and forced to block up its entranceway.7 The name of an ancient settlement, T e Wai to hi, was near where a tributary drained into the Waitaki river and so named after a purification rite for infants in which water was sprinkled over them. 73 The intermingling of the physical and spiritual realms was fundamental to the concept of tapu and evident in the sacred sites of a territory. Marsden has stated that "the cultural milieu [of Maori] was rooted both in the temporal world and the transcendent world, this bring[ing] a person into intimate relationship with the gods and his universe."74 The indigenous landscape was a tapestry of physical, emotional and spiritual consciousness. Relationship with the land was expressed in art, craft, song, dance and play. Creative expression reflected the relatedness with the 19 mountains, hills, rivers, sea, lakes and trees, with the elements of wind, water, fire and earth and with the animals, fish, insects and birds. 75 All living things were invested with mauri (energy) and shared in this everyday life dimension of an integrated spiritual and physical realm. Transmission of experiences was oral in the tangihanga (funeral), in the karakia and tauparapara (incantations), karanga (call), poroporoaki (farewell), paki waitara (fairy story), pepeha and whakatauki (proverbs and sayings), in the waiata (song poetry) and haka (dance), in the whakapapa and in korero (narratives). 76 Prompts to this oral medium included carvings, decorations and personal adornments, crafted patterns of weaving, named and treasured possessions (taonga), and the rhythmic movements of dance. Creative expressions told and retold stories of place and affirmed a sense of belonging in it. Once permanent settlement was established at the kaika at T e Waimatemate a rununga was built at Tutekawa. Meetings on the marae would have included korero and tangihanga. Three known burial sites (urupa) were at Tutekawa. They were Te Rae a Titipa, Te Kapu a Urihia, and an unnamed third where Te Huru Huru was buried in 1861.77 The surrounding land provided materials for building and crafting functional and decorative objects. Whare at T e Waimatemate were constructed of totara slabs and the roofs were made of bark stripped from the same tree. The whare were sheltered by bush and "there was plenty of high flax everywhere". 78 Effie Studholme, in referring to this kaika, noted the use of natural "fibre for raiment". She observed this "silky fibre" used to weave "flexile mats" and baskets and recorded that Te Huru Huru's whare "was marked by posts of painted wood".79 Beattie was informed that korari (flax sticks), raupo, piritia (supplejack) and toe toe were used in crafting nets, eel pots, spears and snares.80 In his time with Te Huru Huru Shortland observed some of the party collecting raupo and flax to build the mokihis (canoelike rafts) that they used to cross the Waitaki river.81 Te Huru Huru made Shortland "torua", which were sandals that could be crafted from either flax or ti leaves.82 Posts, rocks from umu (ovens), greenstone weapons (patu pounamu) and ornaments have been retrieved from the 20 Waihao river plain at the place that 'in the early days' was the pa, T e kai a te atua. 83 Greenstone was not found in the vicinity and its presence is indicative of the wider movement and exchange of gifts occurring amongst the people. 84 Creative 'marks' on the people and on the land were expressions of identification with it. Tattooing ink (karehu) was made from the soot of rimu gum mixed with the oil (hinu) of weka, tuna or kereru. Beattie was informed of two moko designs, whakairo (scroll) and tuhi (dots and straight lines). Tuhi was the ancient design of Waitaha and was more common amongst southern Maori.85 Te Huru Huru was "deeply tattooed, the whole face being covered".86 Edgar Studholme recorded that "the last tattooed Maori that he could remember [in T e Waimatemate, about 1861] was an old man called Kinita KaraTe Hirapuha".87 Around Te Waimatemate rock drawings were found in caves and shelters on routes adjacent to rivers. These places provided shelter on fishing and bird hunting expeditions. The drawings, first done in black, were attributed to at least the time of the Waitaha people. It was believed that Kati Mamoe marked their arrival by overlaying these black drawings in red ochre. 88 The sketches were of birds, lizards, fish, whales, porpoises and suggested ancestral links to early migrations. 89 People in the area had marked their place and furnished a new landscape with replicas from the place left behind. Drawings inside one shelter were undoubtedly of moa, and in another were sketches of archetypal birdmen. 9° Canoes, clubs, spears and human figures were also depicted. 91 These ancestors had left marks on their landscape not only as a validation of territorial rights, not only as evidence of their alliance with the natural environment but also as pictorial memories allowing successive generations to re-encounter their past. The indigenous landscape was interwoven into different forms of creative expression that told stories about the relationship of Kati Huirapa with Te Waimatemate. Weather patterns were part of the indigenous landscape, keenly observed and interpreted by the people. Beyond the daily need to tell the weather and understand the earth's seasons, weather systems were invested with supernatural significance. Weather could indicate good or 21 bad omens. It could be responding in sympathy with the joys and sorrows of human emotions. Wind was thought to carry messages, rain was sometimes felt to be falling in commiseration with human tears and a rainbow foreshadowed a good outcome when seen on the right side. Southern Maori saw a rainbow as the path that had been taken by Rokoitua when he arrive from Hawaiki in the early times bearing the kumara as a gift for mankind. 92 Navigation was accomplished by means of observing the stars and moon. Beattie noted that his Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu informants knew about certain stars and the part they had played in guiding ancestors on voyages. The Wakahuruhurumanu, a spirit canoe, coming to New Zealand met fifty gigantic seas. These were very high and the Uruao (with ancestors on board) would have been buried by them. Wakahuruhurumanu smoothed out these seas . . . and so prepared the way for Uruao and other canoes. Those early voyages saw Kopuparapara (the morning star- Venus) in the mornin~ and in the evening they saw ... Mirimiri, (the evening star- Jupiter). 9 The positioning of stars was used to foretell good or bad weather. If Autahi or Puaka rose in the south it was a good sign because it meant that good weather was pressing the bad weather away south where it could do no harm.94 For the hapu of Te Waimatemate, it was also known that if fog was hanging on the top of Te tari aTe Kaumira and came down it was a certain sign of rain in the area. 95 Besides the stars and fog, wind was used to foretell the weather. Beattie was informed that there were four principal winds on the lower Waitaki plains. Mauru (north-east) and ta (north-west) were hot winds; whakarua (easterly) was sometimes a wet wind and sometimes a dry one; and toka (south/south-west), was the stormiest and sometimes brought rain. 96 While spending time with Te Huru Huru Shortland observed that the north-west wind "strangely hot, dry and oppressive" had been blowing, melting snow inland and contributing to the flooding of the Waitaki in its lower reaches. Unable to cross the river he was required to wait for four days until Te Huru Huru, who had agreed to escort the party across, was sure the weather was favourable. He noted that the chief was anxious to get on the other side before the wind rose again. Once across Shortland spent another night camping with Te Huru 22 Huru and was amazed how his guides built their shelter facing the north­ east as a fresh breeze was blowing from that quarter so as to fill it with the smoke of their fire. On commenting what he thought was their carelessness, they laughed, pointing to the hills and said that the wind would soon die away only to be followed by one from the opposite quarter. That night he "was unpleasantly convinced of their superior judgement by the chilling wind which blew through the door of his tent"97 . 'Kai te taki te wahanui kite toka;kai te tono atu kite toka to taki', was roughly interpreted as 'the cry of the north-wester bidding the southerly to blow too' and local Maori were well aware that when a north-wester blew it was very often followed by a southerly wind. 98 Weather phenomena were identifiers of a place. Interpretation of the weather was knowledge that marked belonging. Understanding of local climate conditions, the winds, the cycle of the seasons, the presence of sun, moon, and stars were all interconnected with experiences of 'place'. Landscape as 'relationship' defined place as home for Maori. The intimate connection with the land was a story about physical, emotional and spiritual integration that inferred 'home' also existed beyond spatial and temporal boundaries. The land became embodied in whakapapa, it was the territory of mahinga kai, and it was marked with places of meaning. The indigenous landscape was a story about sustenance, kinship, battles, creativity, knowledge, spirituality and belonging. Landscape as 'relationship' was a symbol about 'being home' in a place. It represented turangawaewae, the place where the past was anchored in the present and identity was affirmed. For Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu of Te Waimatemate landscape as 'relationship' was more than ublack and broken stones", "carved poles" and colourful legends. It was an integrative story about experiencing the place of self, with others and with the universe in ukinship" connection with land that was about to be discovered all over again. '::-. ~ § § ~ 0 T Waimatemat~ ~ Figure 1.1 Location Map. Te Wai Pounamu. Pre-contact territory of Waitaha, Kati Mamoe and Kai Tahu. Ref. John Wilson, (ed.), He Korero Purakau Mo Nga Taunahanahatanga A Nga Tupuna, Place Names of the Ancestors, NZ: GP,1990.(Printed by Julie Palmer). .Nonh SCALE 20 KILOMETRES Figure 1.2 Location Map. Territory of Kati Huirapa living in Te Waimatemate just prior to British colonisation. ' Ref. John Wilson, (ed.), He Korero Purakau Mo Nga Taunahanahatanga, and Athol! Anderson, Welcome of Strangers, An Ethnohistory of Southern Maori AD 1650-1850, Dunedin: University of Otago, 1999. (Printed by Julie Palmer). Figure 1.3 Matene Korako Wera. Said to be the last full blooded Kati Mamoe. Died 1896. (Otago Early Settlers Museum). In Buddy Mikaere, Te Maiharoa and the Promised Land, Auckland: Reed, 1988, p. 35. .... '-. , . . t Figure 1.4 Vegetation of the indigenous landscape­ ti kouka (cabbage tree) , toi toi, raupo and korakilharakeke (flax). I ~-~ ~·--- Drawings by Walter Mantell at Waitaki in 1844. (Alexander Turnbull Ubrary) (ATL, Mantell Papers, MS 110,827) ~. \ ~ f