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Item Islamic State, Syria's civil war and the reshaping of the Middle East : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, Manawatu, New Zealand(Massey University, 2017) White, MichaelThe Islamic State grew out of the ashes of a defeated al-Qaeda in Iraq. The continued conflicts in Iraq and Syria have provided the catalyst for a resurgent Islamic State. Syria’s civil war has allowed the Islamic State to remerge like a terrorist phoenix, reborn from its own ashes. This thesis analyses the origins of the Islamic State, and the geo-political conditions and on-going conflicts in Iraq and Syria which have permitted the growth and expansion of the Islamic State. It also analyses how the fight against the Islamic State is changing the security environment within the Middle East.Item New Zealand's response to the threat of terrorism since "9-11" 2001 : submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Defence and Strategic Studies at Massey University, New Zealand(Massey University, 2007) Butcher, Tania HThis thesis discusses New Zealand (NZ) government responses to the threat of terrorism since the terrorist attacks on icons of power within the United States of America (USA) on 11 September 2001. The thesis describes the preventative methods and practices adopted by NZ government agencies towards protecting NZ borders against terrorists and surreptitious attempts to violate border rules and regulations. Methods of border control reflect the government's assessment of the risks of "international terrorism" against New Zealanders' well-being and environment. The study is based on qualitative research drawing on a range of sources including newspaper articles, journals, submissions to the NZ Terrorism (Bombings and Financing) Bill, interviews with defence and security experts, ministerial reports. Hansard, and relevant texts on terrorism. Findings highlight the challenging perceptions of new-age terrorism, the wide-ranging terrorist targets vital to the well-being of nations, the silent and merciless lethality of biological terrorism, the growing NZ involvement in counterterrorism, and issues surrounding state security versus human rights.Item The impact of security on Philippine tourism : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University(Massey University, 2004) Dela Cruz, Josephine AndresThis study investigates the nexus between security and tourism within the development context within political structures and institutions examining specifically the impacts of security issues on the tourism industry of the Philippines. The latest global security events and the country's volatile security situation caused by political instability issues, terrorism and incidence of crime have together posed serious threats to the government's efforts to promote the country as a premiere tourist destination While tourism may be perceived by many social science and development writers as just a western mechanism to propagate capitalism, it has, for most Third World countries like the Philippines, nevertheless contributed significantly to their economies in terms of foreign exchange earnings, taxes and jobs generated. In examining the impact of security events and issues on Philippine tourism, a quantitative analysis which compared arrivals before and after security events led to the finding that terrorism caused the biggest declines. The fieldwork results which were based on surveys of tourists (both foreign and domestic), hotel management staff, and officials from government and the industry itself also led to a similar proposition that terrorism has affected travel decisions more than political instability and crime. However, fieldwork also revealed that internal conflicts caused by clashes between the government and Muslim and communist rebels have influenced tourists' choice of tourist destinations both in the countries they travel to and among the destinations in the Philippines. While political instability and incidents of crime within the Philippines did not seriously concern tourists on the whole, problems of corruption and a perceived weak government system to solve local security incidents have surfaced indicating the need for strategies to address problems within political institutions and structures. There were also differences in perceptions of fear and security between foreign and domestic tourists, and also among foreign tourists of different nationalities. Considering these observed perception levels in promoting tourism to these different groups may be more effective in attracting tourists to the country. This study concludes that Philippine tourism can recover from the consequences of both global and local security events provided that the government imposes stricter and more effective security systems, engages in more effective promotional strategies which target particular nationalities, and continues to cooperate with its ASEAN neighbors and international organizations like the WTO and WTTC to resolve security issues at hand. Utilization of risk management plans and crisis management plans implemented by countries that were affected by security problems in the past should provide some valuable means to the Philippines, and any other country with security problems. Overall, a combination of factors such as the active involvement of the Philippines in regional activities, constant dialogues with rebel forces and other insurgent groups, prosecution of perpetuators of terrorist acts and crimes, and a government of good integrity will enable tourism to lead to development.Item Beyond the corners of our whare : a conceptual Māori response to state surveillance in Aotearoa New Zealand : an exegesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Creative Arts(Massey University, 2015) Te Tau, TerriThis exegesis is a response to surveillance undertaken during ‘Operation 8,’ an anti-terror investigation carried out by the New Zealand Police in 2007. As an artist within the community subjected to the surveillance action, I was motivated to explore how an interdisciplinary arts practice, informed by Māori concepts and cosmo-genealogy, might respond to state surveillance. Power relations and surveillance are examined by juxtaposing a Māori world-view against state sanctioned surveillance of its citizens. A creative practice-based inquiry was utilised to explore intersections and differences between these two perspectives. The creative components of this research project comprise a science fiction literary component, sculpture, installation and video. The project is informed by art and literature that positions the research within the local but contextualised against global developments in surveillance. Māori concepts of mana, tapu, mauri, whanaungatanga and mana motuhake with a primary focus on hau provide a foundation for this research guided by the whakataukī (proverb): ‘He kokonga whare e kitea, he kokonga ngākau e kore e kitea.’ The corners of a house can be seen, the corners of the heart cannot be seen. When viewed within the context of surveillance the whakataukī asks how we are affected when the intimate private lives of individuals and community – the corners of the house - are visible to those with whom we have no direct relationship. The second aspect of the whakataukī refers to those attributes that are unseen. The qualities that surveillance technology cannot quantify; internal feelings and intentions. The heart as a hidden space is explored in this exegesis as a site of resistance, where the capacity of surveillance technique to interpret values of an individual and community are questioned.Item State failure in the South Pacific and its implications for New Zealand security policy : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Defence Studies at Massey University(Massey University, 2007) Wootton, Stuart I. JThe concept of state failure is complex, encompassing many aspects of the decline in a state, from its institutional and political capacities, to its social cohesion and economic performance. In the South Pacific, the term "failing" has been used to describe the Solomon Islands before the regional assistance mission RAMSI intervened. Its continued use to describe other countries in the region, such as Papua New Guinea or Fiji is controversial, mainly because the states of the South Pacific are generally considered much more peaceful than those in other regions labelled failing. Importantly, the geographical nature of the region itself provides a vastly different strategic context to African and European failing states which are often situated in landlocked geographies. It follows on that if Pacific Island states do experience aspects of failure (as opposed to being completely collapsed or failed) then their incapacities would breed unique security implications for the South Pacific region. This thesis aims to discern what those implications are for New Zealand policy in the South Pacific region. The method used will be to assess seven countries (Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, the Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu) and their degree to which they measure up against twelve indicators of state failure. These indicators have been borrowed from the Fund for Peace's annual Failed States Index (with their permission) and they provide the structure for the assessment.Item Discord in the desert : Egypt's Sinai Peninsula in the aftermath of the Arab spring : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Defence and Strategic Studies at Massey University, Manawatu, New Zealand(Massey University, 2015) Swale, Dan BradleyThe Sinai Peninsula’s security environment has altered significantly since President Mubarak’s overthrow in January 2011. Though Sinai has a history of militant Islamism, prior to 2011 violence was uncommon and limited in scope. Today, conflict is widespread and described by commentators as an insurgency. Violence has increased in frequency and is qualitatively different. Violence has also spilt beyond Sinai, affecting not just Egypt, but Israel and the wider region. This thesis maps how the Arab Spring has affected Sinai’s security environment. This is important as continued security deterioration demonstrates that Egypt’s actions there have failed. To explain why, this thesis provides a framework for understanding the security environment’s principal actors: Egypt, Israel, Gaza, militant Islamists and the Bedouin. Mapping Sinai’s security environment explains the nature of post-Mubarak changes and how these actors influenced these changes. The thesis demonstrates that regardless of the government in Cairo, Egypt’s military has controlled Sinai’s security and has viewed it through a solely security-based lens. To map the causes of these changes this thesis considers three themes. First, it demonstrates how Mubarak-era marginalisation of Sinai’s Bedouin politically, economically and socially has continued following the Arab Spring. Such marginalisation distances the Bedouin from the Egyptian state, and creates an environment susceptible to militant Islamism. Second, the thesis shows that Egyptian-Israeli security cooperation in Sinai has reached its zenith post-Arab Spring, with Israel allowing Egyptian re-militarisation of Sinai to combat militant Islamists. This thesis also argues that any approach that ignores the economic needs of the Bedouin and Gaza’s population will fail, with Bedouin’s reliance on the Egypt-Gaza tunnel trade distancing them economically from the Egyptian authorities. Last, whilst explaining the varied backgrounds of Sinai’s militant Islamists, this thesis demonstrates that the iii post-Morsi intensification of violence results from a coalescence of goals between militants and the Bedouin. Egypt’s current security-centric ‘separate, silence and neutralise’ strategy will not succeed. Whilst requiring military force tailored for counter-insurgency, Egypt’s strategy must include Bedouin economic development that integrates rather than isolates Gaza. Commencing at the governorate level, this must be combined with Bedouin political and social integration within the Egyptian state.Item Focusing New Zealand's approach to maritime domain security : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, New Zealand(Massey University, 2014) Blades, MichaelAlthough New Zealand is a nation with a maritime setting, it does not have a clearly-focused approach to maritime domain security. Instead, the country’s approach to maritime security has developed in an ad hoc manner; the result of legacy issues and an apparent lack of understanding of strategic maritime imperatives. New Zealand has laid claim to a significant portion of the maritime region within which it is located. However, this thesis argues that there are compelling reasons why New Zealand’s approach to maritime domain security needs to be refocused. There is thus a need to refocus away from the arguably short-term interests that are currently viewed as the priority, towards a more strategic approach that seeks to protect New Zealand’s less tangible – but more important – long-term interests. Drawing heavily on the Australian experience as a comparison model, this thesis contends that the architecture and structure of New Zealand’s maritime security ‘sector’ must be reviewed and that New Zealand should develop a more holistic approach to its future maritime security needs; for example incorporating traditional security agencies as well as other relevant non-security focused players in the maritime domain – both government and non-government. Furthermore, this comprehensive approach should be supported by the creation of an overarching maritime strategy, reflecting New Zealand’s long-term strategic interests and encompassing a joint, whole-of-government, whole-of-nation (i.e. encompassing non-government entities) approach. The creation of an overarching maritime strategy, coupled with a holistic approach – focused on long-term strategic interests – would significantly enhance New Zealand’s maritime domain security into the future.Item Blueprint for defence : Labour-Alliance defence policy and the Inquiry into defence beyond 2000 : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Defence and Strategic Studies at Massey University(Massey University, 2001) Krogt, Francis van derNew Zealand's defence policies and the New Zealand Defence Force's (NZDF) military capabilities have long been the subject of vigorous public debate. At the centre of the debate have been questions over the need to retain military capabilities usually associated primarily with fighting wars, rather than performing tasks of a lower intensity. This debate reaches a crescendo whenever these capabilities require restoration or upgrading. In the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, the plans to replace the Royal New Zealand Navy's Leander class frigates with ANZAC class frigates and the Royal New Zealand Air Force's Skyhawk fighters with F-16s occasioned some of the most sustained and bitter disagreements that New Zealand has ever seen. Underlying the debate over capabilities are deeper divisions over a range of issues, such as the appropriate role for the NZDF when the odds in the short to medium term of an attack on New Zealand are so slight. Defence policy statements under successive National-led Governments during the 1990s argued that despite the absence of a military threat, New Zealand's defence policy should be premised on the possibility that a serious military contingency affecting New Zealand's interests could occur well before New Zealand could raise forces to meet the threat - hence the need to retain the widest possible range of options even in times of relative peace.2 2 New Zealand Ministry of Defence, 1996 Defence Assessment, Wellington, 1996, pp.1, 23. It was further argued that other useful objectives would be met by this policy. Critics of this position argue that defence policy would be eminently more useful if it were to concentrate on meeting challenges and performing tasks that can be more confidently expected in the short to medium term. Peacekeeping is often said to be foremost among these tasks. [From the introduction]Item Global defence industry and the Asia-Pacific region : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Defence Studies at Massey University, Manawatu, New Zealand(Massey University, 2012) Ortiz Torrenova, Juan CarlosDefence industries have become an essential component of nations' security. This dynamic sector has experienced constant transformations since the Second World War. In recent years large national and transnational defence firms have emerged through processes of mergers and acquisitions; dual-use technologies are becoming crucial in the development of modern weapons systems; and the phenomenon of globalisation is increasing the production interdependence among nations. These new trends, however, have not altered the hierarchical structure of the global defence industry, where a reduced group of nations have a dominant role in the production, innovation and transfer of weapons systems. The decline of their domestic markets has spurred exportation strategies resulting in an increasingly competitive global arms market. The latter may facilitate some nations to develop their defence industrial bases through the transfer of technology associated with weapons systems imports; however may also exacerbate the security dilemma and the proliferation of weapons, producing a detrimental impact on regional stability. Both problems may be ameliorated through cooperative security initiatives such as arms control, and confidence and security building measures. The study of defence industries has generally been approached from an economic perspective, relating to nations? military spending and arms trade. The less commonly used security approach addresses the security threats that stimulate the development of arms industries and the potential effects that these may have on the security dilemma. The present study examines the global defence industry and the relations between the major arms producers and importers, the implications of the global defence industry on the security dilemma; and the prospects of arms control policies in the prevention of arms proliferation. The Asia-Pacific region is used to centre the analysis through four case studies: Singapore, Indonesia, South Korea and China, as the defence industries and military capabilities of these nations are currently experiencing substantial development, supported by the rapid growth of their economies. A comparative analysis demonstrates a lack of commitment to collective security strategies within the Asia-Pacific region which is resulting in the proliferation of arms and potentiating the effects of the security dilemma, with major implications for regional and global security.Item The exclusive economic zone : an instrument of national security? : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Defence and Strategic Studies at Massey University, Manawatu, New Zealand(Massey University, 2012) Swan, Christopher DavidNew Zealand‘s exclusive economic zone is one or the world‘s largest, and is disproportionately large compared to New Zealand‘s terrestrial claim. This maritime claim promises the benefit of perpetual resource exploitation, and potentially forms a useful buffer in the defence of New Zealand‘s terrestrial claims. As such, it would seem reasonable to consider the exclusive economic zone to be an instrument of national security. However, is this claim assured and are the expected benefits being realised? This thesis examines New Zealand‘s maritime claims in the context of national security. To achieve this, it analyses the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and then comparatively assesses New Zealand‘s claims in the context of the New Zealand national security framework. It also examines the legitimacy and assurance of those claims. Finally, the thesis examines the contribution to national security provided by the exclusive economic zone. In doing so, it identifies an unexpected threat to New Zealand‘s national security, related to the manner in which New Zealand manages matters of strategic importance.