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    Experts are back in fashion – now more than ever we need to question them
    (The Conversation Media Group Ltd, 2020-05-18) Shaw R
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    Clearing the ground : historical sociology and the State in Aotearoa/New Zealand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology at Massey University
    (Massey University, 1995) Speight, Emma Katharine
    This thesis attempts to "clear the ground" for the socio-historical study of the state in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The rationale for this type of reflexive or "meta-level" study is a) that the existing substantive literature remains somewhat under-theorised, and b) that the complexity of current sociological debates is such as to perhaps raise doubts about their applicability to concrete social formations. In this work, I try to develop a critical pathway through some of these problematic theoretical areas, showing how in spite of their considerable complexity, there are ways of coherently and usefully managing the general issues. In that spirit of optimism, I go on to develop ideas about how my preferred theoretical perspectives might be "applied" within the context of New Zealand history. The study has three main phases. Initially, I map the field of historical sociology, indicating my preference for a realist philosophical basis and a critical-pluralist theoretical approach. Then I tackle some of the key definitional and analytic questions around "the state" as a domain of study for the historical sociologist. Surveying the debate between society-centred and state-centred approaches, and between monocausal and pluralist explanatory frameworks, I articulate a neo-Gramscian model of analysis derived from the work of Stuart Hall and Bill Schwarz. Finally, taking elements of this model into my own field of empirical and political interest, I show, using a selection of existing analytical texts on the history of Aotearoa/New Zealand, how this preferred perspective can provide an improved overview of state formation in this country. It also, I hope, contributes to the impetus of post-colonial reflection on our political past and future.
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    Political education in a democracy : a philosophical examination of some interpretations of political education in New Zealand
    (Massey University, 1978) Shone, Susan Mary
    'Political Education' in a Democracy, A philosophical examination of some interpretations of 'political education' in New Zealand. This thesis seeks to examine formal, informal and non-formal aspects of 'political education' in New Zealand. There is not only an attempt to expose political components of what is apparently an apolitical or non-political school system, but also to explore politically-educative characteristics of other agencies. Its aim is to clarify the relationships between politics and education. The first chapter examines the word 'democracy' and tries to discover the kinds of functions which a democratic society might require of its education system. The idea that political education occupies a key role in the continuance of democracy is advanced, and the adequacy of New Zealand education in relation to meeting the necessary requirements is evaluated. Further chapters deal with four possible interpretations of 'political education' in a democracy. Chapter two is concerned with the transmission of tradition and conformity. Chapter three deals with the maintenance of the system - how education serves as a recruiting agency. The fourth Chapter looks at 'political' aspects of civics and citizenship education, while Chapter five discusses political skills and knowledge - both their importance to a democratic system and their manifestation in New Zealand society. Running through the examination of these 'possible interpretations' is an evaluation of them in relation to democratic practices and ideals. In the final chapter, it is suggested that in terms of the requirements of democratic society in a rapidly changing world, New Zealand's 'political education' might be seen as both inadequate and unsatisfactory. It is recommended that greater emphasis be placed on the development of political skills and knowledge in the school system.
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    The politics of nostalgia : the petty-bourgeoisie and the extreme right in New Zealand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Massey University
    (Massey University, 1986) Spoonley, Paul
    From the early 1970s, extreme right-wing groups began to proliferate in New Zealand and to contribute to public debate. These groups represent one response to the growing politicisation of racial and gender issues, a discontent at the trends in modern capitalism and a nostalgia for the unity and certainty that is seen as epitomising the immediate post-war period. Poulantzas identifies these groups as primarily petty-bourgeois in origin and this class link constitutes a central focus of this thesis. It is argued that the old or traditional petty-bourgeoisie are a declining class fraction who exhibit reactionary tendencies. Their form of petty-commodity production, both rural and urban, is threatened by the development of the corporate economy, exemplified by the interventionist state and the growing size and centralisation of monopoly capital. The resulting decrease in petty-bourgeois positions produces a crisis of confidence as the reproduction of small-scale production is no longer guaranteed. The marginal position of the old petty-bourgeoisie is further confirmed by the absence of political influence. They feel unable to halt the growing 'moral decadence' of recent decades because they lack the political power of capital or labour, or that of expanding class fractions such as the new petty-bourgeoisie. Radical right-wing groups are an expression of these class concerns. The old petty-bourgeoisie have not always identified with reactionary political organisations. Their support was an important factor in the election of the Labour Government in 1935. But during the 1930s, they articulated an ideology that perceived speculative capital, and Jews, as an important cause in financial decline. This world-view was reproduced intact into the 1970s. At this point, a general economic recession emphasised the problems faced by petty-commodity production and the contribution of the old petty-bourgeoisie to moral debates on 'race', gender and peace issues was increasingly superseded by post-war generations and movements. Also, the traditional party of this fraction, Social Credit, experienced a change in leadership in 1972 that marked a rejection of 1930s arguments. Extreme right-wing groups were established to articulate petty-bourgeois concerns and to counter weak representational links with conservative political parties. The ideology and political style of these groups is described in detail. Case studies of the League of Rights, the Country Party and Tax Reduction Integrity Movement/Zenith Applied Philosophy are provided, along with profiles of key activists. The class base of these organisations is confirmed by the contrast with working class neo-fascism and forms of conservatism such as the New Zealand Party. An international comparison involving the United Kingdom, Australia and Canada identifies the specific tendencies of the New Zealand situation. The final section discusses the prognosis for extreme right-wing groups in a situation of crisis. The analysis centres on three questions: (1) in order to widen its constituency, are alliances with other classes or fractions possible; (2) is mass fascism a possibility; (3) are the old petty-bourgeoisie a significant or authentic social force. The thesis concludes that extreme right-wing groups are an expression of petty-bourgeois revolt and they constitute one of the most important examples of reactionary politics with an impact on contemporary social relations and debates.
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    Neoliberal Reason and the Displacement of Politics [William Davies, The Limits of Neoliberalism: Authority, Sovereignty and the Logic of Competition (revised edition) London: SAGE, 2017, 248 pp]
    (Counterfutures, 11/06/2019) Phelan S
    The last decade has seen the publication of many excellent books about neoliberalism that have challenged some of the glib stereotypes that attach themselves to the term. One of the most acclaimed has been William Davies’s 2014 book The Limits of Neoliberalism, and justifiably so. The book has already been published in revised edition in 2017, with a new preface reassessing the argument in light of the Euro-American political dislocations of 2016. A co-director of the Political Economy Research Centre at Goldsmiths, University of London, Davies has been a prolific author since the publication of the 2014 edition, publishing two more books that have given him a readership well beyond the academy, and becoming a regular contributor to publications like The Guardian, London Review of Books, and The New York Times. The praise for The Limits of Neoliberalism has been near universal. The writer and journalist Paul Mason cited it in 2018 as one of the five books that best explain the condition of the Left today. According to Mason, it sums up the way in which the ‘modern left’ has come to think about neoliberalism, particularly the reinvigorated Left programme of the UK Labour party under Jeremy Corbyn.
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    'Just doing their job?' Journalism, online critique and the political resignation of Metiria Turei
    (SAGE Publications, 18/03/2019) Phelan S; Salter LA
    Abstract When Metiria Turei resigned as co-leader of the Green party of Aotearoa New Zealand in August 2017, there was clear disagreement about the role played by journalism in her resignation. The controversy began after Turei confessed to not disclosing full information to the authorities about her personal situation as a welfare recipient in the 1990s. Journalists insisted they were simply ‘doing their job’ by interrogating Turei’s story, while online supporters accused the media of hounding her. This article examines the media politics of the controversy by putting Carlson’s concept of metajournalistic discourse into theoretical conversation with Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, especially their concept of antagonism. We explore what the case says about traditional journalistic authority in a media system where journalism is increasingly vulnerable to online critique from non-journalists.