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Now showing 1 - 9 of 9
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    Experts are back in fashion – now more than ever we need to question them
    (The Conversation Media Group Ltd, 2020-05-18) Shaw R
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    Conflicting power paradigms in Samoa's "traditional democracy" : from tension to a process of harmonisation? : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at Massey University, Albany, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2020) La'alaai-Tausa, Christina
    This research argues that the tension evident between western democracy and Samoa’s traditional leadership of Fa’amatai has led to a power struggle due to the inability of the government to offer thorough civic education through dialectical exchange, proper consultation, discussion and information sharing with village council leaders and their members. It also argues that Fa’amatai are being disadvantaged as the government and the democratic system is able to manipulate cultural practices and protocols to suit their political needs, whereas village councils are not recognized or acknowledged by the democratic system (particularly the courts), despite cultural guidelines and village laws providing stability for communities and the country. In addition, it claims that, despite western academics’ arguments that Samoa’s traditional system is a barrier to a fully-fledged democracy, Samoa’s Fa’amatai in theory and practice in fact proves to be more democratic than the democratic status quo. Furthermore, this study suggests that both systems can be harmonized through the process of ‘Architectonics’, whereby the excellence of democracy depends on the excellence of Fa’amatai and vice versa. In doing so, it reveals that Samoa’s political status is that of a “traditional democracy”, a blend of democratic and Samoan traditional intricacies which need each other to ensure their relevancy, legitimacy and longevity within Samoan society. This study makes a contribution to the field of Pacific politics. In particular- it speaks to the democratization paradigm that continues to occupy the thinking of many scholars and the work of many national, regional and international agencies. The study concerns the state of Samoa’s democracy and its relevance in traditional society (and vice versa) and investigates how it could be improved - potentially resolving some of the contradictions and barriers to a democratic model that is Samoan, sustainable and equitable. Moreover, the choice of using Samoa as a case study may also perhaps inform the processes of other neighbouring Pacific countries similarly experiencing a tension between the western notion and system of democracy and that of traditional leadership within local Society
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    "A dialogue of deliberated uncertainty" : an interpretation of religious pluralism within the context of democracy : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Religious Studies at Massey University
    (Massey University, 2000) Harper, Dian Merrilyn
    When Race, the editor of World Faiths Encounter, launched the journal in 1992 he indicated that "the mixed contents" were "intended to aid many kinds of dialogue." He spoke of this in terms of an encounter which he perceived as a "many sided endeavour... [that] requires openness, respect and receptivity to whatever comes." 1 Race, Alan, "Launching a Journal". World Faiths Encounter. Number 1, [March, 1992] page 2. The focus of this thesis is to investigate one aspect of that encounter, the nature of religious pluralism within the context of democracy and its resolution within the concept of "process pluralism". In line with this intention, the key statements in several selected articles, those relevant to the topic of "Religion in Democracy and Democracy in Religion." from World Faiths Encounter have been identified and catalogued using an adapted version of Race's familiar delineation of exclusivism, inclusivism and pluralism. These results are recorded in a database [appendix 1] that has been constructed for this purpose. This analysis has been useful to get a preliminary idea of where the writers are in terms of their investment in pluralism but its main function has been to identify questions, arising from the key statements of each, that relate directly to pluralism in the context of democracy. Each of these questions is addressed in a series of reports that make up the main body of the thesis. While each report follows its own separate enquiry, all of the reports also contain within their conclusion a further common question: How do the observations made in this paper contribute to a profile of process pluralism? The various answers to this common question make up the final report of the thesis and address the question of what is meant by the thesis title, "A Dialogue of Deliberated Uncertainty." It is suggested that this report be read first to provide an overview of what is to follow and to "come to grips" at once with what is meant by the concept of "process pluralism" that is introduced and developed in the thesis.
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    Globalization and democratization in Thailand : structural and agential roles in political and economic change : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Politics at Massey University
    (Massey University, 2004) Quayle, Linda
    This thesis examines recent developments in Thailand's democratization process against the backdrop of economic and political globalization. It assesses the structural constraints and opportunities created by these forces, and the agential possibilities for managing them in a way that is consistent with democratization. The structural environment of economic globalization has had highly contradictory effects on Thai democratization, in some instances helping and in others hindering. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's agential response to economic globalization does, however, have the potential to improve the climate for democratization. By offering alternative strategies for the management of this environment, and by prioritizing economic growth and redistribution, he has increased the options available to voters, and may be helping to avoid the economic problems that can undermine confidence in electoral democracy. The structural environment of political globalization has likewise had mixed effects. Thailand has historically proved adept at adapting to changing global norms, and this openness has probably impacted positively on its democratization process. At the same time, however, it is an orientation that may have exacerbated Thailand's tendency to promote élite democracy, and stifled the search for indigenous democratic forms. Thaksin's agential responses to the political aspects of globalization do not appear to be favourable to deepening democratization. His impatience with what he perceives as the intrusion of the global community, his adherence to outmoded versions of sovereignty, and his failure to promote a global/local balance in the political realm combine to form policies that are unlikely to help Thailand take best advantage of international democratic networks. This thesis argues the need to emphasize local solutions if Thailand's democratization process is to be protected in the context of a partially globalized world. Thaksin, albeit inadequately, has pointed the way toward these in the economic realm, but the pursuit of equivalent political solutions seems to be hampered by the power behind the projection of current global democratic norms, and by the difficulty of mediating between "top-down" and "bottom-up" democracy agendas in Thailand. Agential choice can make a difference here. But for this to happen, it is not only Thai agents who need a more inclusive and visionary democratic agenda. Changes in perspective are also needed by the most powerful agents in the global community – the world's most globalized, most wealthy, and most influential states.
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    Political education in a democracy : a philosophical examination of some interpretations of political education in New Zealand
    (Massey University, 1978) Shone, Susan Mary
    'Political Education' in a Democracy, A philosophical examination of some interpretations of 'political education' in New Zealand. This thesis seeks to examine formal, informal and non-formal aspects of 'political education' in New Zealand. There is not only an attempt to expose political components of what is apparently an apolitical or non-political school system, but also to explore politically-educative characteristics of other agencies. Its aim is to clarify the relationships between politics and education. The first chapter examines the word 'democracy' and tries to discover the kinds of functions which a democratic society might require of its education system. The idea that political education occupies a key role in the continuance of democracy is advanced, and the adequacy of New Zealand education in relation to meeting the necessary requirements is evaluated. Further chapters deal with four possible interpretations of 'political education' in a democracy. Chapter two is concerned with the transmission of tradition and conformity. Chapter three deals with the maintenance of the system - how education serves as a recruiting agency. The fourth Chapter looks at 'political' aspects of civics and citizenship education, while Chapter five discusses political skills and knowledge - both their importance to a democratic system and their manifestation in New Zealand society. Running through the examination of these 'possible interpretations' is an evaluation of them in relation to democratic practices and ideals. In the final chapter, it is suggested that in terms of the requirements of democratic society in a rapidly changing world, New Zealand's 'political education' might be seen as both inadequate and unsatisfactory. It is recommended that greater emphasis be placed on the development of political skills and knowledge in the school system.
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    Contaminated democracy : a discourse analysis of the submissions to the Royal Commission on Genetic Modification : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology at Massey University
    (Massey University, 2003) Tucker, Corrina Adele
    This thesis investigated the practice of democracy in the Royal Commission of Genetic Modification, using a constructivist discourse methodology that drew on Mannhiem's sociology of knowledge, with a critical analysis of institutional power. Conflicting worldviews materialised in the sampled Royal Commission submissions, revealing a vast majority of submissions united by a vision of a 'GE-free' New Zealand. This majority stance was however pushed aside, with views expressed in the largely pro-GM Interested Person submissions proving dominant, contaminating the ideal of democracy. The Interested Person submissions are however more complex. A century old bureaucratic legislation promoted the contamination of democracy. Section 4A of the Commission of Inquiry Act 1908 excluded individuals and various groups from being heard by the Royal Commission on Genetic Modification. A consequence of such excluding was that the Royal Commission report presented a skewed analysis of the Interested Person submissions, unjustly favouring a pro-GM stance.
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    The Internet and the public sphere : a critical analysis of the possibility of online discourse enhancing deliberative democracy : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology at Massey University
    (Massey University, 2000) Dahlberg, Lincoln James
    The advent of the Internet has prompted a range of arguments about the political significance of new communications technologies. Some claim that the Internet offers a means by which to facilitate deliberative democracy. Such arguments point to an affinity between cyber-interactions and the notion of the public sphere. The two-way, decentralized communications of cyberspace are held to constitute sites of rational deliberation that are autonomous from state and economic interests. This thesis examines the extent to which the Internet does in fact enhance the public sphere and identifies ways in which it can be enabled to do so more effectively. Existing Internet practices are compared with a normative conception of the public sphere that draws upon Habermas' theory of communicative action and his analysis of the relations between system and lifeworld. Investigation at the system's level shows that state and corporate interests have placed extensive restrictions upon Internet access and autonomy. However, despite such restrictions many thousands of people continue to interact through non-commercial and non-governmental online spaces. Analysis of these everyday interactions identifies tendencies that facilitate the extension of the public sphere at large. These tendencies are further encouraged by a number of Internet projects that explicitly attempt to promote deliberative democracy. Through case study analysis, I show how such initiatives are able to structure online discourse to more fully approximate the public sphere conception. Unfortunately, participants within these online deliberative fora are representative of no more than a small and privileged sector of the offline population. Moreover, online discursive spaces are increasingly sidelined or incorporated by commercialized and privatized forms of interaction and political practice. In order to overcome such impediments, we must foster the political will towards deliberation that already exists within both cyber-interactions and the wider civil society. If the present Internet is to enhance the public sphere, online rational discourse must be protected, resourced, and linked to offline deliberative publics.
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    Causes of corruption : an empirical investigation in a cross-country framework : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosphy in Economics, Massey University, Turitea campus, Palmerston North, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2009) Saha, Shrabani
    In recent years corruption has come to be considered as a pervasive phenomenon, and a major obstacle in the process of economic development. However, there exist few studies that discuss the factors that cause corruption and why some countries are more corrupt than others. This research contributes to that rather scanty literature and focuses on the causes of corruption. More importantly, the study empirically investigates various causes of corruption, in particular the role of economic development, democracy and economic freedom in explaining the observed variations in corruption across countries, and the nexus between democracy and economic freedom in combating corruption. The study first tests the reliability of the recent quantitative innovations in the study of corruption in terms of the Corruption Perception Index, constructed by Transparency International. Using theoretical and empirical analysis, various hypotheses regarding corruption and its determinants are examined using panel data for 100 countries during the period 1995 to 2004. The empirical findings show that the subjective indexing process of corruption perception eventually converges to a common consensus. In evaluating the relationship between economic development and corruption, the results suggest that income per capita, education, unemployment, income inequality, economic freedom and democracy are among the factors which determine and help explain the cross-country differences in corruption. Furthermore, the assessment of the relationship between democracy and corruption shows that an ‘electoral democracy’, represented by ‘political rights’, is not in itself sufficient to reduce corruption. Instead, for low levels of corruption to exist, the presence of an advanced fully-formed mature democracy is required. A characteristic of a mature democracy is the existence of an environment where the probability of being caught, if acting corruptly, is very high. In addition, the examination of the interaction between economic freedom and democracy suggests that economic freedom reduces corruption in any political environment, and the effect is substantially larger with a high level of democracy. The interesting and important findings of the analysis indicate that there exists a non-linear relationship between corruption and the level of income as well as democracy. The findings suggest that developed countries have succeeded in controlling corruption through higher levels of economic development along with the economic and political freedoms that their peoples enjoy.