Massey Documents by Type

Permanent URI for this communityhttps://mro.massey.ac.nz/handle/10179/294

Browse

Subject: search.filters.subject.440804 Defence studies

Search Results

Now showing 1 - 10 of 11
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    The nexus of human security and militarisation : a case study of Balochistan, Pakistan : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, Wellington, New Zealand. EMBARGOED until 31 October 2028.
    (Massey University, 2025-10-16) Tareen, Mati Ullah
    This research explores the nexus of human security and militarisation by taking natural resource rich Balochistan in Pakistan as a case study. The literature has often found that natural-resource-rich regions in developing countries have the highest levels of human security challenges. External and domestic actors converge to form structures that exploit these regions, marginalise the local population and have encouraged the local people to armed resistance. However, the literature ignores the fact that each region should be investigated to understand its own contextual and historical factors to address these challenges, which is the focus of this thesis. The concept of “political security” within the construct of human security serves a theoretical framework in this research to investigate the factors that promote or demote militarisation and human security challenges. Political security as a concept provides a comprehensive approach that is especially relevant in the context of Balochistan’s vulnerability in the geopolitical and geoeconomic sense. This research extends the boundaries of political security in three dimensions. Political autonomy security explores the role of constitutional, administrative, and financial rights within the formal and informal governance structure of the state. Political identity security explores the socio-cultural norms of the indigenous ethnic population in analysing the historical, domestic, and external factors that may impact political processes in a positive or negative way. Political interest security explores the role of national, provincial, and local politicians/parties; tribal leaders; and social movements in advocating political, social, and economic security. This research adopted a qualitative approach by taking Balochistan and one of its cities, Gwadar, as a case study. Balochistan’s geopolitical and geoeconomic significance, rich in natural resources and its lower human security indicators are the reasons for taking it as a case study. Gwadar was taken as a sub-case study because of its importance in China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects. The research conducted 25 semi-structured in-depth interviews with people in six different groups, including bureaucrats, politicians, academics, tribal leaders, judiciary, and commerce. By using the process tracing method, which traces an event through its cause-and-effect relationships, the research conducted a historical analysis, constitutional analysis, and a policy document analysis to complement the primary data. To understand political autonomy security, this research aimed to analyse how the politics of centralisation and decentralisation in Pakistan’s constitutions have impacted political security in Balochistan. The research found that political autonomy security is compromised because of Balochistan’s location and its associated geopolitical and geoeconomic vulnerability in the colonial and post-colonial eras. Therefore, Balochistan has always been run by a centralised governance system. Through delays in the constitution making and getting the status of a province, Balochistan experienced a controlled political process historically, increasing the role of the military to establish control and eventually leading to the lower human and financial resource capacity of its provincial and local governments. The government and militants both use political, financial, and social narratives to advance their perspective. After the 18th Amendment of the constitution in 2010, Balochistan received more financial and institutional autonomy. However, because of a lack of human resources at the provincial level and a lack of devolution of power to the local government level, human security issues have not been improved. To understand political identity security, this research aimed to analyse how Balochistan’s ethnic groups are recognised in the multiethnic post-colonial state. The research found a trust deficit between Balochistan and the central government which compromises the identity of the indigenous population. This trust deficit has developed a fear of demographic changes, as evident in Gwadar as a result of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects. The identity of the ethnic groups tied to the territory is considered a matter of grace and honour explaining their historical roots, cultural, and social norms, which has been ignored. Therefore, this research emphasised acknowledging Balochistan’s political identity in conceptualising political security that recognises the indigenous people’s sense of ownership over their land. This conceptualisation helps develop human security and discourage militarisation. To understand political interest security, this research aimed to analyse the role and impact of tribalism and interest groups on political security. The research found that the political groups and parties at the national and provincial level made alliances with the governments and the military to achieve their mutual political and financial objectives, making a way for this nexus to impact the domestic politics of Balochistan. The research shows that this nexus existed in both colonial and post-colonial Balochistan. However, this nexus and a policy of strict control have negatively impacted the development of individuals’ human security and have led to the marginalisation of Baloch. The research shows that Gwadar exhibits a new dimension of Balochistan’s politics, where the political interest is widely based on challenges to city’s development and local issues. The emergence of social movements in Gwadar have shaped contemporary politics and narratives. This thesis concluded that these three dimensions of political security are fundamental to understand and promote to realise human security challenges in Balochistan. These three dimensions of political security are complex and tightly interlinked but addressing these dimensions will help the country to counter the external and internal challenges entrenching marginalisation and promoting militarisation in Balochistan. This thesis contributes to knowledge of political security in analysing post-colonial multiethnic states by exploring the perspective of indigenous people. The research identifies gaps in top-down policies in Balochistan which need to be addressed systematically through a political security lens.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    The Wellington protest, 2022 : signs of franchised fascism in New Zealand : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2024) Fairhall, Zachary
    This thesis critically examines various signs displayed over the course of the February/March 2022 anti-lockdown protest, which convoyed from around the country to Wellington and occupied Parliament grounds for three weeks, resulting in significant disruption to the city damage to Parliament grounds, and injuries to Police officers. I collected and collated images of these signs before analysing the signs’ language in order to better understand the form of socio-political movement this protest constitutes. I argue the signs of the Wellington Protest convey strong evidence of fascist language and sentiments, show transnational connections with other anti-government protest movements in the model of a globally connected franchise, and constitute the early stages of a fascist political movement that has potential flourish in New Zealand given the current strength of populist sentiment. However, the current evidence indicates that scholars and security professionals appear to have fundamentally misunderstood the concept and practices of fascism, and continue to underestimate the political forces revealed by the protest. Security scholars and professionals have an obligation to keep New Zealand informed of, and safe from the progenitors of political violence. By not understanding the anti-lockdown protest as part of a transnationally connected, franchise-able fascist movement, these scholars and practitioners forego important insight into the activities of relevant groups who, after the protest, establish political parties propaganda radio, and community fundraising networks.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    On the battlefield : exploring gendered experiences of being Infantry in the New Zealand Army : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, Manawatu, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2024-09-25) Brosnan, Amy
    Prompted by the question ‘why aren’t there more women in combat trades?’, this research reaches beyond this to ask about the broader gendered context of the Infantry. Bringing in the experiences of both men and women, this thesis contributes a more nuanced understanding of the gendered issues at play by identifying what factors enable or inhibit success. As such, this thesis seeks to address a gap in knowledge that currently exists with respect to the experiences of men and women working together within a hypermasculine gender integrated combat-focused unit. It does so through the conduct of a qualitative study of soldiers enlisted in the Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment (RNZIR) of the New Zealand Army (NZ Army). As this thesis will reveal, the production of ‘war-fighters’ is not an accidental or inevitable process. Infantry soldiers are socialised into certain ways of thinking and doing, and it is the performance of institutionalised habits, traditions and behaviours that makes an individual Infantry. The production of a war fighter is, therefore, a purposeful process of creating a particular type of Infantry soldier that is deemed to be most effective on the battlefield. What also becomes apparent in the course of this research, however, is that ‘success’ within Infantry is a complex concept; one which is underpinned by a specific gender performance, and which requires negotiation of a number of factors that extend beyond the professional realms of the ‘actual job’. Notwithstanding the need to produce ‘war-fighters’ this thesis argues that the way in which Infantry soldiers are produced within the NZ Army perpetuates a very specific masculine gendered ideology within the RNZIR. This ideology is based on both assumptions and understandings (and also misunderstandings) of gender, coupled with a battlefield narrative that inhibits the possibility of contesting the ‘status quo’. This thesis will illustrate that while some of the participants thrive within this context, others do not. Indeed, the gendered ideology which supports ‘the way things are done around here’ inhibits the participation (and retention) of many men and women, including men and women who exhibit the same qualities and attributes that are claimed to be necessary for Infantry success on the modern, or future, battlefield.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Making the headlines : news media discourse on terrorism in New Zealand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2024) Stanbury, Brendan Andrew Usher
    Following the Christchurch terrorist attack in March 2019, the New Zealand Government published protocols governing news media reporting during terrorist and national security events (The Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2021). By establishing these protocols, the New Zealand Government acknowledged the role news media play in the wake of a national security event, including acts of terror. While most the New Zealand research relating to media coverage of contemporary terrorism has focused on the role social media plays, particularly in terms of online radicalization, the relationship between commercial news media and terrorism is underrepresented in the New Zealand context. Through a qualitative examination of three New Zealand case studies – the 1985 bombing of the Rainbow Warrior, the 2019 Christchurch attack, and the 2021 LynnMall attack - this research examines how New Zealand news media responded during these events. Using a hybrid thematic analysis approach that initially drew on inductive and then deductive thematic processes, the research identified and examined three key factors common to each of the case studies: how the news media represented the act of terrorism; how it represented the attacker(s); and the role the news media played in shaping the State’s response. It found that while the news media is generally considered to be an impartial actor in the reporting of terrorist attacks, it is neither neutral nor passive in these instances, providing a potential platform to amplify both the terrorist’s and State’s objectives. While causation is difficult to determine, this research concludes that New Zealand news media’s engagement with terrorism has changed over time. Given the prominence of the media as one of the main conduits for public information, the media now plays a significant role in shaping public perceptions of terrorism in New Zealand, reinforcing the official Government narrative, and providing the means for the Government to generate the social licence needed to introduce reforms. By implication, news media should remain live to the political drivers at play behind official determinations of terrorism so as to remain impartial and report objectively as possible during times of high stress.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Mass atrocities and military intervention : a ripeness-based approach to the decision moment : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, Manawatū, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2023-10-25) Nelson, Brian
    Mass atrocities, commonly defined as genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, is a problem facing the world. The past, and unfortunately the present, is filled with humanitarian tragedies where violence against civilian populations resulted in mass atrocities. Difficult deliberations occur among external actors on the complex issue of when to intervene with military force to prevent or stop these mass atrocities. Although there is a comprehensive body of intervention literature on the what, why and how, there is a gap in understanding the timing of when to intervene. This question may be better understood when we apply ripeness theory from another discipline that has been used in conflict resolution to understand the conditions of when groups in conflict enter negotiations and begin to find a solution to resolve their conflict. This study builds on ripeness theory to understand the timing and favourable conditions of when to intervene. This research asks: What is the applicability of ripeness theory for understanding when to conduct a military intervention to prevent or stop mass atrocities? The research uses case studies with process tracing of interventions in Kosovo, East Timor, and Libya to investigate this question. The approach evolves ripeness theory from its traditional use in negotiation to its use in the different context of military intervention. This ripeness-based approach proposes new concepts that work together with established concepts in a framework that develops favouring conditions of when to intervene. This new way of applying ripeness theory yields a useful approach and promising results, but more research needs to be done.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Democratic transition and civil military relations in Pakistan : a constructivist account of military’s political legitimacy : a thesis submitted to the Massey University for the degree of PhD in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences. EMBARGOED to 21 January 2028.
    (Massey University, 2023-11-22) Tahira, Hafsa Tasmia
    Situated within a constructivist paradigm, this thesis challenges traditional conceptualisations of civil-military relations and the military’s dominant role in the politics of transitioning democracies, particularly in Pakistan. General Musharraf’s precipitous fall from political power and democratic transition in 2008 signaled the falling popularity and legitimacy of the military institution itself, and the subsequent dissipation of the military’s political authority in Pakistan. However, post-2008 politics in Pakistan has been characterised by consistent discursive contestation between the military and civilian institutions. The military’s struggle to order civil- military relations in which the military continues to dominate is captured in the military publications of the day. These publications attest to competition over political legitimacy; legitimacy to appropriate political authority, legitimacy to define national security, and legitimacy to ascribe and define national identity, national values, and national interests. The military discourse in these publications is saturated with instances of ideological work that support securitisation and militarisation practices. Therefore, this thesis has sought to understand and articulate those ideologies, argumentation strategies, and discursive constructions that emerged from the military publications. By doing this, this thesis provides insights into the various discourses that enable, normalise, and legitimise the military’s political practices and their potential effects on civil-military relations. It explores how the military employs various discursive and argumentation strategies to construct its political space. This thesis, thus, contributes to civil-military relations knowledge concerning the establishment of democratic control of armed forces in transitioning states.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    The role of internal balancing in response to China's military rise in the Asia-Pacific : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy at Massey University, Manawatū, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2022) Amerian, Sirous
    In Asia, alongside the increased power and threat of China as a rising power, the era of external balancing/alliance building and relying on the US is on the decline, and it is expected that states take care of their own security needs. Consequently, more states should rely on their internal and military capacities to balance against potential threats. A vast amount of realist literature has employed various theories in predicting state behaviour against powerful rivals and threats. Most such studies conclude with alliance building as their primary prescription and don’t pay much attention to internal balancing. Yet, with the points illustrated previously, this study believes external balancing alone is not enough. With the US leaving, there will be a security vacuum and countries need to take care of themselves. In a more recent iteration of neo-classical realism, the Dynamic Balancing model by Kai He and one of its hypotheses suggests that in a Uni-polar world, the current prevailing structure of the world we live in, if threats come from non-hegemonic states, the threatened states could seek help or ally with the hegemon. Still, such relations with the hegemon would be closer to bandwagoning rather than alliance building. Even if forged, this alliance would not last. Therefore, in a unipolar system, the primary strategy of non-hegemon states, the cases being studied here, would be internal balancing. This study, by employing qualitative document analysis resources, wants to investigate and test this hypothesis further by looking at middle powers, as significant players and military spenders in the region and countries that enjoy deep security and economic relations with the US, and investigate how they have approached internal balancing, specifically its military side to balance against China, and if the hypothesis suggested in this model is correct. The contribution of this study would be its attempt to study and test the Dynamic Balancing model and see how each case has performed in relation to the hypothesis.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Breaking the masculine looking glass : women as co-founders, nurturers, and executors of extremism in New Zealand : a thesis presented in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Defence and Security, Massey University, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2021) Carson, Donna
    The world of extremist violence is not wholly masculine despite presenting as such. Women are just as capable as men of embracing toxic ideologies, organized hate, and committing acts of violence. Yet when it comes to women's active presence in violent extremism (VE) and Extremism/Terrorism (E&T), general skepticism about women’s agency and free will means that any discussion will be focused on men. Focusing on the NZ environment post 9/11, this thesis presents insight into how women can, and do, participate in extreme ideologies, specifically in contemporary Islamic (IE) and Right-Wing extremism (RWE). It aims to advance conceptual foundations applicable to the NZ counter-terrorism (CT) environment and enhance public and government agency understandings. This thesis will show that the predisposition to gender profile women erases them as potential extremists (violent and non-violent) which has ramifications for national security. This erasure happens in two ways. Firstly, gendered norms and narratives that infantize or sexualize these women inspire security, legal and political responses to do the same. Secondly, it leads security frameworks to focus on men and disregard the women in their lives. Continuing to underestimate women means the more extensive and complex picture of extremism in NZ remains missing. Women's IE or RWE ideological adherence and involvement are not purely domiciliary. Framing it as such deprecates women’s contribution as actively committed co-creators of a euro supreme nation or a militant Islamic caliphate. This thesis confirms that extreme male hegemonic movements have long drawn diverse female recruits, and NZ women are not the exception. If NZ refuses to treat these women now or in the future with the same seriousness as their male counterparts, gender cynicism obscures potential national security threats. NZ needs to update its future-focused CT infrastructure to remove definitional silos and gender-blind spots because VE and E&T are ongoing global and local phenomena.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    "Paradoxical alchemy" : an examination of the New Zealand Special Operations Forces' relationships in key security networks : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, Wellington, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2021) Wharton, Miriam
    Drawing on thirty-five interviews with senior military and security personnel, this thesis investigates how the New Zealand Special Operations Forces (NZSOF) maintain their relationships across three key security networks. The three networks are the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF), the New Zealand National Security Sector (NZNSS), and the Five Special Operations Forces (5SOF). The thesis specifically focuses on how the NZSOF formally and informally engage within these network relationships. The research identifies fifteen common characteristics that the NZSOF exhibit when engaging in these relationships. It then analyses two additional overarching characteristics displayed across these three networks: commonality and utility. Once the characteristics are defined, it then examines how the seventeen relational characteristics feed into the NZSOF's relational dynamics. The thesis finds that, at times, paradoxical relationships can also occur when liminality, ambiguity, and tension manifest in these relational dynamics. The research argues that the NZSOF have two possible approaches to these paradoxes, either to resolve them through changing their relational characteristics, potentially sacrificing their relational dynamism, or they can harness their paradoxical characteristics to support their security relationships, that also potentially comes at a cost. The thesis concludes by exploring the latter option which requires the NZSOF to employ a paradoxical alchemy, to hold the tensions in balance. However, alchemy is not a simple proposition; it is an inherently complex idea that necessitates active management, creativity, and more than a little magic. This will be the future challenge for the NZSOF's contemporary security relationships.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Social media and the Islamic State : understanding the motivations for jihadi brides : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Defence and Security Studies at Massey University, New Zealand
    (Massey University, 2020) Bockholt, Megan
    This thesis examines the motivations of women who joined the Islamic State after engaging with the terrorist organisation and their supporters on social media. Public social media posts made by Aqsa Mahmood and Hoda Muthana, two western women who joined the Islamic State in 2013 and 2014, are analysed through the theoretical framework of social identity theory to determine the factors that drove them to depart for Syria to become wives and mothers for the Islamic State. From here, these common trends are considered in terms of contemporary countermeasures designed to counter terrorist recruitment on social media, to consider how effective these might have been in preventing the Islamic State's recruitment of women online.